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We are glad to have this opportunity of recording our gratitude 
to those who have lightened our labours in the preparation of this 
edition and made its publication a realized fact. 

Our thanks are due in the first place to the Provost and Fellows 
of Worcester College for their courtesy in giving us access to the 
manuscript and permission to publish it ; in the second place to 
the Delegates of the Clarendon Press for their acceptance of our 
work and for the consideration and care which they have shown in 
all the business of its production. 

Some apology is needed for the final form in which the text and 
notes of this edition appear. The work was carried through in the 
precarious leisure of many vacations, and whilst this circumstance has 
been advantageous in giving us time to mature or correct our opinions 
on various points, it has on the other hand led to some inevitable 
inconsistencies. In particular, since it was necessary for the text to be 
printed off before the Introductions and Notes were in final form, 
emendations which we should have Xvished to embody in the text 
could only be inserted in the Critical Notes. 

To our former teachers, M. Paul Meyer, Directeur de I'Ecole des 
Chartes, and M. Bemont, Directeur adjoint a I'Ecole des Hautes 
Etudes, we are under a special obligation for their recommendation of 
the work and suggestive criticism. We are also indebted for assistance 


in various ways to Mr. C. R. L. Fletcher, Miss E. E. Wardale, Dr. 
Henry Bradley, Miss Myers of Lady Margaret Hall and Miss 
Darbishire and Miss Kempson of Somerville College. 

Finally our best thanks are due to Miss Olwen Rhys for the 
generous help which she has given us throughout our labours, not 
only by placing her scholarly knowledge and critical judgement at our 
disposal, but by assisting in the lengthy task of transcribing the 
manuscript and compiling the glossary. 

Mildred K. Pope. 
Eleanor C. Lodge. 



Preface iii 

Linguistic Introduction vii 

Historical Introduction Hv 

Text i 

Translation 135 

Critical Notes 171 

Historical Notes 179 

Glossary 22a 

Index of Proper Names 237 



The Chandos Herald's Life of the Black Prince is preserved in one manuscript 
only, the property of Worcester College, Oxford. It has been twice published : 
first in 1862 by Bodley's Librarian, H. O. Coxe, for the Roxburghe Club,^ and, 
secondly, in 1883 by Francisque Michel." Coxe's edition, now out of print, gives 
a careful reproduction of the manuscript. No correction is attempted, even where 
the text is unintelligible, and the accompanying translation is very faulty. Michel 
aimed at constructing a ' critical ' text. The numerous emendations, inspired 
by his • long familiarity and intimate acquaintance with the language of the period ', 
are unfortunately based on no preliminary study of the Herald's own usage, and 
therefore render his edition valueless for linguistic purposes, while its historical 
worth is gravely diminished by the blunders of the translation and the incomplete- 
ness and inaccuracies of the notes. 

In more recent times the poem has been made the subject of a doctor's 
dissertation by Johannes Kotteritz,' who gives a careful account of Michel's 
alterations and the orthographical peculiarities of the manuscript as reproduced 
by Coxe. 


A. Phonetics, (a) Stressed Vowels. 

§ I. a. {a) The Middle French confusion of er and ar is very noticeable in the 
orthography : Barri 721, guarre 1574, Bartram 1685, varrez 2857, sarray 3131, 
ffarranz 3625, desermer 1420, atergier 1591, 2200, Nauerre 2210. The rhyme 
Edwardz : heirs 829/30 may indicate that this graphy corresponds with the 
Herald's pronunciation.^ 

{b) Before the mouillees I and n, a rhymes with e : mervaille : bataille 1331/2 ; 
faigne : Espaigne 1639/40, : montaigne 3339/40. 

' The Black Prince. An Historical Poem, writ- ^ Sprachliche und textkritische Studien znr anglo- 

ten in French, by Chandos Herald, with a translation normannischen Reimchronik vom schwarzen Prinzen. 

and notes by the Rev. Henry Octavins Coxe, M.A., Greifswald, igor. 

Sab-Librarian of the Bodleian. Printed for the * The following study is based entirely on the 

Roxburghe Club. London, 1842. rhymes and metre of the poem, excluding all con- 

^ Le Prince Noir, Poeme du H^raut d'Arme? sideration of the titles and appended list of officers 

Chandos, Texte critjqne suivi de notes par Francisque and all purely orthographical questions. 

Michel. London and Paris, 1883. ' But cf. below, p. ix, § 8. 


§ 2. ai. No rhymes in ai final or ate are found ; before consonants, single or 
in group, the reduction to e is regular: plest : ^s/ 891/2; Engleterre : gere ^11/12, 
: retrere 1565/6, : affere 1579/80 ; Labret : entreset 623/4, : en het 3349/50 ; feit : 
Navaret 2475/6 ; entette : hayette 1221/2.' 

§ 3. e. e (from Latin a free) rhymes with s before / and r : cruelle : querelle 
113/14; loiel : casteP 2265/6 ; Maguelais (MS. Maguelers) : bachelers 969/70. 

§ 4. [a] e. e blocked also rhymes with £ : hayette : entette 1221/2, s'entremet : 
Labret 3313/14, and in mettre : estre 3133/4, if the emendation is adopted. 

{b) Before / + cons, and X + cons, it rhymes with a and ia (ea) : eaux (tllos) : 
reveaux 475/6, : Burdeaux 1451/2 ; consiaux : baus 2481/2. 

§ 5. e. £ blocked diphthongizes regularly in yvier [hibernum] : yvier : chevaher 
659/60, : herbergier6g'^//if, : messagier 1459/60, &c. The borrowed word matere 
rhymes usually in e : clere 81/2, 633/4, &c., : pere 453/4, 843/4 ; if the mestiere 
of 1818 is rightly taken as mestire {magisteriuni) the doublet matire is also 

§ 6. g. Before n the distinction between e and a is consistently observed. In 
the apparent exception, pacience : vaillance 1879/80, the borrowed pacience has been 
assimilated to the older words in -ance. 

Before m, e is kept in two rhymes: temps -.parents 1767/8, : contens 1835/6, but 
more usually it is confounded with a: tamps : ans 99/100, &c., : champs 681/2, &c., 
•.grants 1141/2, &c. An indication as to the pronunciation is perhaps afforded by the 
rhyme in 569/70 Mawne : sank (MS. Maunee : semble). Mawne, a graphy which occurs 
in the interior of line 1311, is the old Norman family name Moion, Moon, written in 
the fourteenth-century documents Mooun, Moun, Moune, and now Mohun.' In the 
somewhat earlier ' Siege of Carlaverock '(1300) it is still dissyllabic and rhymes with 
oun {homoy If the rhyme here is at all exact, it indicates that before the nasal 
the rt has been rounded and is pronounced as a low-back-narrow round vowel, 
something like modern English au (vaunt, taunt).^ 

§ 7. eau rhymes with iau and with the product of e + l+cons. : vessealx : joialx 
603/4 ; eaux [illos) : reveaux 475/6, : Burdeaux 1451/2. 

§ 8. O.F. ei rhymes as follows :— 

with oi, array : poy 639/40 ; ambedoy zg'] /Q ; avoie •.joie "JSlf^ > '^ot^ -.joie 3151/2 ; 
roys : vols 223/4, • '^"w 1747/8, &c. ; estrois : crois zzgj/Q ; vois : ffrancois 1129/30, 
■.foitz 1337/8; 

with ME, mois : entrois (= entrues) 3717/18 ; 

with ou£ (oua ?), hoi'rs : Edwarz 829/30 ; 

with e, frees : baneres -^i^s/G ; foitz : paix 847/8 ; Englois : aires 2677/8, : parfees 

' Probably also traite : poeste 2749/50. Cf. < Janne o crois noire engreelie 
critical note. La portoit John de Mooun. 

2 MS. loielle : Castelle. Cele de Tateshale a oun 

3 The name is still found in Normandy in the Por sa valour o eus tire. 

village Moyon near St. L6. On the name and all (Siege of Carlaverock, ed'. Nicolas, p. 18.) 

its forms see Lyte, Dunster and its Lords 1066- ^ ¥ or e + n mouilU q.( above 5 ib 

1881. Exeter, 1882. ' ' » • 


The rhymes with ue, oue attest the pronunciation «e.^ In hoirs this s, placed 
before r, may have been already lowered to «/ but it is perhaps more likely, at this 
date, that it is the a oi Edwarz that has been raised to s. 

The rhymes in e are ambiguous : they may either be somewhat imperfect 
rhymes, or may indicate the reduction of ms to s. This reduction is constant in A.N. 
and of tolerable frequency at this date on the continent.' 

§ 9. ie. {a) The distinction between e and k is observed with regularity and is 
clearly enough marked to allow of the two sounds being used in consecutive couplets, 
e. g. 321/5, 977/8, 1289/92 ; though the rhymes in these sounds are very numerous, 
they are confounded on two occasions only: bien: Montauben 3933/4; voider: 
excuser 1067/8; and of these one contains a proper name and the other is 
somewhat doubtful.* Older -i-er has become^ regularly i-ier : crier : apparailler 
2235/6, : logier 2639/40; espier: chivachier 2455/6. Detrier rhymes in i-er and 
i-ier: detriee : destourbee 1097/8, detrier: atergier 1591/2, : apparaillier 1931/2. 

(6) iee is consistently reduced to -ie : chivachye : mye " 375/6 ; obliee : die 455/6 ; 
gaignie :perie'' 505/6 ; a cestefie : Normandie 959/60, &c. 

§ 10. ieu. s + M, e + /+co«s., i+l-\-cons.,^ o + u rhyme together: Dieuz : mieuz 
2713/14, : Jieux 1943/4, '• gentieux 1797/8 ; Dieu : lieu 275/6, : Bartholmieu 381/2. 

There is nothing to show whether the pronunciation is ieu or iu. 

§ II. o. No rhymes in eu occur,' and, before r, free rhymes frequently with 
o blocked : meillour: jour 331/2, : retour 437/8 ; valour :jour 351/2, &c. Before 
s only one such rhyme occurs : religious : processions 3755/6. 

Before a supported nasal rhymes with the blocked or free : mout {multum) 
: pont T.']zl\, '■ Clermont 939/40, 1139/40, : Beaumont 199/200 ; processions : religious 


Similar rhymes are not infrequent in Middle French and even earlier, cf. 

'L'Escoufle', temoute : monte 4095/6; 'La Panthere d'Amour', contes : toutes^ 

1880/1 ; Rustebuef, mont {molt) : ont.^ 

§ 12. oire. In borrowed words oire (=oriam) is reduced to ore : encore : Vitoire 
2571/2, 2861/2 (Vitoire : memoire 2555/6). 

§ 13. ue. Two rhymes indicate the pronunciation ue. : entrois : mois 3717/18; 
Bertues :fes 2373/4; Coers rhymes with soers in 587/8, but in lines 4063/4 the very 
distinctive Anglo-Norman rhyme coer :fuyer is found. 

§ 14. u. u is found combined both with and / : dues : prus 2213/14 ; escarmusshe : 
enbusshe 1101/2 ; Artus : Clarus {= Claris) 51/2, 4099/100. 

1 Cf. also the graphy faint for the Spanish 313/14, 1223/4, inwhich the rhymer^«ro«/?-er:zw«j- 

Puenie 2196 (the graphy is wrongly changed in Her has been admitted into the text, see the critical 

the text). note to line 313. For j/w?- see above, p. viii, § 5. 

» It is in this position that the modem pro- " MS. chivache, gaignee : ferree. 

nunciation first shows itself— cf. voar, sermon of ' See also below under I. 

thirteenth century (quoted Nyrop, i, § 160), and ' Unless demoere: hoere 11 45/6 is one, but the 

the examples of fifteenth-century rhymes given by vowel here is more probably ou («). 
Chatelain, Recherches sur Ie vers franjais au XV» » Quoted Brunot, H. L. fr., i, p. 334. 

siicle, pp. 35-36, ° Quoted Godefroi, who gives several other ex- 

* See Suchier, Altfr. Gr. § 30 ; Brunot, i, p. 406. amples. 

* Line 1068 is evidently corrupt. For lines 



§ 15. ui. The products of Latin u-k-jod and b-Vjod rhyme together: nuyt: 
desduyt 435/6 ; anui : autrui 1723/4. No rhymes of ui either to « or i are found. 

(6) Consonants. 

§ 16. Palatals, cj gives two results : s[z) in the rhymes solas : pas 1601/2, 
•.prelaz 3797/8, more frequently ch, rhyming with the voiceless initial medio-palatal : 
franche (franca) : enfance 73/4, -.ffrance 443/4, 771/2, 873/4, 1567/8, 3889/90. No 
rhymes indicate the hard pronunciation of the initial medio-palatal. 

§ 17. Dentals, (a) t final is constantly disregarded both after vowels and con- 
sonants : Chaundos : tantos 3121/2, : hos 2257/8, 2719/20 ; moz : tantos 2401/2 ; Agen' 
: logement 685/6 ; entroubleani : Baigerant 2375/6; dadonc"^: ont ^4.7/8 ; di'i : mercP 
1421/2, : menti{f) 3787/8 ; esly : lundy 3237/8. 

{b) s is mute before t in the rhyme mist : dist (= dicit) 1783/4, and, if the 
suggested emendations are adopted, also in the rhymes poeste : tratte 2749/50 ; 
estre : mettre 3133/4. 

(c) z is regularly reduced to s : ditz : jadys i, 41/2 ; escuts : plus 605/6 ; Jilts : 
pris ( 449/50 ; solas : pas 1601/2. 

§ 18. Labials. The rhyme Maune : sank * 569/70 indicates a pronunciation 
of the group m'l without labial glide. 

§ 19. Liquids, (a) After e (from Latin a free) and ue, land X fall : nez (natus) : 
hostes 1609/10 ; Bertues (= Bretueil+s) : fes ■2,-^-i'^l\. After i both vocalization and 
loss occur: Dieux : gentieux 1797/8, -.fieux 1943/4, ^"d gentils -.pais 1595/6, : d'avys 
1851/2, :s?s 2017/18, : ^ar(fw 2365/6, Sac. ; fitz :/m 449/50, 489/90, &c., :/'^fe 4135/6. 
The vocalized liquid merges in a preceding : dous : nous 1427/8 ; moult : tout 
3021/2, 3969/70, :/o«if 173/4, &c. 

(6) In two or three rhymes to proper nouns r preceding a consonant is mute,: 
Pieregos : mos 701/2, 767/8, 3845/6 ; bachelers : Maguelais ° 969/70. 

§ 20. Nasals.' n mouille is coupled with n in the rhyme reygne : digne 2485/6. 
Mentitionea occurs in the form mencoigne (: Gascoigne 525/6, 1319/20). 

§ 21. The final consonant of the radical is often found written before flexional 
s, but never affects the rhymes, cf : champs : arestans 13/14, &c., dues : vertuz 
501/2, &c., corps : records 103/4, mortz : corps 1387/8, escutz : plus 605/6. 

(c) Unstressed Vowels. 

In the extant copy of the poem unstressed vowels are added and omitted in 
the haphazard fashion usual in A.N. manuscripts. If, for the moment, we disregard 
orthography and assume syllabic correctness of metre ' we find that this irregularity 

' MS. Agent. '' For the pronunciation of o + n-\- consonant cf. 

"MS. dadonl. above, p. ix, | ii. 

3 MS. merciet. ' The regularity of the treatment of unstresse,d 

* See above, §6. vowels observable on this assumption goes far to prove 

' MS. Maguehrs. its validity. For further evidence cf. § D. Prosody. 


of treatment is only apparent. Given correct octosyllabic lines, the values that must 
be attributed to the unstressed vowels are those that obtain in ordinary fourteenth- 
century continental French. 

A. o. 

I. Post-tonic. 

(i) Post-consonantal. No examples of suppression.' In the interior of the line, 
9 placed before a consonant is always syllabic (cf. rotalme no, corone 112, 
banieres 1036, 1288, &c.) ; in the rhymes masculine and feminine endings are 
always distinguished. In lines 3223-6 and 3269-72 -ier and -iere form consecutive 

(2) Post-vocalic, (a) Verbs. 

(a) The terminations -oie, oies are dissyllabic in loi, 153, 1666, 2063, 3137, 
2207, 2939, 3577, 3701, 3702. In a number of interrogative sentences in which -oie 
is followed by the unstressed pronoun, a has lost syllabic value— 330, 632, 1034, 
1097, 1706, 1953, 3556, 3935." It would be easy to restore syllabic value here 
by omitting the pronoun, but a similar reduction under like conditions is found in 
contemporary poets, e. g. Froissart,' Gilles le Muisit.' 

(jS) Termination -oient. Ordinarily dissyllabic, e.g. 2, 3, 255, 257, 390, 437 &c., 
this termination has monosyllabic value in 240, 269, 2680, 2752, 3326, 3384, 3923, 
4086. In lines 332, 882, 1117, 1615, 1914, 2797, 3602, 3812, 4007, in which reduction 
is metrically required, the use of the imperfect (for perfect) is very probably in the 
majority of cases attributable to the scribe.* 

(y) Other verbal forms. No instances of reduction ° : soie 972, soient 977, 
2980, die ^■^6, client 2101, eye 3004, traient 222']. 

(b) Substantives and adjectives. Syllabic value is retained with the single 
exception of archigais in 2765 \ but archigaies 3358, eawe 241, 262, 2474, 3439, espees 
2026, -^"^eyjornee 903, galayes 1781, hardie 3282, maladie 4070, mye 838, 1141,1383, 
1428, &c., Normandie 209, vie 3181, 4094, lie 3147, joie 1581, 2097, 3766, &c., soie 
3124, voie 3731, lieuwes'' 2637, 2649, 3017. In the rhymes the various pairs e-ee,. 
i-ie, ai-aie, oi-ote are always kept apart ; in 927-930, 375-379, 421-424. «, e^'> and /, ie 
form consecutive couplets. 

II. Praetonic. 

(i) In hiatus to the tonic, {a) Verbal forms. 

(a) In Veoir and its parts a usually retains syllabic value— e. g. veoir 165, 1259, 
2601, &c., veir 327, 1227, 3059 ; veoit 318, 1390, 2299, 3387, veoient 2785; veist 309, 

» For the discussion of two apparent exceptions reduction before je (pp. 42-44). and Schmidt, who 

cf. notes to lines 1058 and 392.S- comments on the regularity of the reduction of oie 

2 Line 3839 Tant li dmrroie dargen et dor is the to 01 when^^ follows (p. 13). 
only instance of reduction of oie unaccompanied by * Cf. below, p. xlyi. 

the unstressed pronoun, and here the introduction » For the participial endings see below, p. xxui. 

of de is very probably imputable to a scribe. Cf. « Audele, 1. 1283, is perhaps an-exception. 

^ MS. leus'es. 

p; XXXIX. , " ^ loit-^cj. 

' Cf. Blume, who gives numerous instances oi 


2605, 3246, veissiez 590, 620, 985, &c. But veoir 611, 2594, and always imperative 
vez"^ 913, 1244, 2102.^ 

(;3) Imperfect subjunctive of s-formation. Ordinarily intervocal s is preserved : 
fesist^ 647, 1861, 2505, festssies 544, tramessist 1465 ; the forms in which it is lost 
are contracted in 1931 (fist), 1793 (fissent*), uncontracted in 194 (feist % 1643 
(empreist % 

(y) Imperfect subjunctive of w-formation. Contracted forms are found, but the 
uncontracted predominate very decidedly : — 

avoir, eust 4.^0, 466, 2705, eussent 2176; eiist (euist) 162, 449, 1336, 1766, 1986, 
2707, 4163, 4164, ettssent (euissent) 188, 1255. 

devoir, deust 3660 ; delist (deuist) 2030, 2818, 2930, deilssent (deutssent) 3032. 

plaire, no uncontracted forms, pleilst [pleuist) 2453, 3689. 

pooir. peiissent Q.oip,'' , poist (peutst) 121 1, 1463, 1765, 1985, 2455, &c. 

(8) Participles of M-formation. debere-type. 
Contracted : aperceu 3703, beU 3653, deceii 444, lue 1887. 
Uncontracted : chetts 3276, coneil 3616, esleUs 1684, receils 3603, 3754. 
Other types. Uncontracted with only one exception : eiies 1835, but eii 1900 ; 
.esmeue 2587, esmeU 3158; veil * 1896, veUz 2^J5, veUe' 1888, 3447. 

(b) Substantival and adjectival forms. Reduction appears with some frequency 
before the termination 6ur (eur), but rarely elsewhere. 
+ a crednce 3193, but granter 2454. 
+ e seetes, seeller^ 2436, seelee ° 2952. 

+ i abateis 3336, /em's 3335, meismes 1499, mei'smement 2^6^^" ; but logis 2^02, 

+ benoite 3488. 

+ ou bourdedur 18, courreours 2585 ; but joglour 18, menteur 17, courreur 2582, 
2700, 2702, 2723, 3021.''' 

+ u porteure 1476, asseiir 3462 ; but smre 784. 

(2) /« hiatus after the countertonic, d is always syllabic : detrierez 934, paiement 
2024, 3692, 3748, vraiement^^ 3176, 4088, joliete ^6, 4^8, joliement ^013. 

(3) Interconsonantal. 

(a) Counterfinal. d usually syllabic : chevalerie 611, 2977, &c., chevalerousement 
3i5> 1225, bachelerie 612, 2978, &c., gueredon 4127, sierement 2221, 3373", ^/wre- 
mm/ 1598, 2152, 2675, 3279, fierement 2791, premierement 931, 1167, 1870, 3664, 
meismement 3663, soulement 2430, 2453, arbalastiers 953, 2997, 3087, 3253, samedi 
749. Exception : darrein 519.' 

I 16 

' Written w;'d2 or z;««/z. 10 For O.F. ra«e cf. p. xiii 

» 190S j««, pres. indie. 2nd pi. » ««^c in 11. jo, 165a is doubtful, cp. note to 1. tjo. 

' yiS.fatststoifeisist. ^^ AXviays geneieurs. 

* US.Jirent. » US. fist. " MS. verrayment, varrayment. 

, MS. «»z/m^. » MS. f«OT««& and .r«««/«««^. In 3634 a dissyl- 

2774 doubtful. labic form was possibly used. 

8 MS. z/e^w, z-^je/s. is i„ 3^^ debonairment should perhaps have been 

° Or sateler, saiele ; MS. scalier, seallee. left. 


Between a labial consonant + r a glide is often developed : atemperance 1627, 
feverier 2044, 2295, averil^ 3475' 

{b) Initial. The future and conditional ol faire are never shortened ; of ferir 
syncopated forms of the perfect are found twice : frirent2Z'^i,/ri2,']'^g, hut ferir 1244, 
1329, •^i6g,freoit \\<^'],feru 263. 

Vrai and its derivatives are ordinarily shortened", e.g. 320, 827, &c. ; verai is 
required once, 886. 

B. Other Vowels. 

a retains syllabic value in : esfraee 2198, paSur 3003, 3439, 4054, traXn '' 746, 
1219, 4010, tra'itour 3512, 3541, ayde 275, 2947, att 3187 ; it merges in the following 
vowel in gaigner 3159, and its derivatives gaignez 356, gaignons 1340, gaignerent 
1228, gaignage 1394. 

i is generally syllabic : alliance 1916, 1842, 1872, amiablement 2082, 2144, 2429, 
celestial 1272, caridge 1084, 2699, vidnde 3651, terrien 1704, 2422, crestien 1643, 1898, 
pacience 1879, menciOn 377, 3784, 1679, 3414, possession 1594, 1791, conclusidn 3783, 
/i6m 1 108, glorious 3422, graciduses 2916, religidus 3756, graci'ant 3759, gracioit 3963. 
Exceptions : amiablement 3688, terrien 1850.* 

o retains syllabic value regularly in poOir 227, 310, 708, &c.^, roi'we 59, 461, 518 
&c., royaltne 730, 1567 1676, 1804, 31 10, 3612,' oJ>- 53, 647, &c., oi (pf.) 743, 
1469, oirent 4031, oisse^; 989, and in ot (p. pt.) in 1902, 2798, 2914, 3649. In lines 
394, 734, 888, 1370, 1385, 1386, 1400, 2467, 4085, in which a monosyllabic form of 
the participle seems required, the past indefinite ^/iary ol used in all is probably faulty. 
In the identical lines 888 and 1400, Si come iay oi en mon recort, it has certainly 
been substituted by the scribe for the present oi, used in the precisely similar lines 508, 
1930, 3852, 4004, and probably also in the very similar line 1386 Et a ce qe iay oy retraire 
En la ntatiere, in which the Herald also refers to a written source. In the identical 
lines 1384, 2626, 4085, Mais a ce qe iay oy conter, and in the somewhat similar 
lines 394, 734, 2467, in which the expression com iay oy conter (dire) is found, it is 
probably a mistake for the perfect used in the corresponding expressions made 
with entendre, e.g. 2047 Mais a ceqeje entendi. Cf. also 762, 1163, 1375, 2048. 

u retains its syllabic value throughout: escuter'' 1396, 1614, 1678, 2606, /«i>-' 3388, 
^o6\, fuirent 1345. 

C. Proper Names.' 

(i) French. Syllabic value of the unstressed vowel in hiatus is retained in 
Jehans 131, 151, 199, &c., Clayekyn 1662, 2674, Normandie 2.og, Cradn 715, Loerayne 

^ Cf. also p. xvi, § 9. of trisyllabic value, that originally another word 

' e is always kept in the MS. stood here. 

' In the obviously faulty 1. 3553 trainer seems to ' MS. always esquier. 

be required. ' W&.fuyer. 

* For the termination -iez cf. p. xvi, § 5 {b). " The frequent use of the title comte and mon^, 

' 145 is faulty. both of uncertain metrical value, makes it often 

« In 1. 1565 a dissyllabic word is required ; it is impossible to determine the syllabic value of the 

possible that a contracted realme was used, but it proper names. 

seemed more likely, in view of the frequent instances 


335, Amenion 628, Million 673, Pieregos 701, 711, 768; reduction occurs in : Jehans 
2125, Claykin 3975, Ken 172, Kersin 711, 2341 {Cressyn). 

(2) English. Edouwart is regularly trisyllabic, cf. 57, 829, 3763, 4062, 4185, 
and so is Bartholmieu or Bertremieu^ cf. 133, 381, 879, 1315 ; Guillaume, trisyllabic 
in 2251, 2272, 2648, 3156, 3202, 3210, is doubtful in 2462, 2737, 2756.^ Johans 
{Jehans) is monosyllabic in 2275 and 2276, dissyllabic elsewhere ; Hughe[s), dissyllabic 
in 2199, 2202, 2463, appears to be monosyllabic in 3232 ; Raoul, dissyllabic in 132 and 
1615, is monosyllabic in 2729. 

Wynchelesee is five-syllabled in 510, Calverlee is regularly quadrisyllable, Burke, 
Pennebrok (MS. Pembrok), and Warrewik, trisyllabic. The other surnames often 
fluctuate : — • 

Audelee, quadrisyllable in 139, is trisyllabic in 1283 and also in 573, 88x and 1281 
if the plural form of the verb be retained. 

Canolles (KnoUes), trisyllabic in 2129, 2463, is doubtful in 2321. 

Cressewell is trisyllabic in 2270, dissyllabic in 1989. 

Cobeham, trisyllabic in 571, is doubtful in 132 and 1313. 

Felleton, quadrisyllable in 1911, 2272, 2461, 2547, 2559, 2727, 2806, is doubtful in 
1936, 2322, 2451, 2647, 2756, 3330. 

Sarsburiis trisyllabic in 129, 150, 671, quadrisyllabic in 1206, doubtful elsewhere. 

We may summarize the Herald's treatment of unstressed vowels as follows :— 
regular retention of 3 when it is interconsonantal or final after a consonant and after 
a vowel (except in the verbal endings -oie, -oienf) or when it stands after a counter- 
tonic vowel ; reduction beginning under certain conditions when 9 precedes the 
tonic vowel (i. e. before stressed -our, and in certain verbal forms) or stands between 
a fricative labial and r ; retention of syllabic value by o and u in hiatus, occasional 
consonantalization of i and absorption of a in hiatus. 

This summary corresponds in every particular with the description given by 
Schmidt of the metrical usage of Gilles le Muisit, and with one exception, the slurring 
over of 3 in the termination oient, it would serve equally well for Froissart.' The 
deviations from continental usage in the Worcester MS. are entirely attributable to 
the scribes. 

B. Morphology, (a) Nouns and Adjectives. 

§ 1. Declension. In the Worcester MS. flexional s is used mainly to indicate 
number, but the study of metre and rhyme shows clearly that with the author its 
case significance was by no means obsolete. The addition or omission of s in the 
nominative is, in principle, entirely in conformity with later Old French usage : some 
of the exceptions observable are occasioned by the exigencies of verse-making. 

In the interior of the line no breaches of rule are certainly attested, and some 
thirty-four correct nominatives are metrically required.* In the rhyme words 

• The scribe often writes Bertrem{e), but three ' Nom. sg. /VzWej is required some twenty times ; 

syllables are always required. other correct Nom. sgs. in 12, 357, 803, 3821, 3833, 

2 Cf. notetol. 2462. 3849, 3952, 3963, 4136; Nom. pi. in 491, 1603, 

= Cf. Bode. 1658, 2280, 3616, 4149. 


irregularities are sometimes found, in particular in the complements of the verb to be,^ 
the vocatives,^ proper nouns, and words like estille, nombre, romant, fait, livre? The 
instances of correct observance, however, outnumber the incorrect in the proportion 
of 4 : 1, and this proportion indicates a grammatical usage widely different from that 
of both A.N. and contemporary continental French writers. Except in the north- 
east of France, where provincial writers, like Froissart *, retain the older case system 
almost intact, the later fourteenth-century Frenchman was as uncertain in his use of 
flexional s as the earlier Anglo-Norman writers.'' 

The declension rules observed by the Herald are, in the main, those of Old 
French, but, as with Froissart, some modifications are admitted : — 

(i) Feminines ending in stressed vowels or consonants, and masculines of the 

pere type, appear indifferently in the nominative singular with or without flexional 5. 

Thus fern. sg. with s 144, 1416, 1434, 3030, 3449, 3841, 3952, 4026 ; without, 

35,426, 1018, 1356, 1619, 2218, 3565, 3796, 4037. 
Masc. sg. with s, 108, 822, 3131 ; without, 340, 2164, 2667, 3917. 
(2) Baron 193, 1792, compaignon 2648, home (as a substantive) 1692, traUour 
3401, are admitted as nominatives ; soer 587, and fis 1477, 1547, 4135, as accusa- 
tives, buty?/ is used in line 3767. 

The declension of the title-words comte and monsetgnour offers some difficulty, 
as the form in the MS. seems often to be at variance with the Herald's usage. 

Comte {contes) is admitted as a nominative in rhyme in lines 337, 730, &c., and 
is metrically required elsewhere, but its use in lines 1I73, 2183, over-long by 
a syllable, is perhaps attributable to the scribe, as the substitution of the older 
monosyllabic nominative form quens secures metrical correctness. 

As a substantive seignour is regularly declined : Nom. sg. sire 625, 1077, 2253, 
seigniour ^tl, 629, 631, 1201, 2367 ; ace. sg. seigniour 967, seignio 1107, ^' 715, 1606, 
2261 ; nom. pi. f* i339) 1704. As a title sire is found in 2559, and mesp" in 2371, 
2673 (as a nominative), 2321, 2323 (as an accusative), but ordinarily it is mon^ that is 
used for both nominative and accusative. The metrical value of this abbreviated 
form fluctuates. Ordinarily trisyllabic, a dissyllabic form is metrically required in 
lines 132, 563, 2535, 2647, 2757, 3310, 3401, 3975. 

§ 2. Peminine of Adjectives. The older forms of the one-termination adjectives 
still predominate, but the analogical forms in 3 are often metrically required : fe/(f,) 
185, 187, 1476, 1726, 3774, tele 1055, 1455; quel {{) 2431, quele 115, cruelle 114'; 
grand (f.) 230, 311, 458, 459, &c., grande 426, 810, 1122, &c.; loialment ^12^, 
loialement 3374 ; fortment 206, 1886 ; vaillantment 431, 441, 503, &c. ; grief 'j^^. 

§ 3. Numeral Adjectives. The nominative plural doi rhymes with roi in ^gj/S, 

' 546, 976, 1788, 1824, 2306, 2326, 3351, 3389, ' Cf. Bninot, i, p. 411 : ' Partout des vestiges de 

3412, 3979, 3998. declinaison, ntiUe part une declinaison veritable, 

* e. g. 1270, 3496. nulle part un usage r^giilier.' 

* estille 737, 868 ; nombre 993 ; romant 1112 ; « In 2221 the abbreviation p stands for the initial 
fait 1256 ; livre 1524. syllable of sacramentum. 

* Cf. Mann, pp. 39-42. ' Rhyming with querelk. 


(b) Verbs.' 

§ 4. Infinitive Present. With one exception,'^ /uyer : coer in line 4063/4, the 
terminations of the infinitive of the 2nd and 3rd conjugations are kept apart from 
that of the ist conjugation. Avoir, pooir, voloir rhyme with voir (verum) 111/12, 
189/90, 1293/4, &c. ; videre rhymes in -oir (: voir 1259/60, 1457/8, &c.) and -ir 
{: envahir "Apr] 1^, : alentir 3060) ; recipere in -oir (: voir']/S) ; conquaerere in -erre (con- 
querre : guerre 539/40) and -ir (conquerir : ouvrir 1701/2). 

§ 5. Terminations, (a) The only termination for the ist plural attested in 
rhyme is -ons: avrotis : feignons 983/4, aions : barons 1179/80. Sons is metrically 
required in 3163.^ 

[b] For the 2nd plural of the subjunctive present -es is the only attested form : 
escoutes : purres 53/4 ; ales : entendes (imperative) 793/4 ; combatez : troves (ind. pres.) 
955/6; amesnez : prenez (ind. pres.) 1011/12 ; mettez : osez ( 975/6 ; serves : avez 
4137/8. In the imperfect indicative and conditional -iez is monosyllabic in 543 
irouviez and 2918 vourriez* 

§ 6. Present Indicative, ist sing. In the ist conjugation forms without 
-e are found or are metrically required, but those in -e preponderate : affy : entendy 
1375/6 ; merci : servi 3807/8 ; pri : my 41 17/18 ; suppli 3182 ; but adresse -.joefnesse 
79/80 ; conte : aconte 95/6, 2651/2 ; affie : chivachie 709/10, : compagnie 1079/80, 
: Brie 1527/8 ; esmaye : vraye 851/2 ; ottroie : vorroie 3537/8 ; presente : attente '^ 3137/8 • 
conseille 3522 ; ose 1608. 

In the 3rd and 4th conjugations the etymological form is the only one attested 
in rhyme : doy : moy 469/70 ; croy -.ffoy 671/2 ; say : verray 885/6; di « : nasquy 1549/50. 

§ 7. Present Subjunctive, 3rd sing. The 3rd sing, of garder appears twice in 
the older form gard: Rocheward, 2333/4, = ^«'''' 2775/6, and laisi is used 3144, 
otherwise e is always added : garde : garde 293/4, 2361/2 ; avoye : soye 319/20, -.joie 
661/2 ; aiuwe : viewe 4153/4 ; pense, ottroie are metrically attested in lines 1277, 4182. 

The termination -ge is found once in rhyme, remorge : George 2287/8. 

§ 8. Imperfect Indicative. The terminations are the same for all conjugations, 
e. g. regretoit : avoit 359/60, vantoient^ : estoient 481/2,' &c. 

§ 9. Future and Conditional. In the ist conjugation some contracted forms 
are found or are metrically required: dourroie 2839, merrez^" 1002, merra'^ 1091. 
In the 3rd conjugation lengthened forms are found in verbs whose radical ends in 
a dental or v : descenderoit 2864, perderoientij^,^, attenderoit^'^ 3120, prenderoye 3966, 
combateretz 2847, averai 2986, avera 4167. 

.T, \^°v, f^^ I";°'>°'"i."4 forms are metrically attested uncertainty as to the syllabic value of the radical, 
that the whole subject has been relegated to the = Wi. present: atlent. 

section dealing with Orthography. 6 jyjg^ ^j-^ 

_ ^ In lines 1647/8 where oier rhymes with escollier ' MS. garde: darte. 

simple transposition biings a correct rhyme, one, " MS avantoient 

moreover, already used by the Herald (53/4). » For' the termination of the Ist and 3rd person cf 

' The estoiasmes of 1. 11 77 is probably a cornip- above, p. xi. ' '^^^"^ "" 

tion of the Northern estiemes. 'o MS. amesnerez 

' MS. vonldroiez. In 2928, 2940 the syllabic " MS. mesnera. ' 

value of the termination is doubtful owing to the " jyfg. attendroit 


§ io. Perfect, {a) Weak in i. ist and 3rd persons rhyme in -i. ist, eniendi : 
choisi 761/2 ; 3rd, nasquy : dy 63/4, rendy : mercy 403/4. Valoir forms a weak i 
perfect, valli : mercy 2757/8, -.failly 2899/900. 

(b) Strong s perfect. The 3rd plural is found in rhyme * under two forms : the 
more usual is -irent, e. g. firent : combatirent 601/2 ; mtrent : virent 2783/4, : partirent 
2834/5 > prirent -.frirent 2531/2, : partirent 3813/14 ; once -issent ; Jissent : deuissent 

(c) Strong u perfect. The only forms attested in rhyme " are at rhyming with 
Talebot 137/8 and mot 2491/2, and/w rhyming with kenu 877/8 and vertu 2329/30. 

§ II. Imperfect Subjunctive. The only persons of the «- formation attested in 
rhyme have stressed -t : poist : tramessist 1465/6, deuissent^ -.fissent 3031/2. 

C. Syntax. 
{a) Nouns and Adjectives. 

Case. As in Old French, the accusative serves for the dative of possession and 
participation : P amour Dieu 773,, la grace Dieu 850, &c., and Ses somiers et son 
cariageffirent les courreurs grant damage 2699, Et la congie dona sa gent 3747.* 

Ungrammatical, but not infrequently observed in other writers, is the use of the 
nominative with se tenir pour in 3790 (Et bien se tenoit pour contens), and of chier 
uninflected in 3926 {Et moult fesoient yaux chiery 

[b) Verbs." 

Person. Hesitation between the singular and plural of the 2nd person is 
still found, cf 1265-1268. 

The use of the 3rd person in line 2912 Henry . . . qui s'appelle . . ., i.e. in an 
adjectival clause referring to a vocative, is probably a concession to metre, as such 
constructions seem only to appear in verse ' ; that in line 2408, where sont refers 
to a compound subject containing a pronoun of the 2nd person [Vous et voz gens 
sont venu), is possibly due to the same cause, but similar instances occur in prose 

Number. In accordance with older French usage gent and puissance are 
followed by the verb in the plural in II. 160*, 187*, 3683 ; os on the other hand 

•For the graphics -isent, -issent, -istrent, cf. and Mood of the Verb and with Prepositions exam- 

below p xlix pl«s are included to which the metrical test does 

2 For graphies cf. below, p. 1. not apply. An asterisk is affixed to the examples 

3 MS deussent not quoted in extenso that are metrically attested. 

* TJie scribe has inserted a. • ' Cf. Fierabras, 1169 Glorieus sire peres qui ert 

s e g in Tehande la Mote's 'LlRegretGuillanme'. cmV/«jiJ«wf.r— (quoted Krafft, but perhaps/«=/«j?); 

Cf Scheler's note to 886 ' On s'attend a Here, mais Deschamps, peupk mgrat . . . qui veult ... and 

notez que cier est adyerbe '. Tuit sont m ia balance. Mors, qui . . . veult. 

« The syntax of the Pronoun is taken in the (Quoted Bode, p. 56.) 

section dealing with Orthography, as the indications «Cf. the examples quoted by M: Vdle- 

afforded by rhyme and metre are too fragmentary to hardoum, 608 Que vos et h vostre ont mande ; 

allow of adequate treatment here. The syntactical Joinville, Pour ce que vous et vostre frere puts- 

remarks given below are based on the study of the sent penre ; Monstrelet, 250 Toy et autres seront 

prosody, but in the sections dealing with the Number pums. 



is regularly followed by a singular verb (761*', 2393', 2509*, &c.), as are bataille, 
avant garde, ariere garde, barnages, and also compaigne in 1738 and 3586*. 

In the case of compound subjects the usage is also that of ordinary Old French/ 
1. e. if the subject precedes, a plural verb is usual, unless the nouns coupled are 
synonyms; if the subject follows, both numbers are found, but the singular is the 
more frequent, e. g. : — 

Subject preceding plural verb : 660*, 1021*, &c. 

)) ,, singular verb : 76* (joliete and noblece), 2941* {raisons et 

drots), 3422* [Le glorious dieux and seinz Pieres). 

Subject following singular verb : 35", 663*, 1518*, 1707", &c. 
J, „ plural verb : 1317*, 1710*, 2802*, 4090*. 

In line 2720, metrically incorrect, tense and number are probably both to 
be ascribed to the copyist.' 

Plus de followed by a numeral takes a singular verb in 3434 Plus de deux 
milk en y noia. A like construction is found in other texts but rarely. Cf Plus de 
XV mile n'an sott saus entrez, Gui de Bourgogne 633, and Plus de set mile en gist 
morz e naffrez, Ger. de Rouss. p. 384.* 

Tense, (i) Past Tenses. The poem is a historical narrative, couched in epic 
style, and consequently the past definite is the predominant tense. Whether 
narrating or describing, the Herald hurries on from fact to fact, much as did 
earlier the Roland poet and all succeeding epic writers down to and including the 
author of 'Baudouin de Sebourg'.* It is only here and there that he stops to 
describe at length and betakes himself to the imperfect. Cf. 1606-1638. 

Apart from this characteristic epic usage— stylistic rather than grammatical— 
the distinction between the past definite and the imperfect is observed as in 
modern French. Cf. 367/8 Et trova le roy de Beaume Qui gisoit morz sur le cham- 
paigne, 2538/41 Lars se revindrent sans detri A Navaret ou se logeoient Et par les 
prisoniers qu'avoient Sorent del host la verite, and 2696/9. The few deviations, such 
as that in 924 Car tout plorant s'en departoit and perhaps the use of venoient 
in 3757, 3764, 3959» are imputable to metrical exigencies. 

The use of the past indefinite is that of Old French verse, which seems to 
have found this composite form of great metrical convenience.^ It often stands 
for a past definite, e. g. 600, 739, 1445/6, 2233, 2584, &c., and is sometimes even 
coupled with this tense. Cf 1121/2 Adonc comencea le huee Et moult grande noise 
est levee, and 1 157/8. 

In entire conformity also with the Old French usage' is the use of the past 
anterior as equivalent to a perfect. Cf 598/9 Tant chivacha soir # matyn Qu'a 
Plummuthefu arrivez (but a few lines lower down Tant siglerent par my le mer Qu'il 

1 Bnt cf 763 . . tune hos 1' autre choisi et . . . text should perhaps be replaced by a singular 

" Cf. Krafft, p. 69 et seqq. § , ,3; ^' P" '^ *' '^'5-' ^^ Meyer-Lubke, iii, 

' Cf. below, p. xlvi. 6 fff visine d Ia 

• Quoted Krafft, p. 50. In the somewhat similar ' Cf! Visin|' pp.^^8 and 70 

construction in lines 3415/16 the plural verb of the '^ 


arriverent a Bourdt'aux), i^88/gDieux eit les ames! car li corps ffeurent demore surles 
camps, and 2219, 2515, 4073. 

The fuller significance of the auxiliary verbs avoir and estre here noticeable 
is observable also in two other constructions exemplified in the poem ' : — 

(a) The use of avoir to make a completed present : 1075/6 Je vous pri en ceste 
joumee Avez I'avant garde menee, 1047/8 Et lour pria Qu'il pansassent de bienferir 
Et qu'il ne s'esparnassent mie D' avoir la bataille partie. (Cf. Baudouin de Sebourg, 
xxiv, 263. Je vos pri que chascuns ait lejovente armee.) 

{b) The use of the compound infinitive with verbs of mood : 3675/6 Et lejorz 
estoit ja passez Qu'il devoit estre retomez. 3445/8 Tant fut granz la desconfiture 
Queje croy qu'onques creature Nepooit one avoir veue Le pareille . . . 3660/1 Mais 
s'on les deust avoir pendu . . . (Cf Aye, p. 28, Aupas li glouton durent estre passe.) 
(2) Future. Examples of two Old French usages may be noted : — 
{a) The use of the future to denote habitual action " in 3829/30 Car I'ennemi 
qui touz jours veille Plus tost grevera un preudhomme Que un mauveis. 

(b) The use of the future of vouloir as a present : 980/1 Ensi les vorray je arraier 
Dist lui Dauffyns, piere, p foy, 2254/6 Et maint bon chevalier hardi, Qui maintenant 
ne voeil nomer, Car aillours en vorray parler, and by emendation in 43/5 Ore 
est bien temps de comencier Ma matere et moy adrecier Au pourpos ou vorai (MS. 
voloi) venir. 

Mood. The Herald's use of Mood is that of his continental contemporaries. 

(i) Noun Clauses. The subjunctive is found with verbs of wish and command 
(e. g. 883, 977, 1465*, 2235, &c.), of fearing (3003*), of intention (544*, 839, &c.), and 
with impersonal verbs expressing moral judgement (456*, 1639*, 2287*). Cuidier, 
used positively, is followed by a subjunctive in 1255 and 1764*. Verbs of emotion 
are still constructed with the indicative, cf 784, 4056 ; in 249/50 the form of indirect 
question with the conditional is used with soi merveillier. 

A few clauses call for explanation : — 

(a) In 1 1 76/8 Puis qu'il plest a Seint George ensy Que nous estiemes li derier Et 
nous serons tout li premier; 1899 Et ore a droiz et Dieux consentu Que nous avons eu 
vertu; 2356/7 Et Dieux . . . consenti qu'il feurent passe the indicative is used, as not 
infrequently in Old French,' to emphasize the reality of the fact expressed in the 
subordinate clause. The subjunctive is found when the expression of wish is 
stronger, e. g. in 2633/4 Mais ne pleustpas aufik Marie Que celyjour venissent mye 
' • ; 2453/5 Que illipleust . . . Li granter . . . Qu'il peuist aler . . . 

(b) In 835-7 Mais nient contrestant pas ne voeil Qu'on die que par mon orgoeil 
Moerge ... the subjunctive (moerge) is probably due to the negative implied in the 
governing clause. 

(c) The use of the conditional in 4143/4 Et lour supplia . . . Que chascuns les 
aidier vorroit is probably to be ascribed to AN. influence. The construction is 

1 Cf. Brnnot, i, p. 243 ; Meyer-Lubke, iii, §§ 300, * Cf. Martins, pp. 10-13- 

303 ; and Engwer, from whom the parallel examples » Cf. Bischoff, pp. 28-30 ; Ritchie, p. 15. 

are taken (pp. 16 and 33). 


found not infrequently in Gower (cf. Miroir 1060/1 une file que vorroit qu'au sainte 
Pen la quideroif) and had its starting point in all probability in the Middle English 
use of the periphrasis with shulde in noun clauses depending on verbs of wish 
and command.' 

(2) Adverbial Clauses, {a) Hypothetical Clauses of Rejected Condition. 

(a) The usual construction is that of Modern French. Imperfect indicative in 
the Protasis; Conditional present in the Apodosis. Cf. 543*, 727*, 1722*, &c.^ 

(i3) The subjunctive is still frequently used ; sometimes, as in older French, in 
the imperfect. The types are : — 

a. Imperfect subjunctive and imperfect subjunctive 2029*/ 2774*.'' 

b. Imperfect subjunctive and pluperfect subjunctive 2816*. 

c. Pluperfect subjunctive and pluperfect subjunctive 449*, 2175*, 2705*, 

d. Imperfect subjunctive and imperfect indicative 3660 Mais si home les 
deust avoir pendu Lour faloit il faire p force (cf. Froissart " Se il se fuissent embattu 
ils estoient perdu davantaige, II, 67, &c.). 

(b) In the other forms of adverbial clauses we note the following points : — 

(a) In temporal clauses introduced by avant que and devant que, both subjunctive 
and indicative are found, the former in 1211, 1865, the latter in 3320.' 

(/3) As not infrequently in Old French ', particularly in the north-east and in 
Anglo-Norman, a subjunctive is used in comparative clauses in 911* and 3361*. 

(y) In the clauses depending on tant\hQ subjunctive is used in 817, 1151, 1179; 
the indicative in 804 {Tant ferey que bien serez saus) and in 69, 216, 241, &c., when 
the result is looked upon as certain. 

(8) In the consecutive clauses, determining a negative principal clause, the 
subjunctive is found as usual in 1335 Tant q'il n'i avoit si hardy Qu'il n'eust 
le coer esbahy, and 3264 La ne fut . . . Nul coer en monde si hardis Qe ne puist 
estre esbahis, and the use of the indicative in the similar construction of 308 
Unqes ne fuist corps si hardis qe nen poeti estre esbahis is probably attributable to 
the scribe. 

(3) Adjectival Clauses? In 2980* the subjunctive is used in the clause determining 
a superlative, but, as usual in Old French, an indicative is found in that determining 
le darrein, 1. 520, and in the clauses denoting extent of capacity : Le plus tost que il 
pourra 1095, Au mulz qil pooit 3914, and Des meillours Qe home poet trouver 2993. 
In the two generalizing relative clauses— Sac^e^i qe moy et macompaigney entreroms 
J) lequel lieu Qe nous y plerra a entrer 2946/9 ; Chescun de eux sa partie tenoit A quel 
part qe meuliz li plesoit 3905/6,— the indicative is also used.' The construction in 

/ E. g.A voice me bede I ne shtdde nought feinte. » Quoted Stimming, Zts. fur rom. Phil v n aaS 

(Adam Davy s Dream) , cf. below p xxx. = The MS. gives purroient, which stands probably 

Itiis construction is so usual that it is prob- for a 3rd sg. past definite, cf. below 

-- _ — — * V — .. -w ..J ^.wu *u* o, ;jiu og, past uciiiiue, CI. oeiow. 

able that the/<7;/ of 1. 818 Si home vous poit mettre ' Cf. Homing, Zts. f. rom Phil v ft joi 

a ocoriDieux et la seinte Trinitee Vom en purroit ^ For clauses depending on negative principal sen- 

sauoir ton gree would have been better taken as tences cf. below p xlvii "ve principal sen 

^"'' mTI'v' fnr'^w°°',f "a . ■ \ Cf Bischoff (p. 93)/ who quotes . . . Quel heure 

4 rIi-^?J / r 'I'Sf'P^dji^'l- ?«« ^^>« Plaira from Chrestien de Troies, and 

* By emendation also in 11. 1066-8. Burgatzky, pp. 30-31. 


11. 3608-12, Per tout Espaigne a on mande Si qil niad Cite ne ville Et a Toilette 1 Seuille, 
A Cordevalle "7 a Lion Per tout le Roialme enuiron Qe chescun venist, in which the 
relative clause has to be supplied, is also not infrequent in contemporary authors, cf. 
Froissart, Et estoient, n'i avoit baron ni chevalier, tout esbahi dou meschief, iv. 416 ; 
Jean de Cond^, Si plourerent, n'iot celui} 

(4) Infinitive. The older construction of simple infinitive depending on a finite 
verb is rare. It stands with consentir in line 1803, and plaire ^ (impersonal) in line 
2454. With other verbs a preposition is always used : a with soi adrecier?>oj?>i*, 
aidier 1420*, comander ixog*, defendre 157*, se mettre 2824*, se plaire 775, 1877, 
2949*, 3689*, se prendre, prendre garde 2240*, supplier 2489*, tarder 1666* ; de with 
accorder 1054*, attiser 3180*, s'avanter 482% s'esmayer 852*, s'espargner 1049, 
esprouver 1181*, soipener 270/1*, penser 1244* ; with comencier a is usual, cf. 89, 301, 
&c., but de is found in 1180. Before an infinitive depending on locutions like mettre 
m'entente, m'estudie, a and en " are used, e.g. a 47, en in 70; after locutions consisting of 
the verb estre and a noun or adjective de and a are both found : de with estre tamps* 
in 11. 43, 1649, and estre pres, 1052, 2610; a with merveille fu 327, 1123, 1227, &c., 
grans deduis/u 1 182, merveilleus 3292. 

With both the simple and with the prepositional infinitive, whether they serve 
as complement of a finite verb or as an adverbial extension, the subject is not 
infrequently expressed : 

1803/4 Si ne purroit il consentir Un Bastard Roialme tenir; 

2502/3 Lors comanda a apparaillier Loost pur partir . . . ; 

3342/3 La ot home comandee a yestre La reregarde sur le les... ; 

3176/8 Si verrayment come vous saues Qe ie ne sui pas cy venuz ffors pur 
droit estre sustenuz.^ 

This construction is by no means rare in Old and Middle French. Cf. Tobler, 
Vermischte Beitrage, i. 13 ; Stimming, Zts. fur rom. Phil. x. 535. 

Aiixiliary Verbs. The verbs comencier a, prendre a, vouloir, faire occur with 
great frequency and at times with such weakened significance as to form with the 
infinitive they accompany a mere periphrasis for a finite verb. 

This weakened use oi comencier a and prendre a is observable in the following : — 
Dona comenfa a apeler Le bon Mareschal . . . g'^Q, Et chescuns prist a chevauchier 

• Quoted Ebermg, Zts. f. rom. Phil, v, p. 372, is found elsewhere. Cf. Troie, 3686 Si envetons 
and cf. Tobler V. B., i, No. 19. ^« lor contree For la terre estre confondue; Mir. 

' The scribe' has inserted &, a construction familiar N. D., xxxix. 1066 Et y fu du pen envoiez Pour 

to him, to judge from the headlines. nous estre a dieu ravoiez, xxxix. 73 Quanque direz 

s In 41 de is used, perhaps introduced from the nous consentons a estre fait (all quoted by Tobler) ; 

line following. -^'"' ^•f''"' ""'^ deshirete ne lairoie (Trist.), quoted 

• The scribe has omitted de. by Stimming ; and the following from Monstrelet, 
» Stimming (BoeVede Haumtone, note to line 2548) quoted by Bnsse (Das finale Satzverhaltniss m 

gives Unes 3176/8 as analogous to the A.N. con- der Entwicklung der franzosischen Sprache), Pour 

struction faire . . . estre fermi &c. It is, however, laquelle reparation estre faite madame et ses en- 

unconnected with the use oi faire, and the use of the fants prendroient conchision criminclle, i. 341. 
passive — probably here due to metrical exigencies — 


III, Lors se prisent a chevauchier Parmy Navarre, jour et nuyt 2470/1, and in 920, 

3321, 3365, 3598, 3870-' 

The periphrasis with voulotr takes the place of a subjunctive in pohte requests 
and commands, e. g. in 404/5 Priant au Roy . . . Qu'a mercy tiles vousist prendre, 1869- 
1881 priant au Prince . . . Car illuiplese a socourir Droiture et li . . . Et qu'il vousist . . . 
Envoiernefs, and similarly in 2429, 3187, 3689, 41 18, 4144, and in 2235 Et I'endemain 
fist ou crier Que chescuns voeille apparailler ; it functions as a future in 106 matere a qm 
je voeiltendre, and 260, as a conditional in 19 Qui vourroit faire unegrintache Ou contre- 
feroit le lymache, as a present in izgo Si que pour Dieu vous voeil prier, and 3153/4 Et 
nesevoeillent plus attendre; Au combatre voeillent entendre, and cf. 105, 1879, as a past 
definite in 31 15 Et le Princes voet. . . Jus de la montagne descendre, and 1591, and 
as an imperfect in 1247 Car vers lui se voilloit traire. 

Faire is used almost constantly with the verbs apparaillier and amasser, cf. 226/7, 
733) i93i» 1967, 2012, 2892, assambler 228, 486, 547, 729, 864, &c., often with mander 
579. 3965, 3873, and crier 2235, 2640, and also in 603 II fist carkier touz ses vessealx, 
64.^ ... Qu'il ne fixisist tout exiler, 1939 Entrues qu'il fissent trousser, 2436 Lors 
fist ses letres saieler, 3370 Par trois foitz les fist realer, 3899 Et lors fist touz les 
compaignons Mettre en touz les garisons. In all cases a causative signification is 

These usages are not entirely foreign to the continental French,'' but they are, 
as a rule, employed but sparingly. It is only in the countries in which Teutonic 
influence is strong that instances occur in anything like as high a proportion. In 
England, under the influence of do, give, will, this modal use showed itself early, 
and Burghardt, the latest writer on the subject, attributes the similar development 
in Northern France, on the Belgian border, to the Belgian influence.^ The usage is 
particularly frequent in 'Baudouin de Sebourg'* and the ' Geste de Liege' of Jean 
des Preis.' Cf. ' Baudouin de Sebourg ' : Tout droit envers Tournai comenchent a aler 
vi. 774; Quant li Rouges-Lions le prist aecouter i. 500; Font leur gens ordenervii. 194; 
Pour Dieu vous voeil prier viii. 729.* Jean des Preis : Farcheve'che voloit vaquer, I'eawe 
de somme qui bien vuit circueir la citeit. 

Between the fourteenth-century usages in the two countries there seem to have 
been some slight diiferences : — 

(i) The later A.N. almost discdsAed prendre a in favour of comencer,'' but the 
Northern Continental French showed no such predilection. 

' These verbs are used In their ordinary signifi- Valenciennes entstandenen, also germanischem Gebiet 

cation in 1124, 1159, 3050. eng benachbarten, Baudouin de Sebourg, z. B. co- 

' Cf. Haase, p. 100 ; Meyer-Liibke, Gr. iii, § 326 ; mencer mit dem Inf. im Sinne des verb, finitum.' . . . 

Stimming, Boeve de Haumtone, Notes to 148, 152, prendre, voloir iS.tXo. 

230, I29«; Ernst Burghardt, Ueber den Einfluss ^ ' Dans la Geste »i7/<;i> est constamment employe 

des Englischen auf das Anglo-Normannische, in ponr donner au verbe la forme periphrastique, c'est 

' Studien zar englischen Philologie,' xxiv, pp. 23, 33, entre les mains d'un rimeur un excellent moyen pour 

51,65,69,74. aider la prosodie.' Scheler's Glossaire. 

5 Cf. Burghardt, op. cit. « Quoted Burghardt, pp. 76, 77. 

* Op. cit. p. 76, Note : ' AUe diese syntaktischen ' Burghardt, p. 33. 
Erscheinungen finden sich in dem in der Nahe von 


(a) A.N. tended to construct comencer more and more frequently with a simple 
infinitive/ while Northern French retained the use of the preposition. 

(3) The use oi faire as a simple tense auxiliary is carried much further in A.N. 
than in Northern French, in which ordinarily a slight causative meaning remains. 
In all these respects the Herald's usage is the continental. 
Agreement of Participles." (i) Participle conjugated with avoir. The Herald's 
ordinary usage is : — 

(a) OAyec//o//ows— non-agreement— 932, 1275, 1839, 1900, 3062, 3151, 3152, 
3289, 3668. 

(6) Object precedes — agreement : — 

(a) Auxiliary + Object + Participle— 641, 929, 1050, 1076, 1137, 1477, 1709, 
1744, 2845, 3476, 4055. 

(B) Object + Auxiliary + Participle — 1891, 3175, 4170. 
The exceptions are as follows : — 

(a) Agreement with the object placed after the participle, 1009, 3185, 3447, 3730. 

(b) Non-agreement with an object placed before the participle : — 

(a) Auxiliary + Object 4- Participle — one doubtful instance only in line 3062, 
Avoit ordene sa bataille et duit, in which duit is a somewhat uncertain emendation. 

(j3) Object -f Auxiliary + Participle. In this position the participle is not infre- 
quently invariable. The examples are : — Et la matere lour a moustre 1848, Qui 
r avoit assene (f.) 2053, Que li Princes li a mande (f.) 2964, Je I'ay passe (f.) legiere- 
ntent 1410 and 4096, Cils Cardinals nous a tra'i 922, de la grace qu'il lour a fait 3489, 
S'on les deust avoir pendu 3660. 

{c) In line 3715 Tant jour et nuit ant chevauchie the participle is made to agree 
with a preceding accusative of time. 

(2) Participle conjugated with estre. The ordinary rule of agreement with the 
subject is violated in 481 .<4 I'Escluse assembles estoient Nefs d!Espaigne . . . 

The Herald's usage is that of his continental contemporaries except that 
the proportion of uninflected participles following the direct object is perhaps 
somewhat higher. Similar instances occur in Froissart ', Deschamps *, and more 
frequently in Christine de Pisan °, but it is only in a writer like Jehan de la Mote * 
that they are relatively as numerous, and with him, as also with the Herald, 
pronunciation must probably be taken into account. 

The slurring of d final first showed itself in the termination -ee, and already in 
' Baudouin de Sebourg ' jornee and vespree figure in e'-assonances.' In the Herald's 
poem, as we have seen, the substantival termination -ee is still intact, but the 
relatively high proportion of uninflected participles of verbs of the first conjugation, 
i.e. ending in -ee and -ees, indicates probably the beginning of this reduction. 

* Bnrghardt, pp. 28-29, ^-g- Lo^ngtoft, assayllir ° Cf. Miiller, p. 59, c. g. ma matiere que trap at 
comencayt, order comeruaynt. delaissi ; la relacion que trouve ay &c. 

" All examples given here are metrically attested. » Cf. Scheler, note to 529-30, ' L'auteur est tr^s 

' Cf. passes lot passees in II, 100, 3677. n^ligent quant a I'accord du pt. passd avec le regime 

* Cf. Bode, p. 76, who quotes four instances from direct.' 

vol. iii. ' Cf. Breuer, p. 14. 


(c) Indeclinable Words. 

(i) Conjunctions, (a) Direct construction takes the place of indirect in 1075/6 
Je vous pri en ceste journee Aiez I'avant garde menee. 

(b) In two instances juxtaposition is used instead of subordination: Gardes 
si vous Englois trovez Ouesqe eux vous vous combatez 955/6, and 785/6 Et se 
ne poet on destourner Mourir ne faille a I'assambler. 

Witli both these verbs juxtaposition was particularly frequent in Old French,* 

(c) In 1035/6, 1877, que is replaced by car, as frequently in Middle French.^ 
{d) To indicate a slight pause si is sometimes inserted between the subject and 

the predicate, e.g. 114/15 // maintint guerre moult cruelle Laquele si dura longe temps, 
509/10 Et sachez qe cest journee Si fuist devant Wynchelesee, 1028/9 Cils deux si 
estoient sanzffiUz . . ., and i^Q6/'], 3941. A similar usage is found in Froissart (cf. 
L' autre raison si estoit . . .; Jupiter si est son droit pere ^) and other late Old French 
or Middle French writers,'' 

(2) Prepositions. Two or three older French usages may be noted : 

(«) The construction in which the subject is conceived as the source of the 
action and not the doer ^ found two or three times : Et s'est de ce voir 8, Car c'esi 
almoigne et charitee De bien dire 35/6, De ce est bien chose certaine 27^^i ^n<i in 
a shortened comparative sentence in 1476/7 Qui luye avoit tel (MS. cel)porture Envoie 
come de son filtz.'' 

(6) The illogical use oiforsque '', excluding what could never have been included, 
in 1860/1 Qey n'est home vivantfforsqe dieu qi lifeisit tort. 

(c) The use of a with allier in 2193*, and traitier in 3837. 

D. Prosody. 
(a) Syllabic correctness. 

A cursory perusal of the extant MS. would certainly lead one to form a poor 
opinion of the Herald's metrical skill. On almost every page, 6-, 7-, 9-, lo-syllabled 
and even longer lines come near outnumbering the octosyllabic, and reduction 
to syllabic correctness would seem to involve re-writing the whole poem. 

Appearances here, however, are entirely misleading. We have already seen 
that in a large number of lines the adoption of continental pronunciation and 
grammar brings with it rectification of the metre ; and examination of the remainder 
supplies further and conclusive evidence of the metrical correctness of the poem in 
its original form. The faulty lines, whether too long or too short, are, in nearly all 
cases, of the type that are readily corrected by the application of the methods that 
ordinarily obtain in the editing of texts from A. N . manuscripts, viz, : a change of order, 

' Cf. Ritchie, p. 141. * Cf. Tobler, Vrai Aniel, p. 25. 

» Meyer-Lubke, Gr. iii, § 585— this construction ^ Cf. Tobler, V. B. i, No. i. 

is particularly frequent in 'Baudouin de Sebourc', ^ Cf. Tobler, V. B. i p Te 

' Quoted by Ebering, Zts. f. rom. Phil. v. 345. ' Cf. Tobler,' V.' B." iii, ko.'ls. 


the adoption of one or other of the concurrent forms of a word, or the omission or 
addition of some entirely unimportant particle. The lines that cannot readily 
be reduced to regular octosyllabic form by the adoption of some such simple methods 
form such an insignificant proportion of the poem that they cannot fairly be taken 
as evidence of defective skill on the part of the poet. 

The discussion of these more refractory lines will be found in the critical notes.' 
The classified list of the others is as follows : — 

(i) Change of order. 578, 962, 1211, 1352, 1468, 2542, 2581, 3436/7, 4178. 

(2) Adoption of one or other (usually the shorter) of the concurrent forms 
of ovesqes, illoeqes, adonqes, adont, onqes, encoer, ore, lors, come— e.g. avoec for 
ovesque 118, 943, 1003, &c., illoec for illoeqes 453, 600, 693, 883, &c., adonc for 
adonqes 656, 724, 890, 984, &c., done for donqes 938, 1245, for adonqes 999, 1850, one 
for onqes 3446, 4186, eneore for eneoer 1014, 2083, 2189, 2844, &c., or for ore 1602, 
1639, 1814, &c., lores for lors 3391, 3841, eom for eome 344. 

(3) Use of the simple for the derivative or vice versa, e. g. mener for amener 
1002, 3736, aquillie for quillie 3730, vis for avis 2586, 2650, 3222, partir for departir 
806, 1252, 2116, desus for sus 1039, desoubz for soubz 3554, sur for desur z'jii, vers 
for devers 1247, devant for avant 3320, eontre for eneontre 3904, eneontre for eontre 
3761, esmerveilloit for merveilloit "ifK^, rapasser for passer 977, remercierlox mereier 
3808, recomeneier for eomeneier 3869, tourna for retourna 2903, garda for regarda 
2962, accort for aceorder 848, eel for eely 294, eely for eelle 1063, for ee 1507, nulli for 
null zg^o, 3120, for null home 329, doel for dolour z'jQ. 

(4) The omission or addition (jf one of those insignificant words, of no impor- 
tance to meaning, that the A.N. scribes were notoriously prone to neglect or insert : — 

Et omitted 127, 594, 663, 862, ion, 1023, 1135, 1269, 1355, 1359, 1434, 1579, 
1848, 1899, 2277, 2239, 2713, 2953, 3013, 3139, 3330, 3799, 3802, 381 1, 3965, 3987, 
4045; added 125, 130, 135, 180, 389, 1284, 1286, 1405, 1618, 1655, 1676, 1691, 
1736, 1968, 2138, 2244, 2474, 2525, 2595, 3395, 3647, 3921. 

Ne (nee) added 193. 

Se {sie) added 894 ; se {si) omitted 450. 

De omitted (simple repetition) 62, 1568, 3508; obtruded in an older construction : 
773, 850 (genitive for accusative), 1468, 3996 (with adverbs of quantity), 2454 (finite 
verb + Infinitive); added 97, 131, 874, 21 14, 2250, 3757, 3810. 

A omitted 1542, 2604, 2646, 3308, 3688 ; added 604, 4168. 

Other prepositions added 1882, 3179, 3478. 

Ens omitted 2704. 

Artiele omitted : before names of peoples 1131, 2678, 3046, 3364; before titles 
277, 292; in combinations of verb + noun 400, 566, 1494, 1791, 1992, 2264, 3668; 
otherwise 21, 69, 1302, 1931, 2193, 2227, 2751, 3166, 3252, 3554; added 155, 

335- 337- 

une added 21. 

1 Cf. 11. 145, 212, 1346, 1373, 2462, 2542, 2910, 3077, 3150, 3163, 3546, 3553/4, 4042, 4119. 



Unstressed pronouns : 

je omitted 45, 1410, 2497, 2646 ; added 845, 3504. 
vous omitted 812, 947. 
?7 omitted 182, 447, 640, 2425; added 2141. 
Us omitted 258, 2540, 2581. 
ele omitted 2564, 2581, 3567. 
le omitted 893, 2542 ; added 1260, 3034, 3137. 
lui(li) omitted 1958, 2162; added 1772. 
les omitted 1501. 
lour omitted 592. 

se (s'en) omitted 889, 1555, 2236; added 1127, 1440, 1748, 3153, 3601. 
en added 1470, 2984. 

y omitted 242, 474, 736, 957, 3653 ; added 305, 1239, 1296. 
ce omitted 2499, 3222, 3907; added 526, 2478, 3519. 
Adverbs of Degree : 

tres omitted 2143, 3596, 4154, 4156; added 169, 741, 842, 1007, 1266, 1377, 

3058, 3756- 
moult omitted 996, 2238, 2326 ; added 2096, 3070, 3100. 
tout omitted 2221 ; added 438, 1870, 2001, 2294. 
trop, par, bien added 2868, 941, 1020, 2214, 157. 
si omitted 394 ; added 431. 
plus omitted 862 ; added 1134. 
Adjectives of Quality : omitted grant 861, 1171, 1236, drois 3421, nobles 4058. 
Negative Particles : omitted 413, 4158; added 1319, 1742, 4064. 
Titles : added 3202, 3238. 

(5) Various. In lines 715, 1033, 2283 the defect arises from the repetition 
of a word or phrase belonging to a neighbouring line ; in lines 1033, I354) 2776, 
3114, 3164, 4042, 4174 from the mechanical use of a ready-made phrase in the wrong 
place ; in 591, 706, 1992, 2190, 2720, 3903, 4026 from the ' use of a plural for 
a singular or vice versa, in lines 1979, 2193, 2828, 3045, 3530 from the substitution 
of Bastart for Roi. 

(b) Hiatus and Elision. 

With one A.N. manuscript this is a difficult question to treat, but the 
following conclusions seem to be adequately supported. 

(i) Monosyllables, ne (nee), que, si {sic\ je, ce and the article li are found in 
hiatus ; ne regularly (e.g. 52, 1630, 2416, &c.), the others under certain circumstances. 

{a) Que. Elision is usual, but hiatus occurs with considerable frequency. In 
the majority of cases que is correlative to an adverb of degree, e. g. to tant 1219, 
1446, 2514, 3572, 3716 ; to tel 186, 4158 ; to si 316 ; but hiatus is also found in lines 
64, 73, 1093, 1095, 2893, 3584, 3697, 3859, 3874, 4181 when que (relative adverb or 
conjunction) is placed before an unstressed subject pronoun, and in lines 1806, 3525, 
3627, 3830- All cases are in accordance with ordinary older French usage.' ' 

1 Cf. Rydberg, § 218. 


{b) Si, se (sic). Elision is usual before i. With the other vowels hiatus occurs 
in 2727 (si), and in 2245 and 4109 (ef si), but elision is as frequent, e. g. 691 
S'alerent prendre Pieregos, 602 Et s'avint auxi tost apres, 951 Et s'avres ii milk 

(c) Si (se) (si). Except in line 778, where si introduces an indirect question, 
elision is constant," e.g. 818, 840, 848, 1341, 1725, &c., and the notation si, regular 
except in line 3528 where ce is found, is to be ascribed to the scribe. 

(d) Je. In Post-verbal position no cases of hiatus occur, but two of elision, 11. 980, 
1902. There are no instances of it forming the unstressed syllable of a rhyme. 

Placed before the verb, elision is the more usual practice, but hiatus is found in 
1371, 2047, 3519. 

(e) Ce. Ce subject is frequently elided, but hiatus is found in 11. 234, 288, 

3535, 3830, 3992- 

Ce accusative is never elided, and never forms the unstressed final syllable of 
a rhyme-word ; hiatus occurs in 8, 908, 963, 1915, 3510, 3783, 3815. 

(2) Polysyllables. In the question of the admissibility of hiatus after poly- 
sj'llables the ground is even less secure than with monosyllables, as throughout Old 
French the individual idiosyncrasy of the poet, or perhaps rather his rhythmic 
talent, is more concerned in the question than established usage. To judge from 
the number of lines against which hiatus is the only objection to be brought, the 
Herald was not careful to avoid it. The kinds of hiatus he allows himself are 
those practised by other poets, though with less frequency. 

(a) Before a monosyllable 138, 175, 1198, 1660, 3123, 3425, 3840. 

(b) After the group mute + liquid or nasal 471, 722, 1664, 1818, 2037, 2957.' 
In all probability they are mainly to be ascribed to that unskilfulness in 

versification shown in the rhymes. 

(c) Enclisis, Synalcepha, Aphaeresis. 

(i) Unstressed Pronouns. Uncontracted forms are the only ones found in the 
MS. : ne les 957, 975, 1137, 3467, ne se 3303, je le 3537, but in line 3737 Si conduist 
tout outre le pas, certainly, and in lines 194 Que tous ne feist assambler and 733 Que 
touz ne fesoit amasser, probably, enclitic forms are required. Such forms, though 
unused by Froissart, are found twice in Machaut's Prise d!Alexandrie,* and are 
used comparatively frequently by the northern poets of a slightly earlier time, e.g. 
Gilles le Muisit ^ and the author of ' Baudouin de Sebourg '.* 

(2) Article. In 353 De la bataille avoit I'avant garde and 3416/17 Cink cenz 
hommes d'armes et plus Morurent en la piece de terre contraction of the feminine 
article appears to be- requisite. In the second case a singular verb might perhaps 
be substituted for the plural,' as in 3434 Plus de deux mille en y noia, where plus de is 

1 In 1080, 1443, 1608, 2668 elision is probable, but ' Cf. Rydberg, i, § 59. 

not necessary. For the graphy cf. below, p. xlviii. * Cf. Gengnagel, p. 28. 

* Here elision could be adopted if the nngram- ^ Cf. Schmidt, p. 30. 

matical home (Norn, sg.) were left— a form used in ' E. g. nel, iii. 813, v. 3 ; sel, iv. 515 &c. 

Froissart &c. ' Cf. above, p. xviii. 


construed with a singular ; in the first ot or cut might be substituted for avoit,'^ but such 
contracted forms are found both in A.F. and, though more rarely, in northern poems." 

Laou appears in the contracted form leur in 3977, and this form is required 
in 681. 

In lines 178, 493, 4165, where la stands before avoit, contraction seems to 
have been admitted, as also in 1159 and 2502, in which the preposition a precedes 
immediately a verb beginning with the prefix a? 

In 2873 scarmuches and in 3797 vesques are metrically required. 

[d) Enjambement. 
Enjambement is practised with great moderation : the subject is separated from 
the predicate in 1850, the participle from the auxiliary in 1537, 3009, and 4055, but 
the separation of the substantive from its qualifying demonstrative adjective {celly) in 
3941 and of the title Roys—Bastarz in 2859/60 are the only instances of the more 
violent type found only too frequently in Froissart and Christine de Pisan. 

(e) Rhythm. 

The rhythm of the verse is that of the ordinary continental octosyllabic line. 

The interior rhythmic stress is movable, avoiding rather than singhng out the fourth 


(/) Rhyme. 

Except for two or three assonances ^ the rhymes are correct, but very common- 
place. Homonyms like garde, conte, pas, france, pris, fait,^ compounds like tere : 
Engletere, accort : recort, attendre : entendre, conte : aconte, droit : endroit, venir : 
avenir,'' are tiresomely often coupled together. In the beginning and end of the 
poem, where the diction is a little less bald, rich rhymes represent about 35 per cent., 
in the main narrative part they barely reach 25 per cent, and a considerable number 
of these are secured by often meaningless encomiums adjusted to fit each proper 
name ° or by tags of other kinds.' The use of ready-made set phrases extends 

' Cf. below. conte : aconte 190, 287, 337, 343, 558, 875, 1205, 

' Cf. Nehb, Zts. fiir frz. Sprache, xxiv, p. 222. 1583 ; droit : endroit 805, 1273, 3599, 3887 ; venir: 

" In all these lines synaloepha may be easily avenir Sac, 45, 1073, 1651, 1815, 2209, 2891. 

obviated, in the first set of examples by the snbsti- ' E. g. Qui le coer ot preii et loial 680, 1690, 

tntion of ot or eut for avoit (cf. below, p. xItI), and 2266, 2390, &c, and more varied, Qui pas deriere 

in the other two by the omission of the preposition. ne se muce 1364, Qui ne doit estre mis en V angle 

Like contractions are, however, found in contempo- 2285, and cf. 3240 ; Qui la mort ne conte a ii gui- 

rary poetry, cf. Nyrop, Gr. Hist. i. § 287. gnes 2730, Qui volentiers Jiert de Vespee i6g4, Qui 

^ In the first 500 lines of the poem 37 per cent. n^ut mie trop des parolles 2332. 

only have a stressed fourth syllable, and in 1 5 per cent. ° Ci. a voir entendre 20^, ^og, 1396,1777, 2107, 

the vowel of the fourth syllable is s. 2715, 3634, 4029, au voir jugier 224, 613, 851, 

* persone : some 9,\-^l/^,Octobre : Septemhre 1405/6. 2801, 4008, &c., sachiez pour voir 189, 550, 1456, 

^ E.g. garde 253, 293, 353, 947, tool, 1091, 2459, 2506, 3013, 3238, raf/4«z rfsy? or rf«/a«V 244, 

1165, 2239, 2643, 2705, 2889; conte 123, 731, 501, 899, 2372, 3392, ji7f/jzVz M«j/a///« 721, 2984, 

1071, 2651, 4075; pas 260, 267, 1125, 1141. 2189, 3032, 3301, cest chose clere 151, 635, 1000, 2226, 

2381, 2813 ; france 443, 771, 873, 1567; pris 177, 2667, c'est chose voire 184, 753, 1032, 2844, '^'^■^' 

465, ^^^, 1239) 1661, 4049; /«V 1255, 2201, 2561, {Hen^) chose certeyne 725, 1924, 2359, 2516, 3812, 

2819. 3891, sans nul si 582, 741, 1874, 1922, 2378; si 

' tere : Engletere 145, 159, 361, 399, 797, 1009, dieux me garde 2i)l, 949, 1002, 1165, 2334, 2361, 

1467, 1493, 1655, 2145 ; accort recort 887, 1705, 2704, 2%'&\, si dieux m'avoye (}(\'i, 759, 1117, 2099, 

3851 ; attendre : entendre i^n, 2103, 3153, 3639; 2441, and cf. 324 and 3099, si dieu me poet doner 


even to the narrative, in which we find identical lines not infrequently repeated.^ 
A professional verse-writer of some technical ability, the Chandos Herald is unfor- 
tunately denied the gifts alike of copious vocabulary and of imagination. 

A. Insular or Continental. 

It is very clear from the foregoing study that the Herald's French is not of the 
debased fourteenth-century A.F. type. A writer who constructs ordinary octo- 
syllabic lines correctly, who in the main uses his cases rightly, distinguishes his 
genders and conjugations, maintains at the continental standard the value of e, and 
keeps e apart from te — to mention only the more salient traits — has certainly not 
learned his French at the Schole of Stratford atte Bowe. He is no Langtoft or 

The degenerate French mocked at by Chaucer was, however, not the only kind 
familiar to English people of his day. In the later fourteenth century, side by side with 
the revival of English letters, there had arisen a short-lived revival of French, and 
writers of undoubted English nationality and English upbringing had striven hard to 
free themselves from their insular forms of speech, and to model their French on 
standard continental forms. Carefully schooled in France as well as in England, they 
succeeded in producing a French relatively pure as compared with the merely 
technical or courier-like jargon into which the earlier A.N. was rapidly sinking. 
The best-known and most typical of these writers is the Kentishman Gower, and 
a comparison between his language and that of the Herald will best decide whether 
or not the Herald is to be counted among the adherents of this new school. The 
task of comparison is much facilitated by Mr. Macaulay's excellent edition of Gower's 

Gower successfully avoids some of the grosser insular traits. His metre 
is extremely regular, his verbal forms are tolerably correct, his rhymes not glaringly 
impossible, his syntax is not entirely destitute of guiding principle. But closer 
examination of his language reveals numerous anglo-normanisms. The rhymes 
betray the old confusion of ie and e,' and o, u, ui; * the pronunciation of 3 is to some 
extent systematized, but while syllabic value is regularly retained in the termination 
oient^ it is wholly disregarded after tonic e and unstable in other positions.' The 
verbal forms are comparatively correct — there is no attempt to put all verbs into the 

leesse 1055, and other like asseverations in 1454, Si tres ckivalerousement in/iz, 1224/5, Ensi com 

1504, 2080, 2349, 2774, 3442, 3905, 4145. A quoi vos o'ir pourrez S'lm poi vous ascolter volez 1667, 

faire vous conteroie La matiere et alongeroie 201, 1821, and cf. 53/4, Moult ^ feurmt granz ses vertus 

308, 1 201, Quei vous f err oy je longe fin 1034, Q"^^ 5°3i 7°^- 

vous ferroie longe demain 2137, Quei vous ferroie je '' The complete works of John Gower, ed. G. C. 

long recortz 334, 1705, Que vous ferroie longe barre Macaiilay, Clarendon Press, 1899, vol. i. 

632, to quote only a lew of the commonest. ' Cf. op. cit. p. xvi. 

1 Et tout li noble chevalier 609, 1444, Et tout li ' Cf. op. cit. pp. xx-xxii. 

chevalier de non 1488, 1564, Adonc comencea la ' Cf. op. cit. pp. xxviii-xxix. 

huee 1 121, 1157, En faisant d'armes le mestrer ' Cf. (>;>. aV. p. xix (efor ««) and II. 588, I237,&c. 


first conjugation— but here and tiiere old and new mistalces creep in, e. g. the infini- 
tive termination -eir is assimilated to -er,'^ retient appears in rhyme as a perfect '' and 
ahsentont as a third pi. present indicative.' The older relative nominative que, 
masculine and feminine, is still of frequent occurrence.* 

It is, however, in his syntax and prosody that Gower betrays his insular origin 
most clearly. His P'rench offers frequent examples of the solecisms to which 
the late A.N. writers were prone: gross blunders due to insufficiency of gram- 
matical knowledge, and the more interesting type, wholly or partially anglicized 

Mistakes of the first type occur on every page. Mr. Macaulay notes a 
' tolerably extensive disregard of gender',^ and a complete grammatical indifference 
to the presence or absence of flexional s," and to this we may add an ignorance or 
perhaps rather a metrically convenient forgetfulness of the declension of the article^ 
and sometimes of the use of verbal forms.* 

To many of the anglicisms the editor calls attention in his notes : — The 
use oi faire as a simple tense auxiliary"; the addition of the article to the com- 
parative"; the extension of the use of pour^^ ; the omission of the negative 
particle m. ne . . . que^'; the use of the future or conditional in noun clauses 
depending on verbs of command " ; and we may add to them two other constructions 
that find their parallels in Middle-English ; the substitution of the indicative for 
the subjunctive in adjectival clauses depending on a negative," and the use of the 
future or conditional in the protasis of hypothetical sentences.''^ 

The prosody also is equally clearly moulded by English influence. 'With 
all the correctness,' says Mr. Macaulay", 'the verses of the Mirour have an 
unmistakably English rhythm and may easily be distinguished from the French 
verse of the continent and from that of the earlier Anglo-Norman writers. One of 
the reasons for this is that the verse is in a certain sense accentual as well as 
syllabic, the writer imposing upon himself generally the rule of the alternate beat 
of accents, and seldom allowing absolutely weak syllables to stand in the even place 
of his verse.' 

Here, then, no misapprehension is possible; Gower's French, with all its 

'. ^- S- J'O^rseculer Mir. 1252. « E.g. ind. for subj. 1180, 1401, 2768. 

K g. 2180, 17472. 9 Note to 1135 and cf. Burghardt, pp. 33-=o. 

! i°'94- ^ „ " Note to 2700 and cf. Boeve, Note to 2701 

* E.g. 266, 1118,1201, 1284, &c. Cf. Rydberg, " Note to 6328. "<= e, i^oue 10 2701. 

§ 205. To judge from orthography, the newer ^' Note to 575 

pronominal use of ^ue/ is also familiar to him. " Note to 1 184. This construction is not specifi- 

6 PV^'' ■■ AT 1 • ,_ '^^^'y attributed by Mr. Macaulay to English in- 

"Cfp.xvii. Macaulaygives among other exam- fluence, but see above p xx S "" "i 

pies the rhymes of Ballad xvii, in which the " E.g. 11. j:.:, 1812 2002 rf B^pvp ivr^fo f„ 

termination .« is f. pi. and the termination .«. both 419. M.E. eLt^lJkrT'fle^L^°^^^^^^ 

nom sg. m. and ace sg m. < There is no man that lyveth under the trone' 

' E.g. « /« Mir. 608, 1764, &c., c/e les Mir. 5, (Pardoner's Tale) 

67, 1343, &c., en les 3423, au for a la 961, 2304, "Eg 11 2c 33 re- cfir, x^f rt t i- 

^«for^. /.,57, .225, 2409,&c.../wA ^ccl^pt (moderled^ ^Ihfo'u 'Jt forsake the fdft '^"'"^ 

'""S- " Introduction, p. xlv. 


superficial appearance of correctness and metrical smoothness, has an unmistak- 
able English ring ; it is the French of a tolerably well-taught and fluent foreigner. 

The Herald's French is certainly not free from anglo-normanisms. He is, as we 
have seen, uncertain about the «-sound, rhyming it with o and i,^ he rounds once the 
a nasal/ confuses once the infinitive termination of the second conjugation with 
that of the first and makes it rhyme with coer,^ and adopts an anglicized construction 
in lines 4143/4 (Et lour supplia la endroit Que " chescuns les aidier vorroit% Insular 
habits of speech may also be responsible for the four doubtful rhymes of e and ie, 
the occasional equivalence of ^/ to e, the weakening of the 3 of the imperfect termina- 
tion -oient and in the participial ending -ee, though, as we have seen, all of these 
phenomena find their parallels in fourteenth-century poems composed in the North 
of France." 

Beyond this, however, the Anglo-Norman influence does not go. It has indeed 
affected his pronunciation, but the real determining factors of a language, the 
morphology, the syntax, the prosody, the elements, in fact, that in the main constitute 
its identity, remain practically untouched.' 

The contrast with Gower's French is indeed fundamental. With the English- 
man the A.N. characteristics are all-pervasive, they manifest themselves as strongly 
in grammar and prosody as in pronunciation and vocabulary. They are part and 
parcel of the French as he knows it. With the Herald, as with the twelfth-century 
Marie de France and Frere Angier, the anglo-normanisms are a late accretion. 
They indicate merely a superficial accommodation of his language to the environ- 
ment of his later life, an accommodation induced, one is inclined to suspect, to no 
small extent by metrical exigencies and the paucity of his vocabulary. To the one 
writer French was obviously the painfully acquired accomplishment of late child- 
hood or youth, to the other it was the slightly modified mother tongue. It is only 
the guise under which the poem is presented to us in the Worcester MS. that has 
hitherto obscured the recognition of this fact.^ 

The Herald was an alien immigrant and cannot be ranked among the English- 
French writers of the fourteenth century. What further evidence does the poem 
supply as to his birthplace ? 

B. Localization in France. 

The French in which the Life of the Black Prince is written is neither the 
French of Paris nor a mere congeries of different dialectal traits, picked up in reading 
or travelling. It is a consistent provincial speech, characterized by very definite 
and clearly marked local traits. 

• See above, p. x. ' See above, p. viii. Herald makes no use of Anglo-Norman words. 

* See above p. xvi. ' Groeber is to our knowledge the only critic who 
■» TAS. Et .'. .voloit. See above, p. xix. has not been misled. See Grundriss, ii, p. 1085. 
6 See above, pp. ix and xiv. He, however, assigns here a Breton origin to the 
« We might add his vocabulary also, as the Herald. 


Of the linguistic phenomena described in the foregoing study, Nos. 4 (b), 5, 6, 
7, 9 (b), 13, 16, i8, 19, in the section dealing with Phonetics, the preservation of 
declension, the forms assumed by the possessive adjectives ' and the strong perfects 
in -s and -u,^ and, we may add, the use of the verbs of mood as auxiliaries,' are 
unmistakably Northern. 

Many of these traits are common to the whole North of France, but of some 
the extension is limited either towards the east or the west. Thus the beginning of 
the diphthongization of e blocked, the form taken by the w-perfects, the treatment of 
the palatal, the preservation of declension, the weakness in the significance of some 
of the auxiliary verbs, characterize the Walloon dialect, while the use of the 
possessive no and vo, the central treatment of the triphthongs m and uet, the dis- 
appearance of s before a consonant, belong rather to the Picard. Their combination 
in one poem points clearly to the intermediate region of Hainault." 

And we may even go further. It so happens that the Herald's language corre- 
sponds, trait for trait, with that of his most brilliant contemporary, Froissart. 
Careful comparison of the two shows that all the provincial characteristics enumerated 
above/ and many others, find their parallels in the linguistic usage of the great 
chronicler, while the differences between them, apart from the anglo-normanisms, are 
quite insignificant." 

The few divergent traits are as follows : — 

(n) Traits peculiar to the Herald : (i) The equivalence of -t- nasal + consonant 
tou + consonant (mont =z mout); (2) The weakened use of some of the auxiliaries. 

(&) Traits peculiar to Froissart: (i) Monophthongization of ou and ue; (2) 
Passage of tit to wi ; (3) Development of a glide in -age; (4) Use of /e and ce as 
unstressed rhyme-syllables. 

These differences are attributable in the main to other than local causes. The 
weakened use of the auxiliaries, missing in Froissart," is well exemplified, as we 
have seen, by the author of ' Baudouin de Sebourg ', who belonged probably to the 
neighbourhood of Valenciennes. The absence of rhymes indicating a pronuncia- 
tion aige and J9 may quite well be accidentally occasioned by the small need to use 
verbs in the first person. The use of the monophthong eu, adopted in the case of ue 
by Froissart only in later life,' and the passage of ui to wi, indicate very probably 
that he was a younger man than the Herald, and more exposed to the influence 
of central French. 

Discrepancies so few and a resemblance so substantial lead conclusively to the 
localization of the Herald's birthplace in Valenciennes or its neighbourhood. 

\ See below, p. xliii Mann in the Zts. f. rom. Phil, xviii, pp 1-.6 At 

.PfWl, '^^ ;• -co, • X list ofresemblances between the two. 

lete n 82 ' G™'^'^"^^' '. § 38 ; Aucassm et 'He has, however, clearer instances of the use 

'■■w^^ir,\,^ ji 1 .u 1-1 r , , °f /««'■« as a tense auxiliary than the Herald Cf 

We might add also the likeness of vocabulary, Ebering, Zts. f. rom. Phil v, pp ^i^Vwl 

Qi.entteu,ensonvemr,entreus. = Cf Mann r, ■,-, t!, J „V. '°' ^V' r ■, . 

A survey of Froissart's language is given by the 3rd volum'e'of h',; poems' " "' °°'^ '""""^ '" 


Note. — Detailed comparison : F = Froissart. H = the Herald. The numbers 
after F refer to the paragraphs of Dr. Mann's article. 

A. Indicative of Dialect. 

H § 4 (6) = F § 37. f + / + Cons.= a + I + Cons. 

g + A. = a + X. 
H § 5 = F § 5. te almost constant in yvier, otherwise exceptional. 
H§7 =F§35. S + /+ Cons. = tau. 

H § 8 = F § 15. ei = ot, ue {trots : entrois), s {saie : plate, /res -./res). 
H § 9 (A) = F § 20. tee regularly reduced to te. 

-7er generally -iter. 
H § 12 = F § 3. orie = ore. 
H § 13 = F § 42. we = e {oeil : eel {ecce ilium)). 

H § 16 = F §§ 46 and 47. c mid-palatal gives oh, c praepalatal ch and c. 
H §, 17 (6) = F § 52. s + voiceless consonant mute (mestre : meitre, &c.). 
H § 19 (a) = F §§ 39, 40, 42 (ii). /, A. + consonant after ? vocalised (fieuz) or lost. 

/, A. + consonant after ue lost [entrois : trois). 
H § 20 = F § 48. ji rhymes with n. 

H § 18 cf. F § 50. Glide dental consonant not inserted : pourre (pulverem) : 

secourre. Cf. ' Meliador ' {partirent : tinrent 12571). 
H § 5 (a) = F § 62. sons and somes attested. 

H § 9 = F § 70. Contracted futures of conjugation I, lengthened of III. 
H § 10 (c) = F § 10. 3rd sg. M-pfs. in -ot and -eut. 
H § II = F §59. M-imperfect subjs. stressed on /'. 
H Introd. p. xi = F § 66. oie reduced to oi before y^. 

H Introd. p. xiv = F §§ 76-81. Preservation of declension on much the same lines. 
To which we may add the two following traits not noted by Dr. Mann : — 
The separation of a + d except when e stands before w (= H § 6, p. viii). 
The use of 3rd plural perfects in -irent, -isent, and -issent. Cf ' Meliador' 
misent : euissent 538/9, prisent : crisent 1 1772/3 (= H § 10, p. xvii). 

B. Indicative of Date. 

H § 2 = F § 18. ai + Cons, reduced to e. 
H § 3 = F § 7. -el lowered to -e/ (loyel : bel). 

H § 17 (a) = F § 51. / final unstable : ' Meliador ' tos : mas 1514/15, porpos 7474/5 

&c. ; petit :joli 12253 &c. 


The Worcester manuscript is an oblong octavo on vellum, containing sixty-one 
leaves with fifty -two lines on a page. At irregular intervals the poem is broken into 
sections by rubricated titles, inserted not infrequently in the middle of a sentence, 
and each section begins with an illuminated capital letter. Following on the poem, 
in the same handwriting, is a versified list of the High Officers of the Prince in 



Aquitaine. Several of the English names have been underlined in a later but more 
faded ink. 

The manuscript is assigned to the concluding years of the fourteenth century. 
Schum dates it c. 1397.' Its later history is given, as far as it is known, by the 
first editor. It belonged at one time to Sir William le Neve, first Mowbray and 
then Clarencieux Herald, and his signature (Guill. and Guilliaume le Neve) stands 
on the first and last leaf. From him it passed to Sir Edward Walker, Garter, and 
to his son-in-law Sir John Clopton ; later on it was secured by Dr. George Clarke, 
Fellow of All Souls College, who bequeathed it to its present owners. 

A letter from Anstis, author of the History of the Garter, to Dr. Clarke is 
affixed in the volume. 

A. The Scribes. 

The handwriting of the manuscript is admirable, the letters being so well formed 
and so clearly distinguished that hesitation as to their significance is only possible in 
the case of u and n ; ui, m, ni and in, and more rarely in the case of some capital 
letters. Only the most ordinary abbreviations are employed, and these occur but 
seldom ; orthographical corrections — deleting dots, marginal and interlinear altera- 
tions — are not infrequent. Four lines, omitted in the copying, are inserted out of 
order; three lines (120, 3585, 4000) are wanting; the space for 4000 is left blank, 
and beside 2585 stands the marginal note defic. hie. 

The Worcester manuscript is manifestly no hastily transcribed document, but 
the work of a well-schooled and conscientious scribe, desirous of reproducing 
his original with exactitude and elegance. And yet, it must be confessed, it affords 
us nothing but a miserable travesty of the Herald's poem, a version defective in 
metre, grammar, and sometimes in sense. For this state of things the copyist is 
certainly to some extent responsible. Well equipped as far as moral qualities and 
mechanical aptitudes are concerned, his intelligence, and, above all, his knowledge 
of the language he was copying, were wholly inadequate to his task. His French 
is of the purely insular variety, innocent of grammar and meagre in vocabulary, 
and so when he is confronted by an unusual word or phrase, or by any obscurity in 
the handwriting, he is totally at a loss and has no resource but to copy mechanically 
as closely as he can, or to set down at random some more familiar word bearing 
a vague resemblance to the one he saw before him. Thus he writes Ou Guyer for 
Ogier 164, assaillerent for essillierent 210, le Roy for Farot 296, com home deussoit 
for conduissoit 325, haut for baut 596, ensample for ensamble 865, ffrancois for 
frans 1164, paour for pooir 1802, drut qe plume for drut que piuvie 1190, le court 
Daunmartyn for le comte de Danmartin 1033, a souent for a souhet 1312, Vyne 
noble for vignoble 2905, criere for chiere 2032, pee taillie for pietaille 3391, p deux 
costees for par d'encoste 3461, &c. Unfortunately for him, moreover, the manuscript 
he was copying was evidently of slovenly execution, neglectful of the slight marks 
that distinguish those letters of somewhat similar formation, so often confused by 

' Grundriss, i, p. 179. 


careless mediaeval scribes— t/ and A, /and/, /and s, t and c, n and u, m and m 
or ««■— and, guided by no secure knowledge of the language, he has repeatedly 
made a wrong selection. Thus he writes Aveville 282, Vesier 648, Vrie 1527, 
voisant {= bat'sant) 2088, beignent (=veignent) 3533, en contre ffarsson for en 
courte saisson 1593, cf 3793, entrefeat for entreset 3490, /a&s for sa/es 3166, delzeche 
9, Fapparaille (= s' apparatlle) 1728, /« (= se) 1846, I'espandi 2516, amenceveurs 4, 
nobletee 61, largitee 62, sw^cg 805, piece {= pitiS) 1184, <:««:«; (= fe2<^) 1726, ce/ 
(= fe^ 3092, ^«/ (= ce/) 1476, Z»as/ 2031, few/>s (= caw/>s) 2035, conissance for fo^s- 
samfe 1559, ^re^s for creez 3175, content ior content 27, arriuee for armee 487, deseruier 
for desermer 1420, Aawfe for /!fl«fe 3i42» and in a moment of distraction turns 
the abbreviation of Jesus into Johan 2220. 

These and many other blunders may be set down to the count of the Wor- 
cester scribe, but it would be unfair to hold him solely to blame for the corruption 
of the text. A careful examination of the text and the titles shows conclusively 
that he must have had before him not the original manuscript, but a copy already 
more or less defective. The blank left for line 4000 and the remark defic. 
hie in the copyist's handwriting at line 2585 indicate this, and further conclusive 
evidence is afforded by the rubricated titles. Their phrasing, and, above all, their 
faults, make it impossible to attribute them either to the Herald or to the 
Worcester scribe. 

The Herald's authorship of the titles is disproved both by the degradation of the 
language, A.N., not only in forms but also in vocabulary and construction — cf. p. 42 
envoia. . .pur avoir, p. 125 voilliot aler pur combatre, p. g-j parla . . . certeins paroles, 
p. 95 eux taillerent de combatre ' — and by the kind of mistakes that occur in them. 
Twice over the text is incorrectly summarized, and once sheer nonsense is written. 
Thus the attrait of 861 is wrongly taken in the title as traitie ; lines 3801-3805 are 
incorrectly summarized on page 117, the compaigne = company of the text being 
understood as compaigne = wife ; and on page 23 the tag a bris mos is interpreted 
as a place-name, a Brismos. Blunders such as these are obviously not to be 
ascribed to the author. 

Another series of mistakes and confusions in the titles precludes all possi- 
bility of attributing their composition to the Worcester scribe. Mistakes like 
those on pp. 116, 64, and 73 — retenuz for receuz, si for li, contre ensemble for toute 
rassembke— indicate clearly a dependence on a written source, and this is conclusively 
corroborated by the curious discrepancies between titles and text on pages 67 
and 75. In both an intelligible word or phrase is furnished by the title, a faulty or 
meaningless one by the text — Rouncevalle for Rainchenanus in line 2191, en le 
meisme temp for en trewes in 2478. Here the explanation evidently is that the 
composer of the titles successfully interpreted the Northern forms Rainchevaus and 
entreus that he found in his text, and rendered them rightly in the form of his own 
language, while the copyist, to whom the forms of the text were unfamiliar, contented 
himself with a meaningless approximation. 

Neither to the Herald nor to the Worcester scribe are the rubricated titles to 
^ Cf. the use of se taillier in.Gower. 


be attributed. They attest, conclusively, the existence of an intermediate manuscript. 
As no mediaeval copyist ever succeeded in reproducing his original with com- 
plete exactitude we may be sure that the intervening transcriber left his mark on 
the text of the Herald's poem. Indeed it is probably fair to lay on him the main 
responsibility for the present unsatisfactory condition of the text. 

In the first place, the French familiar to him, though more copious than that of 
the copyist of the Worcester manuscript, is indubitably of the same type. This is 
evident not only from the language of the titles, but also from some of the correc- 
tions made in the manuscript — -real Verschltmmbesserungen in which an A.N. form is 
found substituted for a Continental one ^— and it is this double A.N. transmission 
which explains the completeness of the Anglo- Normanization of the language of the 
poem. Secondly, we may fairly premise from the inserted titles that he was both 
interested in the subject and also of considerable independence in his attitude to the 
text he was copying, and it is to him, in consequence, that we may plausibly attribute 
all such mistakes in the manuscript as are not due to inadvertence or ignorance on 
the part of the scribes, e. g. the changes of order to secure good A. N. rhymes in 
lines 2749/50 and 3133/4, the addition of the name Devereux in 2281, the additions 
and alterations occasioned apparently by the insertion of the titles before lines 141 1, 
1669, 3481, 4119, and the alterations of the text in lines 1022 and 3802. Lastly, it 
is, in all probability, to this same copyist that we may ascribe the composition of the 
rhymed catalogue that in the manuscript stands after the poem. This production 
is too hopelessly A.N. to be fathered on the Herald, too correct in information and 
too independent to be attributed to the Worcester scribe. It does, however, accord 
well with the presumable character and capacity of the author of the titles, and may 
well serve to illustrate his conception of French prosody. 

B. The Orthography. 
The two main questions of interest in the discussion of the orthography are the 
sorting out and stock-taking of all such graphics as may belong to the original manu- 
script, and the enumeration and description of those attributable to the scribes. As 
complete treatment would be lengthy and involve tedious repetition of ourselves and 
others, we propose to confine ourselves in this section to the consideration of those 
orthographical traits only whose allocation it is difficult to determine, and to the 
description of such A.N. forms (the pronominal and verbal) as have been in- 
adequately treated elsewhere. The releve of the easily recognizable Northern 
traits is given below in the section dealing with the constitution of the text ; for 
the other characteristics we would refer to the short epitome in the same section 
and to the above-mentioned dissertation of Herr Kotteritz. 

{a) Representation of Sounds. 
(i) Vowels. The graphics that call for consideration are the use of au and ou 
before a nasal, of oe for ui, and of i and e in some unstressed words and syllables. 

' Cf. 387 ie corrected to luy, 843 puis to pints, 1755 guerpir to guerper. 


Au before a nasal is a frequent though not constant graphy. A recog- 
nized A.N. trait, its use by the Herald seems to be attested by the rhyme Maune ^ : 
sank of lines 569/70, and cannot, therefore, be entirely attributed to the 

Ou is used more frequently than au and represents rightly, as the rhymes show, 
the sound u attributed by the Herald to o in this position. The use of this 
graphy by Continental French scribes is, however, comparatively rare, even in poems 
in which this value is given to the sound, and it is, therefore, probable that its 
frequency in the Worcester manuscript is due to the copyists. 

Oe. The use of oe for ui in nuit and hm't is constant in the interior of the 
lines ; cf. oept 180, 389, 2468, oep 1553. It is no usual A.N. graphy,^ but as it is not 
supported by the rhymes, and is used once in the titles, it is possibly attributable 
to the scribes. 

E and /. After a palatal, e of the initial syllable is consistently raised to 
i {chival, chivauchier &c.). This raising is found in Northern French texts, but 
its almost complete consistency is probably ascribable to the copyists, to whom it 
would be the ordinary graphy.' 

(2) Consonants. The most difficult question to settle is that of the double 
consonants. Doubling is, as is well known, particularly characteristic of A.N., where 
it may have denoted some peculiarity of pronunciation,' but it is also frequent in 
Continental fourteenth- and fifteenth-century French (cf. in the manuscript of Joinville 
affiert, attendre, of Deschamps appeller &c.).° To judge from other texts, we may 
safely attribute to the scribes the use of rr" (e.g. demurra, dirroy &c.) and of // 
final,' but not that of ss for 5 medial intervocal. This last is a graphy that occurs 
frequently in the Northern French ' manuscripts, e. g. Mousket : maisson, devisson ; 
' Baudouin de Sebourg ' : soffissant, ossas, conduissoit, reluissent, &c. ; the Turin 
' Rigomer ' manuscript : damoissiele, pressenta ', and its occurrence in the Worcester 
scribe's Vorlage is attested by the confusion he falls into in line 325 {com home deussoit 
for conduissoit, in 1041 condussoit). 

It is more difficult to determine to whom the use of _^ should be attributed. This 
graphy is found both in Anglo-Norman and in French manuscripts of the fourteenth 
and fifteenth centuries. In the former it ordinarily took the place of F,^ in the 
latter its use seems to be entirely arbitrary (cf the Turin manuscript of the Rigomer 
episode "). As its ordinary function in the Worcester manuscript is that of F, it is 
probable that this graphy was introduced by one of the scribes. 

Questions of minor importance are the loss of t final, the addition of a 
pleonastic s, the use of glide w, and the confusion of the prefixes es and en. They 

1 Ct Introd., p. viii, § 6. p. 325. A list is given by Kotteritz, p. 63. Forms 

2 Oept is fonnd in manuscript H (8) of the Ortho- like trebbtuher, akgge are also probably AN. 
graphia Gallica. ' Cf. Brugger's remarks in the Zts. f. frz. Spr. a. 

' Cf. Slimming, 'Boeve,' p. 177. Lit. xxx, p. 136 : ' This kind of doubling appears 

* Cf. Morsbach, ' Ueber Anglofranzosische Kon- to be found particularly frequently in Walloon texts." 

sonantdehnung ', in the Festschrift fiir W. Foerster. ' Cf. Brugger's article quoted above. 

' C£Brunot,H.L.Fr.i. 497, where these and other ' Cf. Morsbach's note in Fumivall's Miscellany, 

examples are quoted. p. 35°- 

« Cf. Boeve, pp. 213, 214; Morsbach, op. cit. " See Brugger's article quoted above. 


all occur with more or less frequency both in A.N.' and in Northern French 
manuscripts, and are not, therefore, necessarily attributable to the A.N. scribes. 

The loss of t found in don 771, main 1676, 1741, moul 2289, 2358, tantos 3122, hos 
2257 &c., is supported by the rhymes and found elsewhere,^ e. g. Mousket moul 1470, 
1817, and main 5953. 

The s introduced very frequently in the verbal forms fuist (for fu or fut), dist, 
scieust, &c., and in ouesque ' is probably A.N. ; that in words like esglise 86, nosmer 
1665, tasner ■^']02, destri, is of doubtful provenance, as it finds parallels in Northern 
texts, such as ' Baudouin de S&honrg' esroit, esre, esrour, &c., Gilles le Muisit esglise, 
eswille, sesme.* 

The use of w for u in vewe 1888, 3447, 4153, and perhaps siewroit 1051, is almost 
certainly to be set down to the count of the scribes, but the glide in coward, Edward 
{= Edouwart), eawe, aiuwe, is a recognized Northern development, cf. Jehan des 
Preis ruwe, veuweJ^ The same set of authors offer such frequent examples of the 
confusion of es and en : eslire, ensaier, enfort,^ &c., that the enforcier, &c., of the 
manuscript might have been left uncorrected. 

(6) Pronominal Forms. 

(i) The Article. The forms attested by metre are : — 

Li. Norn. sg. m. in lines 11, 583, 756, 1205, 2534, 3336, 3390, 3432, 3437, 3440 ; 
/' in 2018, 2283, 2285, 3376, 3828. 

Li. Nam. sg./. in 395, 790, 1212,2092, 2509, 2721, 2812 {lias), 790 {/i escripture), 
3048 {li estoire), 2092 {li autre); V in 2515, 2900 {Tos), 761, 2091 (June), 2031 
[I'assamblee), 2230, 2706 il' avantgarde), 2636 {V areregarde)? 

The nominative singular masculine is written ly {li), lui, le, and occasionally la. 
Lui is a well-known A.N. graphy, due probably to confusion with the alternative 
pronoun forms li and lui.^ Ly, rare in the first thousand lines, becomes noticeably 
more frequent in the latter part of the poem. La is found mainly when the noun 
is confused with a somewhat similar feminine one, e. g. la pats, la pas, but also la 
pooir, la pont, la Danoys. 

The nominative plural masculine is usually ly, sometimes lui, and more 
rarely les. 

The feminine singular is // before a vowel, lui in line 3048, la and more rarely 
le before a consonant.' 

The contracted forms are du, des, au, as (1449 only instance), eu 363, 4162, ou 
2184 (= en le), 575, 856, 2524 (= a le), es 655, 2517, 2901." Uncontracted forms are 
rare except in the titles ; where they occur as in 26 (en le), 1491 [eins les), 3029 
[en les), they are certainly to be set down to the scribe. More often the article is omitted, 

1 Cf. Stimming, 'Boeve,' pp. xliv {esanien), 222 ' For two possible instances of enclitic form cf. 

(t), 227 {s), 220 (w) ; Burghardt, 97, 94. above, p. xxvii. 

^ The addition of i to gain rhymes for the eye, dit : ' Cf. Stimming, ' Boeve,' p. xi. The absence of the 

mercit, Sec, is very probably due to the scribes. graphy «j for z in our poem, and the constant waver- 

' For a complete list see Kotteritz, p. 60. ing betvfeen /ui and li pronoun, support the theory 

* Quoted by Burghardt, p. 98. of confusion between article and pronoun. 

^ Quoted by Scheler. ' Eleven instances in the first thousand lines. 

Quoted by Scheler, Glossaire. " For contracted feminine forms cf. above, p. xxvii. 


e. g. de for du 49, 551, mo, &c., a for au iii, 8og, 1218, &c., en for eu 2061, 3475, 
3483, &c. Like omissions are of frequent occurrence in Walloon texts, e. g. the 
Geste de Liege of Jehan des Preis,' but it is so constant an A.N. trait that its 
presence in our poem is probably attributable to one or other of the scribes. 

The syntax of the definite article is that of the Herald's Continental contem- 
poraries : — 

(a) Titles are ordinarily accompanied by the article : in 155, 335, 337 the 
scribe has omitted it ; in 1520 [dues Henri) and in 277, 292 [roys) the unaccom- 
panied form is metrically required, though in 277 and 292 the scribe has wrongly 
added luiovle. Similar isolated instances of older usage occur in Deschamps.'^ 

(j8) Names of countries and provinces or districts are still, without exception, 
undetermined, whether preceded by a preposition, e.g. 209, 220, 291, 337, 704, 
710, &c., or not, e.g. 190, 832, 181 1, 1864, 1896, &c. With river names the article 
is used in 233. 

(y) In conformity with older usage seinte Eglise in 85, morz in 3214, enfer in 
1268, terre in 513, 1302, 1494, and mer in 1487, 1783, are used undetermined by 
the article. 

(8) Abstract nouns still require no article, e.g. 40, 61, 62, 65, 66, 67, 71, 76, &c. 
In 2541 and 3023 verite used concretely is determined, while in the stereotyped, 
phrase a verite recorder of 3024 and 3644 the older usage is adhered to. 

(e) The individualized common noun regularly takes the article, but an excep- 
tion is seen in 11. 2977/8, La est flour de chevalerie, La est flour de bachelerie, 

(^) Substantival adjectives denoting nationality appear on the whole more fre- 
quently without article, e. g. Englois 249, 321, 332, 757, 955, &c. ; ffrancois 218, 435, 
&c. ; but an article is used in 232, 236, 273, 498, 754. In 11. 1131, 2678, 3046, 3364, 
pverlong by a syllable, the use of the article is attributable to the scribe. 

(i/) With common nouns used generically the article is usual ; the older usage is 
still found at times, e.g. plueve 1190, 3228, 3362, arblastier 3253, chivalier[s) 269, 
2794, oisel 1554, archier(s) 1189, 3227, 3360, and in 3252, where the scribe adds les. 

{6) With nouns determined by tout (= all) a few instances of the older usage 
occur, e. g. tousjours [de sa vie) 69, en toutz champs 13, sur touts rqys 1265, and with 
the place-names tut Constantyn 169, toute Guyane 1546. 

(t) With nouns depending on nouns or adverbs of quantity or on numerals the 
usage varies. 

The older construction of the adverbs of quantity, i. e. the dependence of the 
noun not on the adverb but on the verb, is found in 287 assez y avoit dues &= 
contes, 3258 moult lour fist souffrir ahan, and by emendation in 1468 Pour plus faire 
honour a la terre and 3996 . . . quipoy a delit, and probably also in 2839 Tant li dourroie 
d'argen et cTor,^ in all of which lines the scribe adds de (</). 

More frequently the construction of the adverb has been assimilated to that of 
the noun of quantity, i. e. de has been introduced, e. g. 747, 1996, 2358, 2509, &c, 

' Cf. Scheler, Glossaire. ° Correct metre is also obtainable by the slurring 

" Cf. Deschamps' nsage in Bode, pp. 10-27. Q"^ o^*'' °^ ^ '° "f^"^' ^^'^ ''^'^ would be the only instance 

due Guerin avoit a seignourie. Par roy Saul entm of reduction in this termination when it is unaccom: 

ce monde &c. panied by/«. 


The use of the article is somewhat capricious. With dependent nouns in the 
singular it is exceedingly rare, partly perhaps because these happen often to be 
abstract nouns, e.g. moult de payne 1996, 2509, 3710, moul y suffrist de duretee 2359, 
moult ot de vaillance 2965, plus de deshonour 3542, and moult eurent fait de damage 
747, moul d'autre chevalerie 2289. It occurs only in 3720 Du conseil ne say se pot 
non, and in 1674 moult de la chivacherye. With the dependent nouns in the plural 
the article appears almost constantly in the manuscript, and is often metrically 
attested, e. g. des autres foysons 143, 716, 1356, des autres assez 2807, et des Englois y 
ot plusours 2874, deux ou trois des autres 2533, des autres plus de deux mille 3410, des 
arblastiers vi mille 2997. Of contrary cases there occur metrically attested only 
three examples : plente d! autres chevaliers 3856, d! autres bien iv mille 2347 d! autres 
plus de vi mille 3072.' 

Metrical exigencies are probably mainly responsible for the difference in usage 
between the singular and the plural, both constructions being used in Middle French. 
Cf. Deschamps, II. 124. 3, Qui des pechiez a fait grant foison ; III. 164. 4, Qui 
sceurent moult des secrez de nature} 

(k) De partitive is of very rare use : it is found before autres in 3242 Et 
d! autres chevaliers, and combined with the article in 1382 Et des autres and in 165 La 
pooyt home veoir des preus, des hardis et des outrageus. 

(A.) The demonstrative adjectives cil and cist still occasionally replace the 
article, e.g. cez (sez) 1304, cil ^zj6 (ms. tel). 

(2) Demonstrative Pronouns and Adjectives. 

Forms. The manuscript forms are : — 

(a) Ecce iste, used only adjectivally : 

Nom. sg. masc. ceste 892 (traitie), 1865 {an). 

Ace. sg. masc. (i) ce frequent, particularly with nouns like tamps, jour, siecle, 

point ; written ceo in A.F. fashion in 480, 2969, 3324, 3431, 


(2) cest (ceste) in 1340, 2423, 2837, 4172; ycest (yceste) in 4170. 

(3) cesti in 3182 ; ycesti. 
Nom. pi. masc. Not found. 

Ace. pi. masc. cez, ces, ses, sez, 1328, 1473, 2316, 4169, &c. 

Fem. sg. ceste (cest) 383, 454, &c. yceste 816. 

Fem. pi. sez 1304. 

(b) Ecce ille, used both pronominally and adjectivally. 

(a) Pronominal. 
Nom. sg. masc. cil 559, &c. ; cils 285, &c. ; sils 12, celui 1362. 
Ace. sg. masc. cely 788, 940, 1183, 1800, 2061, 3204. 

cil 127, 130, 131 1, cils 131 1. 
Nom. pi. masc. cil, cils (sils) 24, 31, 256, 322, 341, &c, 

ceux 2, 872, 1367, 2372. 
Ace. pi. masc. ceux 28, 3526. 

' As the use of the article is so comparatively have been retained in the corrected text, 
well attested, the manuscript orthography should '^ Quoted Bode, p. 26. 


(/8) Adjectival. 
Nom. sg. masc. cil, cils, sils 12, 63, 68, &c. 

Ace. sg. masc. eel (celle) 1237, 1367, 1401, 1696, 1707, &c,; cely 3941 (in 

rhyme), 351, 1399, &c. 
eelui 305, 331, 1 125, 1 166, &e. 
Nom. pi. masc. cil, cils, 574, 1028, &c. 

Fem. sg. cele, celle (eel) 376, &c. ycelle 1842 

(c) Ecce hoc. ee, written ceo. ceaux 1490 

cela 926, 1534, and in 2478, by emendation. 
SynUxx, The syntactical points deserving notice are : — 
(i) The use of the re-compounded cela. 

(2) The preponderance of the ecce ilk forms, particularly in the nominative and 
accusative singular. These appear to be used for ecce iste forms in 374, 1146, 1549, 
1927 {cele), 1590 {celui), 2022 [cely], 1402, 2878 [eel), 1367, 1912, 2320, 2278, 2345, 
2378, 3333, &e. («7). This is doubtless due, in part, to the fact that it is the ecce ille 
forms that usually accompany past tenses ', and in part to that encroachment of the 
ecce ille forms on the sphere of the ecce iste ones that has been noted in North France ^. 

(3) Personal Fronouns. 

Forms. The forms employed for the ist person singular and 3rd persons 
singular and plural are : — 
ist person, Nom. je (whether elided or not), jeo 375, 465, 467 &c., in all 9 times. 

Ace. moy, rhyming with doy 3503/4, 4123/4, and my, rhyming with 
li 2499/500, with pri 411 7/18. 
2nd person. Nom. tu. 

3rd person masc. Nom. sg. and neuter, il 405, &c., ils 281 1, y i860. 
Nom. pi. ils 515, &c. 
Stressed ace. and dat. sg. luy and ly, in rhyme always ly, -.hardi 1081, 

: departi 1251, : dormy 1439, : enemy 1633, though written often luy. 
Unstressed ace. sg. masc, le. 
Unstressed dat. sg. ly and luy. 
Stressed ace. pi. eux 1940, &e., eaux 475, 1451, rhyming with reveaux and 

Stressed dat. pi. lour. 
Unstressed ace. sg. les. 
3rd person fem, Nom. sg. elle, ele 2055, &c. (el 2564), 
Stressed ace, and dat. luy 2081, 3762 (: ly masc). 
Unstressed dat. sg. fem. luy (luye) 1475, 2074, 2075, 2081, li 3572, 
Nom. pi. elles, ils 1892. 
Ace. pi. elles. 
Dat. pi. lour, 
ist person pi. nous. 
2nd person pi. vous, 

» Cf. Mathew, Cist and Cil. A syntactical Study, Zts. f. frz. Spr. n. Lit. xxxiii, p. 55. 
Baltimore, 1907,33 reviewed by Meyer-Lubke in the ' Rydberg, p. 809. 



Of these yeo is certainly A.N. lis is very likely also attributable to the scribes, 
for the use of this form as a nominative plural seems to be connected elsewhere 
with the decay of declension.'- 

In line 2943 the shortened form ous, not infrequent in fourteenth-century texts,'' 
is metrically required. 
Syntax, {a) Stressed and unstressed forms. 

(a) Coupled with a noun in the nominative, the pronoun is in the nominative in 
lines 660, 3274, 3894, but the modern use of the stressed accusative is found 
in 1 710, Ly et toute sa compaignie. 

(j8) The stressed accusative form is still regularly employed with a prepositional 
infinitive, but in 2490 the beginnings of the modern usage are seen in the use of 
le with a second infinitive, before which the preposition has not been repeated : 
Et li supplia a garder le pats t le governer. 

(7) The stressed pronoun is used when placed first in the sentence, e. g. moyfu 
avis 2650,' &c. 

{b) Masculine and feminine forms. In 1892 ils stands for elks, a usage not in- 
frequent in Froissart and other fourteenth-century writers.* 

(c) Personal and reflexive pronouns. In accordance also with fourteenth-century 
usage, the personal pronoun not infrequently replaces the reflexive, e. g. li for soi 
1251, 21 14, 2330, 3042, 3896; yauxiox soi 2-^0 [ yceux), 1940, 3860. 

(d) Order, (a) The direct still precedes the indirect, e. g. le vous 2414, 3537, les 
nous 1 146, 3168. 

(/3) When the pronoun is the object of an infinitive depending on another verb 
the pronoun object is still placed before the finite verb, e. g. 29 Si ne se doit on 
pas tenir, 31 Cilz qui sen scevent entremettre, 2937 S'accorder vous ansdeux pooie, 
3553 ■ • • et trainer le fist on, zg^g Que nous y plera a entrer. 

(e) Omission. With respect to the omission of the personal pronoun, the older 
French usage is observed. 

(a) The pronoun subject is still frequently left unexpressed. 

(/3) When a compound subject consisting of a substantive and a pronoun is 
used, no summing-up pronoun is added : e. g. 2946-8. 

(y) Before an unstressed accusative of the 3rd person the unstressed dative is 
regularly omitted : e.g. 1069, 1980, 1985, 2457, 3142, 3661. 

(S) With prepositional infinitives the pronoun object is not infrequently 
omitted: e.g. 366, 1493, 3334, 3661. 

(e) With the infinitive and participles of reflexive verbs the reflexive pronoun 
is often absent: e.g. 194, 1181, 1727, 2236, 2983,3859, and 1121, 1157, 3010, 3461. 

But contrast 681, 693, 2639, 2650. 

(C) Le is not yet used to refer back to a preceding adjective. As with Froissart 
and other fourteenth-century writers, its function is taken by si. 

' Cf. Brunot, i, p. 420 : ' II est certain que la trans- Perhaps avant should have been substituted for 

formation de il est en rapport avec la date de la devanC, and ce kept. 

disparition de la diclinaison.' ' Cf. Ebering, Zts. v. p. 324, and Brunot, i. 430, 

* Cf. Nyrop, ii, § 521. 431. If the correction of I45 is right the usage of 

' This makes the correction of 3222 doubtful. the masc. sg. for the fem. is observable also in 1. 146. 


In all these respects the Herald's usage is that of his Continental contem- 
poraries '- The orthography of the MSS. is however influenced to a considerable 
extent by A.N. usage. We note in particular : — 

(a) The predilection for the stressed forms before the finite verb, e. g. // for le 
I202, 1352, 1765, 1862, 2215, 2522, 2751, 2838; and sot for se 281, 326, 363, 2121, 
2152, 2867, &c.' 

(6) The displacement of order in 775 La ne' and 1142JV nous. 

(c) The addition or omission of the unstressed subject pronouns.* 

(4) Possessive Fronouns. The older feminine forms ma and sa (m' and s') are 
still used before a vowel, e.g. m! entente 39, m'estudie 47, s' amour 1588; but mon and 
son are also found, e.g. son estudie 70, son avant garde 252. 

The stressed form of the pronoun of the 3rd person rhymes with bien 1621/2 ; 
the scribe uses the A.F. soen usually, senes in 41 12. 

The short forms no and vo are frequently metrically required : cf. 539, 542, 549, 
795, 796, 824, &c. The scribe usually writes nre and vre." 

Declension is usually neglected by the scribe, but the nom. sing, ses occurs 
in 11. 283, 1035, 1778, 2481, and the nom. plur. sz in 660, 1621, 3838. 

(5) Belative Pronouns. 

Masc. nom. sg. qui (qi) (qe) 10, 38, 334, &c. liquels (lequel) 1757, 

1980, 2667, 3084, 

3279, 3470- 
(quel) 3104. 
stressed ace. sg. (persons) qui (qi) 196, 200, 1794 &c., quoy 124, 556. 

„ „ (things) qui 106 (quel) 2922. 

unstr. „ que 

nom. pi. qui (qi) (qe) 31, 440, 1753, &c. liquel 897 

(lesqueux) 3022. 
(queux) 2130. 
stressed ace. pi. qui (qi) 360, 2128, &c., quoy 1382 desqueux 2917. 

Fem. nom. sg. qui 1510, 1588, (qe) 9, 60, 462, 512, &c. laquele 115. 

lequel 3431. 
ace. sg. laquele 99. 

(quele) 3673. 
nom. pi. (queux) 184, 482, 744, 1496, &c., que 2916. 

ace. pi. (queux) 2917, 3698. 

Dont, 143, 338, &c. 
Ou, 2614. 

Of these forms the only ones metrically attested for the nominatives are the 
lequel form and qui. In no case does elision occur where the simple relative is 
placed in the nominative before a vowel {Une cite qe ot grant las 692, {baniere) Qe 

1 Cf. Froissart's usage described by Ebering, Zts. v. ' Cf. Stimming : Boeve, note to 91 7. 

" In 1352, 2315, 3682, the use of the stressed ' Cf. above, p. xxvi. 

form is condemned by the fact that it disturbs the ' no in 796. 


est de sole riche et chiere 972, Et cils qe eurentfait lour fait 2820), so that it is clear that 
the manuscript forms qe, quel, and queux are attributable to the scribes. The use of 
qe is common throughout Anglo-Norman," that olqueux begins later, but is frequent 
in the fourteenth century. It is probably due, in part, to the influence oiqe, in part 
to ceux, and is an instance of the A.N. tendency to secure phonetic similarity among 
words of similar or related functions. 

In other respects also the syntax of the relative pronoun is that of fourteenth- 
century Continental French. We note : — 

(a) The continuance of the use of qui for the stressed dative and accusative ; 
ordinarily with a personal antecedent, but in line 106 referring to matere."^ 

(b) The use of quay to refer to a definite personal antecedent, cf. 123, 556, 
1382, &c. 

(c) The similar use of ou in 2614. 

(d) The use of pleonastic qui, que, with lequel in lines 897 and 2949, Liquet cent 
qui sont desconfi, and Y entrerons par lequel lieu Que nous y plera a entrer^ 

(e) The survival of the older form quel . . . que in 3906 A quel part que mieulz 
li plesoit. 

(c) Verbal Forms.* 

Morphology. The main characteristic of the A.N. conjugation system — 
simplification by analogical formations — is well exemplified in the Worcester manu- 
script. It manifests itself in various directions : — 

(i) SimpHfication of the radical by the generalization of one much used form. 
This is particularly the case with the verbs voloir, /aire, venir, tenir, and is noticeable 
elsewhere. The radical generalized is usually one of the jod-forms. 

Voloir regularly takes 7ioill- : voilloir 1248, 1294, 3510, voilloer 1214, voiller 3544, 
voilloMS 793, voillez 105, 907, 1235, 2659, voilleit 69, 1247, 351 1 {voleit 1887), voilloit 
1247, 1845, 1977, 1999, &c., voilloient 1801, 3859. 

Valoir, vaill- : vailli 1351, 1750, 1798, 2757. 

venir z.nd tenir— {a) vien-, tien-, regularly used in the past definite: vientii6 &c., 
tient 114 &c., viendrent, tiendrent ^4-65 &c., as well as in the future and conditional. 

(b) viegn- veign-, tiegn-, teign- : viegnent 1144, veignent 3129, iiegnons 2922, 
teignont 3883. 

prendre, preign- : preigniez ion, preignent 3477. 
/aire— (a) fais-, faisissez 5^,/aisist b\q,faisot ggo,ffaisoit 15 15. 
(b) fac- : faccoms 2934, facez 2854. 

devoir : deussez 2417, 2418. 

This tendency is noted by Stimming in Boeve de Haumtone,'' and is exemplified 
also in Bozon and other fourteenth-century A.N. writers. 

2 Cf. Jong, p. 25 et seq. jugation system as yet exists. The most helpful 

1 his supports the emendation of line 3673 de qui contribution is the relev^ of forms and the remarks 

ioxdequde. thereon made by Maitland in his edition of the 

Ct. iirunot, Hist. L. Fr. i. 461-2, 'que pMonas- Year Books of Edward II, pp. liii-lxxvii. Stim- 

tique . . . se joint i un autre relatif comma encore ming, in his edition of Boeve de Hanmtone, touches 

aujourd hm dans la bouche du peuple.' on many points morphological and syntactical. 

* No comprehensive account of the A.N. con- " p 159 


(a) Simplification of termination by assimilation to the ist conjugation — a well- 
known A.N. trait. The instances are collected by KOtteritz, pp. 14-15.* 

Syntax, (i) Tense. 

a. Past Definite and Imperfect Tenses. In the A.N. use of tense the liking for 
simplification also appears. 'Apparently/ says Maitland, in his interesting account 
of the forms of the Year-Book verb," 'our ancestors behaved as though the 
French verb had one tense too many. Having il porta and il a parte', they seem 
to think il portoit superabundant.' The past definite is more usually the tense 
retained, but, as the same writer points out, the usage varies from conjugation to 
conjugation, and sometimes from verb to verb. Verbs forming a weak past definite 
in -a and -», and most of those with sigmatic perfects, discard the imperfect ; those 
with strong «-perfects the past definite. Dire builds a composite tense dist and 
disoient, venir and tenir make a hybrid 3rd plural vindroient. It is only the two 
commonest verbs, estre and finire, that keep both tenses in working-order. The 
practical disuse of the past definite of avoir brought with it the loss of the past 

The forms of the past tenses used in the Life of the Black Prince, in so far as 
they are due to the scribe, are in almost entire agreement with Maitland's obser- 

(a) Tenses in the Titles. Imperfects of the ist and 2nd conjugations occur very 
rarely — some twenty times in all, and for the most part only when repeated from 
the poem.' The only instances of imperfects used independently of the text are : 
guidoiip. 33, menoitp. 24.,/uyoientp. 36, regracioitp. 128. 

Of verbs forming sigmatic perfects, dire keeps both dist and disoit in the 
singular, but only disoient in the plural, faire xaak&sfist in the 3rd singular, firent 
and fesoient in the plural with no difference of meaning ; of verbs like prendre and 
mettre no imperfect occurs.* 

Of the perfects of avoir, savoir, voloir, that of flz;o«> occurs twice (p. 67, p. 73),° of 
the two others there is no instance ' ; deust and receust occur on p. 75, pleust (taken 
from the text) on p. 81. Venir and tenir apparently keep both tenses, but for the 
imperfect, particularly in the plural, there is marked preference.'' 

From the way in which the surviving forms are coupled it is clear that all 
distinction between the tenses has vanished. Cf. p. 48 Touz les barouns ^ 
seignours de Gascoigne a lui venoient 4' lui fesoient homage Sf de bon coer I'amoient, 
representing in the text Qar tout li prince et lui baron . . . Viendrent a lui pur fair 
Homage . . . Et Famoient de bon amour Tout si subgit . . . ; p. 107 la menerent grant 
deduit if gracioient dieu, representing Illoeqes menoient grant deduyt Et gracioient dieu. 

' For the Herald's usage see above, p. xvi. 19> 2'> '^<=- 

» Op.cit. p. Ixi. * But avoit pp. 15, 37, 44, 48, 52, &c., avoient 

' Thus crioient,fuoient p. 33, combatoient p. 34- PP- i°7' '°^' 
p. 37, p. 41;, combatoit p. ioi,parloimt p. 42, amoient ' But voloit pp. 60, 74, 125, savotent pp. 33, 125, 

p. ^i.Jeu'otent p. 84, demenoient p. 116, courroient with the significance of a periect 
p. i^Jestoient p. 115. ' Cf. p. 48 (poem viendrent), pp. 60, 64, 78 &c. 

* The perfects are very frequent, cf. pp. 17, 18, 


(6) Tenses in the Text. The Herald, as we have seen, used the tenses of 
ordinary fourteenth-century French— of the narrative type— except when he was 
hampered by metrical requirements. Of the peculiarities mentioned above none 
can be with certainty attributed to him. They occur but rarely, and generally show 
themselves to be spurious by the metrical disturbance they cause. He shows 
no particular bias against the imperfects of the first conjugation or those of the verbs 
with sigmatic perfects, nor against the strong M-perfects, in fact the instances oi eut, 
eurent, scieut, pleut, outnumber those of avoit, avoient, savoit, and plesoit} The past 
anterior is rather a favourite tense. 

The traces discernible of A.N. tendencies in the orthography of the scribe are 
as follows : — 

(i) A ist conjugation perfect has been substituted for an imperfect in 416, 
in the rhyme demurerent : avoient, perhaps also in lines 744 and 2475, too long by 
a syllable, and in 3035 where an imperfect would be in accordance with the 
Herald's ordinary usage. 

(ii) Strong Perfects. The bias against the w-perfect forms shows itself in the 
graphy of those retained and in the occasional substitution of imperfect forms. 

(a) The graphy is rarely normal : that of the present tense is used in poet 1303, 
voet 1420, 1485, 1591; sciet 1830, 2965, 31 18; of the imperfect subjunctive in eust, 
142, 445, 446 &c., scieust 1997, pleust 3494, 3941. As in the Year-Books, venir is 
found in the curious hybrid form viendroient 213, 385, 634, &c., while porent 
(peurent) is replaced straightway by a conditional in 2822, 3320, 3368, 4087, and peui 
by a future in 298.^ 

(fi) Introduction of the imperfect seems to have occurred in a certain number 
of 9-syllabled lines, e. g. 2104, 2134 voloit for vat [veut], 2720 venoient for vint, 3567 
savoit {or sot (seut), 3568 pooit for pot (peut), and probably also 3779, 3659 avoit for 
ot {eut), as well as perhaps in 11. 178, 242, 294, 353, 493, 566, 640, 698, 736.' Where 
the plural is concerned metre is a less sure guide, as the contracted form of the 
imperfect of these verbs is of the same metrical value as the perfect. As, however, 
the proportion of contracted forms of the imperfect stands abnormally high with 
avoir (2 out of 6 in the first 2000 lines), it is most probable that in the case of avoir 
the substitution has sometimes taken place. 

(y) Dire and /aire. In the singular dist outnumbers slightly (/«o«'/, and fist fesoit 
very considerably ; in the plural the relations are completely reversed, but it is 
noteworthy that a comparatively very high proportion of the plural forms (2 out 
of 5 with dire, 4 out of 15 with /aire) scan as dissyllables — disotent 1914, 3602 ; 
/esotent 1117, 1616, 3812, 4007. In the case of dire one is inclined to suspect 
that the A. N. suppression of dirent has here aifected the orthography. The objection 

^ In the first tooo lines the number of perfects of ' Cf. Stimming : Boeve, note to 1524. 
the 1st and 2nd conjugation is 79, of imperfects 25 ; 'In the text as printed above, these lines have 
in the first 2000 lines there are 36 instances of either been corrected by omission of a word or 
avoit, 6 of avoient (some of both metrically doubt- syllable or taken as examples of synaloepha. In 
ful), 39 of eut, and 6 of eurent. We remark that view of the strong A.F. influence discernible in the 
in a narrative passage of Froissart, §§ 274-6, per- tense-forms, correction of avoit to ot or eut is pre- 
fects I and II number 39, imperfects 4. bably to be preferred. 


to Jirent was less strong, but the use of the form fisent by the Herald may have 
led the scribe to introduce here and there wrongly /eso«V«// 

b. Simple and Compound Tenses. Another idiosyncrasy of the scribes is the 
predilection for the compound tenses. These have been substituted for the perfect 
in 63 Juist nasquy, 861 ad countee, 1925 fuist assamblee, 2079 ad conforte, 2963 avoit 
apperceu, and probably in 1409 ^ and the overlong lines noted above containing 
the past indefinite of ouir ". 

(2) Mood. 

Of the Anglo-Normanisms discernible in Gower's use of mood two are 
exemplified in the Worcester manuscript : — 

(i) The use of the future and conditional in the protasis of «/^clauses, e.g. 230 
Si . . . prenderoit, 1862 Si . . . trovares, 2058 Si . . . perderoie, 2660 Si . . . donrez, 
2938 S'accorder vous . . . purroie, 3965 Et si de ci lever me purroye. 

(ii) The use of an indicative in adjectival clauses depending on a negative prin- 
cipal sentence, e.g. 191-4 Ny demoera due . . . qe toutz ne fist assembler, 731-3 Ny 
demora ne Due . . . qe tout ne fesoit amasser, 1792-3 Ny remist Counte . . . qe toutz 
ne li firent homage. Isolated instances of the usage are found in Continental 
French, both in earlier times and in thei fourteenth century *, but their frequency 
in A.N. and the relatively high proportion in which they occur in the Black Prince 
render A.N. influence probable. The subjunctive stands in similar clauses in lines 
647, 1790, i860, 2932. 


The poem is by a Hainault writer of the fourteenth century, copied by two A.N» 
scribes, the first intelligent, but independent-minded and careless, the second well- 
meaning, but ignorant and stupid. As a result we have extant a garbled version, 
sometimes unintelligible, often corrupt in metre and grammar. 

How should the text be constituted ? 

The most logical and perhaps simplest plan would have been to attempt 
a restoration of the forms proper to the dialect of Hainault The adoption of this 
method, however, would have entailed an almost complete disregard of the ortho- 
graphy of the extant manuscript, and would, in all probability, have given a text 
more consistently ' Hennuyer ' than that originally set down by the Herald. 

Simple reproduction of the manuscript, on the other hand, would seem to be 
an even more unsatisfactory way out of the difficulty. To secure intelligibility, 
emendation is often requisite ; for the sake of the Herald's good name, grammar 
and metre could hardly be left untouched, and, correction once begun, it would be 
hard to know where to stop. 

After much hesitation the decision was taken to publish the text in double 

I fisent has been adopted in 4007, and should " Cf. note to the text, 

probably have been also in the other lines; the \ Cf. above, p. xni.. . , „^ ,. ... 

scribe's predilection for fesoient is seen by its com- " Cf. Willenberg, Romanische Studien, m, p. 383, 

parative frequency in the headlines, cf. 1585 and note, and among contemporary writers Jehan de la 

3113 where he introduces it. Mote, 3254 N'est nuh qui n estott ptteus. 


form. In the left-hand column is printed a faithful reproduction of the manuscript 
with all its orthographical idiosyncrasies ^ ; in the right-hand column, a corrected 
text in which the suppression of recognized A.F. traits has been combined with 
a restoration of such Hainault traits as are supported by the manuscript. The 
resulting text is too much a matter of conjectural emendation to be satisfactory, but 
at least it furnishes a readable version of the poem that may fairly claim to be less 
of a travesty of the original than that of the Worcester manuscript. 
A detailed statement of the changes introduced is appended. 

A. Hainault Traits. 

I. Consistently employed. 

(i) Traits consistently or frequently attested by rhymes or metre. 

(a) Reduction of -ie'e to ie. Rhyme constant, "^ orthography of the manuscript 
wavering between ie {ye), iee, ee. 

(6) Diphthongization of e blocked in yvier. Rhyme constant,' orthography of 
the manuscript usually e. In a few cases ie has also been left or introduced when 
a possible indication was given : yestre 3343, praiell 698, sierement 2221, 3373 
(MS. pment, seurement), fier gio, 2745 (MS. feer). 

(c) Passage of e + m to cl. Rhyme usual,* orthography of the manuscript 
usually e, but a is found in tamps in 100, 682, 1507, 21 18, and the presence of this 
graphy in the intermediary is further attested by the confusion of tamps and camps 
in 51 and 2035, and of ensamble vfhh ensample in 865. 

(d) Raising of eau to iau. Three rhymes,^ orthography usually eau, but 
cotiaux : reviaux 3267, Baiumont for Biaumont 199. 

(e) Passage of e + I + consonant to iau + consonant. Three rhymes,' ortho- 
graphy usually eu, but consiaux 2481, eaux 476, 1451, and yceux, a corruption of 
yaux, in 286. 

(/) Representation of e + khy a + \. One rhyme/ orthography usual. 

[g] The graphy se for si ('if'). Elision constant.' The graphy s/, regularly 
employed by the scribes, is usual in A.N.' 

{h) The graphy se for si {'so') after et. The frequency of the elision and the 
graphy ce after et in 672, 2343, 3352, 3528, together with the scribe's confusion of 
si {sic) and the pronoun se in 263, 1223, 1299, 3043, indicate the use of this spelling 
in the original. It is a graphy that survived in Hainault well into the next century." 

(0 General correctness of declension, frequently attested in rhymes and 
metre." Orthography very wavering, but not without traces of the correct forms : 
e.g. Norn. sing. 10, 11, 12, 37, 38, 132, 143, 156, 157, &c.; Nom. plur. 83, 269, 272, 
402, 425, 430, 471, 472,491, 492, &c. 

' Including the confnsion found occasionally ' Cf. above, p. vii § 1 (b") 

between n and u. e Qf ^^^^^^^ ^^^^jj^ 

2 Cf. above, p. ix, § 9 {b). s Cf. Rydberg, p. 981. 

8 Cf. above, p. viii, § 5. i» Cf. Rydberg, p. 863. 

• Cf. above, p. viii. § 6. ^' Cf. above, pp. xiv-xv. The graphy its, connected 

Cf. above, p. vin, § 7. with the decay of declension, has also been eliminated 

Cf. above, p. viii, § 5. (cf. above, p. xlii, note (i)). 


(2) Traits attested in rhyme and well supported in orthography. 

(a) 3rd person plural of the strong sigmatic past definites in -I'sent and -issent. 
Two rhymes,^ orthography wavering between -?Ve«<, /s/rg«/, -?se«/ 687, 1189, -issent 
2530. -irent{dlso attested in rhyme, and used in the North concurrently with -issent) 
has been retained ; -istrent replaced by -isent or -issent. 

{b) Imperfect subjunctives of the w-formation in -ist and -issent. Two rhymes/ 
orthography wavering, />ow^ regular, 610, 121 1, 1466, 1830, 2157, 2455, otherwise 
•ust and -ussent. According to the graphy used in Northern manuscripts of 
Froissart, -ist forms have been kept or introduced when the radical retains syllabic 

II. Retained and extended to identical cases. 

Traits incapable or difficult of attestation in rhymes or metre, but of frequent 
occurrence in the manuscript. 

(i) Reduction of unstressed -oiss to -iss : conissance 5, conissoient 1796, reconis- 
sance ^102, reconissant ^110, pissons ^166, blisceoient ^^62- 

(2) Reduction of unstressed on to en, frequent in the case of volente, &c. (cf. 874, 
1014, 1054, 1568), where it has been regularized ; and found also in en (= on) 162, 
denerent 1792,' denoient ■^2,6^, where it has been retained. To this reduction also is 
probably attributable the confusion between chemina (i. e. cemina) and comenca (i. e. 
cemenca) in lines 1 124 and 3050. 

(3) Reduction of la, feminine article and pronoun, to le. Orthography vacillating, 
le very frequent. 

(4) Omission of glide-consonants in the groups m'l, n'r, I'r, &c. The rhyme 
ensanle : Maune* seems to indicate the omission of the labial glide in the group 
m'l, but as no other example is found this graphy has not been introduced. 

power {=poudriere) is found in 3225, vorrai, &c., in 988, 2256, 3538, venirent: 
tenirent in 2177-8, 3771-2; vorrai, &c., vinrent, tinrent, venra, venroit, &c., have been 

III. Retained where found. 

(i) Orthography of the palatals. 

There is some evidence in the rhymes that the dialectal pronunciation of 
c (ts) as ch (/J) was used by the Herald,^ and the graphy ch is found occasionally : 
grimache 19, lymache 20, lachoient 2764 (= lanchoient), Rainchevaus 2191, Abriche- 
court 1692 &c., Clichon 2327. 

There is no evidence in the rhymes for the k for ch ; the graphy is found 
in carker 369, 603, eskipper 607, kenu 878, cariage ioQ^frank(e) t.\']\, frike 1512, 
apeciez 800 (= a pechiez), and its presence in the intermediary is indicated by the 
confusion of caw/s with tamps 51 and 2035, and of comenca with, chemina in 11 24 
and 3050. The comparative rarity of the dialectal graphy seemed to indicate that 
its use had not been consistent with the Herald, and after considerable hesitation 

1 Cf. above p xvii 5 10 (b). quoted by Scheler in his Etude Lexicologique sur les 

2 Cf! above; p! xviC § 10 W. Poesies de Gillon leMuisit. 

3 Cf. denes, dena, denroit in Gillon le Muisit, * Cf. above, p. vui, § 6. Cf. above, p. x, § 16. 




the manuscript orthography was left unaltered, except that sc and S5 were replaced 
by the earlier graphy c, and the ch of champ by c. 

(2) ss for 5 medial intervocal/ bussynes 908, condussoit 1041 (cf. also the 
confusion com home deussoit for conduissoit in 325), tramessist 1465, saisson 1593 
(manuscript ^arsso«), 1712, owse/ 2018, oisselef ■^^']6. 

(3) g for gu (= g + l+cons.) : cotiaux 3267, wrra/ 981, &c. 

(4) ?' for ie : 6rv5 767, 2228. 

(5) The omission of interconsonantal 3 m fri 2']2,9, frirent 2531^; its insertion 
between labial consonant and r in feverier, &c., and in the futures. 

(6) Use of eu in the radical accented forms of the strong M-perfects, frequent in 
the manuscript, but often in garbled form ; e. g. eust (=eut) 142, 161, 446, 447, 572, &c. 
(as frequent as ot); eurent 515, 574, 1417, 1709 (erent), 1996, 2820, 3928; accreut 
1256, creut 1709, peust 3294, poet (?) 1301, pleust 3494, 3941, plust 2633, scieut 1948, 
2900, sciet 1830, 2965, 3118, scieustigg-], voet 1420, 1591, 1885, 3115. 

In accordance with the orthography used in the North of France this graphy 
has been extended to the radical of the weak persons. 

(7) Use of weak perfects in -ndi-, -rdi-, &c. : ardi 170, joindi 3173, vailli 1750, 
2757 ; cf- also compleindoit 3595, prendoit 1306. 

(8) 3rd plural of the perfect of the ist conjugation in -arent: coronarent 1771, 
alarent 2639. 

(9) Use of the masculine form li before feminine nouns beginning with a vowel.' 
IV. Introduced where metrically required. 

(i) Aphaeresis in the case of vesques 3797, space 996, scarmuches 2873. 

(2) Reduction of-oire to -ore.* 

(3) sons for somes 3163. 

B. Continental Traits, 
(i) Regularized. 

(a) oi for ei. Rhymes frequent/ graphy usual; exceptions, poeit 308, guei goi, 
2801, 2843, /i«>-s 830, 2931, </«V 2932. 

(6) The usual Continental treatment of the unstressed vowels in conformity 
with the conclusions deduced from the study of the metre.^ 

(2) Retained. 

(a) The use oije and ce for the stressed forms in hiatus. No instances of the 
Northern /oa and cou appear in the manuscript.' 

(6) The graphics du, eu, and ou for the contracted forms of the articles. 

' Cf. above, p. xxxvii. 7 xho a -nt ■ j 

* Cf. above, p. ix, S 12. ?' <f ^!"^ '! ^^= only decided on after considerable 

» Cf. above, p. vi i, § 8. .nff,'"°' i^^^f °^ '"^'"^ fPP'^" « "'^ "=^ "O'"" 

» Cf. above pp. xilxiv ^°^ "" '" "'^ "^"^ P^S^^ "^ '^e text. 


(c) The forms ma, ta, sa, for the possessive adjective.' 

(d) The graphy eu for earlier p tonic free ; a graphy frequently attested before 
s, but not supported by the rhymes, preus (preu) 165, 527, 626, 768, &c. ; outrageus 
166, corageus 528, 1300, 2248, 2738, glorieus 3422, cremeuse 3921, merveilleuse 3922, 
eure 2186, geneteurs 2005, 2873, 3088 {genetours 2981). 

C. Doubtful Traits. 
The following forms of doubtful origin have been retained, though their 
occurrence in the original manuscript is uncertain, 
(i) The use oiffiovF.'^ 

(2) The graphy oe for ui in noet, oet? 

(3) The use of que comparative before numerals. The confusion found 
elsewhere between qe and de (e. g. 27, 1683, 2022, 4073) renders it likely that it is 
the scribe and not the Herald to whom we must attribute this construction in- 
frequent in contemporary Continental manuscripts. 

On the other hand the use of the graphy aun and oun'^ for an and on, the 
raising of initial e in chival"^ Sac, and the confusion of the prefixes es and en' have 
been eliminated. 

D. Anglo-Norman Traits. 

The A.N. traits * consistently eliminated are briefly as follows : — 

All omissions and additions of 3 or other vowel condemned by the scansion. 

All forms of verbs and pronouns classified above as A.N.^ 

The following representations of the vowels :— of a by aa, e. g.paas ; of e by ea, 
e. g. feare 121, reason 1629, by ee, e. g. meer 603, neez 471, fees 1315, eeles 2989, 
by ie, e. g. niefs 482, piere 533 ; of ie by e or ee, e. g. lee 596, ceel 1261 ; oi by ai, 
e. g. poair 310, Paitiers 720 ; eu by u, prus 83, 2267, &c. ; ou by u, mullier, trusser, 
&c. ; o by 00, e. g. hoost 395, loos 440, doos 1 132 ; oe by oi, poit 785, voit 3535, by eo, 
Neofville 3253 ; u by ui, e. g.fuiz 216, pluis 1296. 

The reduction of au to a: ascune 4, chevacha 374, enchace 3437 ; of eaw to ew : 
^ewA; 822, oiseux 1554. 

The omission of u after g' : qi, qe, &c. 

The doubling of some consonants/ e. g. serra 14, ferroit 22, trebbucher 2301, 
alegge 2349, pecchier 418. 

The introduction of the final consonant of th e radical before flexional s or s, 
or before suffixes : records 104, ducz 287, /leetfe 2996, joefnesse 79. 

The use of t before s : y?/fe 355, assets 205. 

The introduction of 5 before a consonant' : e. g. amesna 197, t/«s; 317. 

The use of voiced consonants as finals : e. g, haraud 2437,^ baud 2954, trahim 


1 The use of the dialectal me, te, se, is certainly to to justify a thorough-going change of the orthography 
be expected if we are right in assuming /« was used for in this respect. , „, . 

the article, and an indication of their presence in the ^ cf. above, p. xxxvii. = Cf. above, p. xxxvni. 

original is perhaps seen in the mistaken graphy sa- * Cf. Kottentz. Cf. above, pp. xxxvni-xlvu. 

vilU for Seiim, but the evidence seemed too slight ' But cf. above, p. xxxvii. But cf. above, 

p. xxxviii. 


The confusion of n and n mouille: e. g. semaignes 2069, ordeignee 939. 
The restoration of final consonants, such as n in retorn 437, enfern 1268. 
The use of the forms ovesqe, jesqe, unqore, eins, chieftaine, pluvie {plume), of soen 
for sien, of the ist plural in -oms and 3rd plural in -ont. 


List of the Works quoted and of the Abbreviations used. 

(a) Authors and works on authors. 

Baudouin de Sebourg, ed. Bocca, 1841. 

Franz Blume, Die Metrik Froissarts. Greifswald, 1889 (Blume). 

Heinrich Bode, Syntaktische Studien zu Eustace Deschamps. Leipzig, 1900 (Bode). 

Boeve de Haumtone, ed. Stimming. Halle, 1899 (Boeve). 

H. J. Breuer, Sprache und Heimat des Baldwin v. Sebourg. Bonn, 1904 (Breuer). 

E. Ebering, Syntaktische Studien zu Froissart, in Zts. f. rom. Phil, v, p. 324 

Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce. 

Froissart, Poesies, ed. Scheler. 

Froissart, Meliador, ed. Longnon, Society des Anciens Textes FranQais. 

Jehan de la Mote, Li Regret Guillaume, ed. Scheler, Louvain, 1882. 

John Gower, French Works, ed. Macaulay. Oxford, 1899. 

A. Haase, Syntaktische Untersuchungen zu Villehardouin und Joinville. Oppeln, 1884 

Gustav Mann, Die Sprache Froissarts auf Grund seiner Gedichte, in Zts. f. rom. 
Phil, xxiii, pp. 1-46. 

E. MuUer, Zur Syntax der Christine de Pisan. Diss., Greifswald, 1886. 

Scheler, £tude lexicologique sur les Poesies de Gillon le Muisit. Bruxelles, 1886 
(Gillon le Muisit). 

Scheler, La Geste de Liege, par Jehan des Preis dit d'Outremeuse, Glossaire Philo- 
logique. Bruxelles, 1882 (Jean des Preis). 

Wilhelm Schmidt, Untersuchung der Reime in den Dichtungen des Abts Gilles li 
Muisis. Diss. Bonn, Leipzig, 1903 (Schmidt). 

Year-Books of Edward II, vol. i, ed. F. W. Maitland, Selden Society, 1903. 

{h) Grammars, Grammatical Dissertations, and Periodicals, all referred to in the name 
of the author. 

Bischoff, Der Conjunctiv bei Chrestien. Halle. 

F. Brunot, Histoire de la Langue Frangaise, I. Paris, 1905. 

Otto Burgatzcky, Das Imperfekt und Plusquamperfekt des Futurs im Altfranzosischen. 
Diss., Greifswald, 1885. 

Ernst Burghardt, Ueber den Einfluss des Englischen auf das Anglonormannische. 
Halle, 1906 (in Studien zur Englischen Philologie, xxiv). 

Th. Engwer, Ueber die Anwendung der Tempora Perfectae statt der Tempora Im- 
perfectae Actionis. Diss., Berlin, 1884. 

G. Groeber, Grundriss der romanischen Philologie. Strassburg. 

Karl de Jong, Die Relativ- und Interrogativpronomina qui und qualis im Altfranzosi- 
schen. Diss., Marburg, 1900. 


Ludwig Krafft, Person und Numerus des Verbums im FranzOsischen. Diss., Gottingen, 

Ancus Martius, Zur Lehre von der Verwendung des Future im Alt- und NeufranzOsi- 
schen. Diss., Gsttingen, 1904. 

W. Meyer-Lubke, Grammatik der romanischen Sprachen. 

Kr. Nyrop, Grammaire historique de la Langue Frangaise. 

R. L. Graeme Ritchie, Recherches sur la syntaxe de la conjonction ' Que '. Paris, 1907. 

Gust. Rydberg, Geschichte des franz6sischen a. 

H. Suchier, Grammatik des AltfranzOsischen. 

Adolf Tobler, Vermischte Beitrflge zur franzOsischen Grammatik. (Tobler. V.B.) 

Johan Vising, Die realen Tempora der Vergangenheit im Franzosischen und den 
ubrigen romanischen Sprachen, in Franzosische Studien, vii. 2. 

Zeitschrift fiir romanische Philologie, ed. Groeber. 

Zeitschrift fflr franzosische Sprache und Litteratur, ed. Behrens. 


The author of this Poem, one of the most valuable authorities on certain 
episodes in the Hundred Years War, was Chandos, the domestic Herald of the 
famous friend and follower of the Black Prince, Sir John Chandos, whom, as we 
learn from Froissart, he accompanied in some at least of his later campaigns. 

The poem is not so much a continuous historical narrative as a record of the 
leading events in the life of this same Prince, and a eulogy upon his prowess and 
piety. This is important to notice, as it accounts for the partial or complete 
omission of many important details, and for the special prominence given to the 
exploits of its hero. 

As to the author himself, we know very little of Chandos the Herald, and 
can only collect fragments of information from occasional passages in Froissart.^ 

In all probability he entered upon his duties when Chandos received the rank 
of banneret, together with the territory of Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte, in i36o,though 
we find him first alluded to by Froissart in the beginning of 1366, when Chandos 
was treating with Foix for the passage of the Companies, on which occasion ' his 
Herald' is mentioned;''' he is also noticed by name in 1369, when he bears a 
message to the Black Prince from Chandos and Knolles then engaged in the siege 
of Domme.' 

Anstis, in his Order of the Garter, speaks of Chandos, formerly Herald of 
Sir John Chandos, as being invested in 1381 in the tabard of the Earl of Bucking- 
ham, and as being probably the person mentioned in 1382 as ' King of Arms of 
Ireland Chandos by name.' ^ 

A notice of the poem is given by Warton in his History of English Poetry, 
where he calls the author ' The Prince's Herald, who attended close on his person 
in all his battles ' ° ; but this is too obviously an error to require attention. 

We start, then, with the knowledge that the author was a Herald ; probably, 
therefore, a person of discernment, address, experience and some degree of educa- 
tion ° (Froissart tells us that he often went to Heralds for his information) ; attached 
to the person of a warrior who was the intimate friend and constant follower of the 
Black Prince ; and an eye-witness of some at least of the events which he describes 
in his narrative. 

' The best edition is that edited by Simeon Luce 'Anstis, Order of the Garter, London 1724. 

for the Soci^t^ de I'Histoire de France, Paris, i. 432. ' 

1869-88. The references in the following pages = Warton, History of English Poetry, 1S24. ii. 

will be to that, unless otherwise stated. 120. 

' Froissart, vi. 216. " Ibid. 

" Froissart, viii. 146. ' Chandos li hiraus.' 


The poem is written, on the whole, in a plain, straightforward manner, 
evidently more for the sake of the history contained in its pages than for the 
poetical form in which the narrative is cast. But, though we may credit the 
author with the intention of telling a plain unvarnished tale, we shall look in 
vain for an accurate chronology, and must turn to other sources for the actual 
dates of the events recorded in these pages. 

The Herald begins by a brief description of Edward Ill's campaign of 1346, 
culminating in the battle of Cr^cy, and followed by the capture of Calais. He gives 
some details of the plot for the recovery of that town at the end of 1349, and then 
passes almost at once to the years 1355 and 1356, giving a detailed and valuable 
account of the victory of Poitiers. 

After this we come, however, to what is by far the most important part of the 
poem, that in which he treats of the events in which he himself took part : the 
Spanish expedition made by the Black Prince on behalf of Pedro of Castile, and 
the battle of NSjera or Navarete. Having completed the history of this period, he 
gives a very brief and sketchy account of the disastrous end of Prince Edward's 
government of Gascony, and of the war which led to the loss of almost all the 
possessions acquired at Br^tigny, and then with considerable detail recounts 
the close of his hero's career and his dying moments. 

This is the conclusion of the poem, which does not seek to describe historical 
events other than those which concern its central figure. The verses finish with a 
brief appendix of official names and a copy of the Prince's epitaph. 

As to the date at which the Herald wrote, it cannot have been immediately after 
the events recorded. The poem covers, as we have seen, the whole life of the Prince, 
whose death took place in 1376, and we read that since the conquest of Castile by 
Henry of Trastamare 'ne passa mye des ans vint ' (1816). This would bring the 
date of its composition to about 1386, but in all probability 1385 would be nearer the 
truth, since, in speaking of the Princess of Wales, whose death took place at 
the close of this year, the author makes use of the present tense : ' Qui de tout 
honor est maitresse' (2142). This does not establish absolute certainty, as he speaks 
also in the present tense of the Queen of Navarre (2486), who died as early as 1373,' 
obviously before the writing of the poem. Taken, however, in conjunction with the 
other statement, as to not quite twenty years having elapsed, it renders this date 
very probable. 

The poem falls naturally into two parts : (a) the account of the French 
Campaigns, (b) the Spanish episode, and it will be clearer to consider each of 
these parts separately. 

A. Certain general conclusions can be drawn from a consideration of the first 

I. We gather that the Herald was not an eye-witness of any of the events here 
recorded. In no place does he give the slightest indication of his own presence, 
while several times he writes as though his information were second-hand. Such 

' L'Art de verifier les dates, Paris, 18 18, vi. 504. 


phrases as 'Com jay oy conter '(394, 734), 'a ce que je entendi' (1163, 1375), occur 
frequently. Occasionally he alludes to a written record. He quotes ' la matiere ' 
when he narrates the crossing of the river at Poissy (214). The date of the battle 
of Cr^cy he claims to have found in ' luy escris ' (380), but it is quite a wrong one, 
and evidently given at haphazard from memory. In stating the number of the 
French army before Poitiers, and the mission of the Archbishop of Sens, he says 
' come dit I'estille ' (737, 868) ; and for the capture of Curton and d'Aubrdchicourt 
' come dit le romant '. Such expressions, however, are very vague and seem to be 
added as much to fill up his lines as for any other purpose. He probably saw lists 
of men, prisoners and so forth ; but, if he gathered his information from any book 
or chronicle, it does not seem to have been one which we now possess. He might 
possibly have seen the early edition of Froissart (written between 1369 and 1373), or 
the Chronicle of Baker of Swynebroke (written in 1359 or 1360), or even parts of the 
Grandes Chroniques ; but there are no obvious signs of imitation, and certainly no 
actual reproductions. His narrative, however, cannot in this part be the result 
of personal knowledge, nor can it have the value of a first-hand record. 

2. We may look upon him, nevertheless, as an authority likely to be trust- 
worthy. He was a person of importance and of intelligence, having opportunities 
of contact with many who must have been actually present at the events which 
he records ; added to which, he does not indulge in poetical exaggeration or flights 
of imagination, but expressly disclaims the desire to imitate 'Jangelours et Joge- 
lours ' and sings the praises of historical truth (15-42). 

3. As we have already seen, he does not appear to have copied from any 
known writer. His details differ widely from those given by Froissart, and we 
have proofs of originality in many stories which are found nowhere but in his pages. 
The following are examples of this : The resistance of Marshal Bertrand to 
Edward's landing in 1346 (154-65, see note) ; the mention of Beaujeu in connexion 
with the plot for the recovery of Calais (420, see note) ; the visit of the Captal 
de Buch to England in 1355 (526, see note); the exact disposition of the garrisons in 
Gascony during the winter of the same year (668-80) ; many of the details of 
Cardinal Talleyrand's attempt to bring about an agreement between the rival 
leaders before the battle of Poitiers ; the joint Council held on the Sunday, and 
Charny's proposal of a combat between picked men from each side (767-928) ; the 
part played at this same battle by the troop of horse under Guichard d' Angle, 
Aubigny and Ribemont (i 190-1200); and finally the Prince's prayer before 
actually engaging in arms with the forces of the French king (1260-75). 

From these facts it seems probable that his information was gathered more 
frequently from conversation with those who had taken part in these various events 
than from any written records ; and that, for this reason, though not very correct in 
details, he gives a more interesting and better general idea than more accurate but 
less spirited accounts. At the same time this renders his knowledge of the remoter 
history less full and clear than if he had taken the trouble to investigate closely 
what had really occurred, and it is for this reason, probably, that we find so meagre 
an account of the early campaigns, and, above all, of the battle of Cr6cy, which, 


in a history of the Black Prince, we should have expected to occupy a far more 
important place. 

4. As a chronicler he has certainly some grave faults. First and foremost 
as to chronology. Dates are not altogether suitable to a poem, and in consequence 
we find very few of them, but in almost every instance in which an indication 
is made it is incorrect. Poitiers is dated rightly, but Cr6cy is given on the 23rd 
instead of the 26th August (381, see note), and the duration of the Siege of Calais 
(387, see note), the birth of Thomas of Woodstock (521, see note), and the campaign 
of 1355 ^re all inaccurately represented. 

5. The Herald's desire to sing the praises of his hero has probably affected the 
impartiality of his narrative : thus the great renown won by the Prince at Caen, 
his command at the crossing of the Somme, and his rescue of his father at Calais 
may all be somewhat exaggerated. Occasionally also his method of passing quickly 
from one great event to another, and his rather scrappy and disjointed style, render 
the narrative obscure if not actually misleading. Thus his accounts of marches 
and campaigns are of very little use, his Battle of Cr6cy and Siege of Calais are 
uninteresting and present no new information, while his account of the Calais plot 
would, if taken alone, be almost unintelligible. 

Nevertheless, except in the matter of dates already mentioned, we cannot 
convict Chandos of any glaring mistakes, with the exception of that concerning 
the Prince's march from Bordeaux to Romorantin, and the mention of Bdziers as 
among the towns captured in 1355 (648). He may be wrong also as to the part 
played by Marshal Bertrand and as to the connexion of Beaujeu with the Calais plot, 
but neither has been positively disproved, and for the other points, on which he is 
the only authority, he had good opportunities of judging them, and is very probably 
correct, while his lists of names are in every case exceedingly accurate ; as a herald, 
probably the history of noble families was familiar to him. 

To sum up, we may say that, as regards the earlier campaigns, we learn from 
Chandos little that is new or striking, and cannot look upon his narrative as par- 
ticularly accurate ; but that for the proceedings of 1355 and 1356 his authority is ex- 
ceedingly valuable, especially in all that concerns the Battle of Poitiers, for which his 
account, which should be compared with that of Baker of Swynebroke, may be 
regarded as offering information of the highest importance. 

B. For the Spanish Campaign there is no doubt as to the extreme value of his 
testimony. Accompanying his master, as we have seen, in 1366, his own words prove 
clearly that he was an eye-witness of the events which he records in this and the 
following year : ' Ore est bien temps de comencer ma matier, et moy adresser au 
purpos ou ie voille venir a ce qe ie vys a venir apres la bataille en Britanie ' 

We have before us, therefore, the work of an eye-witness, whose position 
afforded him every opportunity of giving a trustworthy account of the campaign 
in which he played an active part, and who wrote within eighteen years of the 
events he describes. Yet the interval was perhaps sufficient to obliterate the fresh- 
ness of first impressions, and to lead to inaccuracies, unless some written record 



had been preserved contemporary with the events recorded. But, despite this 
disadvantage, the general impression which we gather from the study of this 
portion of the poem is that without doubt it is a most valuable, if not the most 
valuable authority which we possess for all that concerns the Spanish Campaign. 

1. It is not only the work of an eye-witness, but of an eye-witness deserving the 
fullest confidence. Naturally he has his limitations; he is not infallible in his 
account of events which took place at a distance — notably in Spain, and in the 
enemy's camp— but this limitation is also a point in his favour. He gives so few 
details of those events in which he did not himself take part, that he does not seem 
to have done much in the way of copying other authorities, and, therefore, whenever 
he does give a circumstantial account it may be considered as based on first-hand 
knowledge. Very rarely now does he allude to any other information. Occa- 
sionally we find ' come jay oy ', or ' come jay oy countier ', as in his description of 
the capture of men on the mountain (2798) and the making of knights by the Black 
Prince (2626) ; these would be very natural expressions in the case of events which 
he did not actually see with his own eyes. The mention of written records is still 
rarer and chiefly concerns Spanish events. Thus, in describing Pedro's flight from 
Seville, he writes : ' si come la matiere dist ' (1784), and, on Prince Henry moving 
from his camp at Navarete, ' si lui estoire ne ment ' (3048). The expression ' Sicome 
ie oi en mon recorde ' (1930), concerning the preparation of ships at Bayonne, may 
refer to his own notes, or to some information sent him at the time. 

2. He must, however, have done more than draw on his own memory. The 
long lists which he gives must certainly have been preserved in writing, and since 
we have no similar lists in any Chronicle but that of Froissart, who has presumably 
copied from the Herald, we may conjecture that he made the lists himself upon 
the spot. 

There is, therefore, good reason to believe that he kept some kind of journal 
of the campaign : a view supported by his frequent mention of days of the week. 
This makes him all the more likely to be trustworthy. 

3. Not only are his names of people accurate, but his names of places also, and 
his records of marches are full, and to all appearances geographically correct. 
Here we have a striking contrast to his confused account of the Poitiers campaign, 
in which he was not present. 

4. We have already noticed, in criticizing the first part of his poem, his 
straightforward and businesslike manner of writing ; this continues to be noticeable 
in the latter half, despite the increase of details, the frequent introduction of the 
dialogue form and the picturesque touches which occur from time to time. But he 
is seldom either redundant or obscure, and he carries on a continuous narrative, 
rarely even stopping to comment on what he describes. It is evident that he had 
a sincere desire to speak the truth without exaggeration, and it is wonderful how 
perfectly impersonal he has remained throughout. He not only makes no mention 
of his own performances, but he omits any description of events in which he had 
played a part, unless they are strictly essential to the biography of his hero. 

5. His one great fault still continues ; and this defective chronology is a real 


detriment to the value of his record. He only twice gives the date of the year (for the 
Prince's preparations in 1366 (2017, 4173)), rarely the date of the month (NAjera (3475) 
and the death of the Black Prince (4173)) ; his days of the week are difficult to 
identify, and when he does attempt any indication of the duration of time it is 
generally wrong (e. g. the birth of Richard fifteen days after Christmas (2049, see 
note), the stay of the Black Prince in Spain (3631, 3645, 3677, see notes)). 

6. One other fault is a vagueness as to numbers, as in the varying calculations 
given of the Spanish army at Najera ; and the number of killed, &c. (3085, 3124, 
3451. 3475> &c.) ; but this is common to all the chroniclers of the time, and it is not 
to be wondered at, as trustworthy information must have been totally lacking. 

7. These are, however, the only grave faults which can be found in his narrative : 
as far as we can judge he has made no misstatements of any importance. Pedro's 
journey by sea from Seville (1785, see note), his arrival at Bayonne accompanied by 
his sons (1943), the arrangements previous to his landing (1909 sq.), the sending 
of the Prince's letter to Henry from Logrofio instead of Navarete (2908, see note), 
are all trifling errors, which do not affect the general value of his work. 

8. Finally, not only is the Herald s poem as a whole of first-rate importance, 
but it is in all probability the source of almost all our information respecting the 
years 1366 and 1367. Simdon Luce says distinctly, in his notes to Froissart's 
account of the Spanish Campaign, that the Chronicler copies here from the record 
of Chandos.^ It is known that Froissart did not himself go on this expedition, so that 
first-hand knowledge was to him impossible, and his account tallies very closely with 
that of our author ; being indeed still closer in the later edition of Froissart, that 
known as the Amiens version, parts of which Luce prints in his Appendix. Possibly 
the earlier version was composed from information given by the Herald, or from the 
actual notes which he may have taken, while the later version was written by Froissart 
with the actual poem before him. When the Amiens manuscript varies from the 
text which Luce has chosen for his edition, the difference almost always approxi- 
mates to the poem and often involves an actual reproduction of its words and 
phrases. Sometimes the second edition is shorter than the first, and leaves out 
names &c. which Froissart has inserted before, but which are not confirmed by the 
Herald's lists. A few extracts from each (see overleaf) will best illustrate the far 
closer resemblance of the Amiens version than of the other, altliough both were 
probably based on the first-hand information collected by our author. 

Froissart has made additions here and there to the Herald's narrative, but, as 
he travelled about considerably, and was an indefatigable collector of information, to 
say nothing of being blessed with a fertile imagination and a fluent pen, his 
addition of details is not to be wondered at. 

For the conclusion of the Prince's history, the account given in the poem is too 
brief to be of much value in comparison with the far fuller records which we possess, 
but as far as it goes it seems to be sound and careful, and there are a few interest- 
ing details in it concerning Edward's last hours. 

This general inference, therefore, can be drawn : that the poem of Chandos 

Froissart, vii, p. iii, note i. 


Herald is an original and, on the whole, trustworthy work ; that it provides a useful 
source of comparison with other contemporary records ; that it is worthy of study 
throughout, while for the history of the years 1366 and 1367 it is not only valuable 
but essential. 



Ensi fut le lettre dictde 
Et puis aprfes fut seallee 
Et la baillerent a un heraud 
Qui ot le coer joiant et baud 
Et moult demenoit grantz reveaux 
Car home li dona beaux joiaux 
Robes dermyn manteaux furrez 
Et lors ne sest pluis arrestez 
Congie prist et sen departi 
Vers son Meistre le Roy Henri. 

(Text from Luce.) 
(Vol. vii, page 29.) 
Quant ceste lettre fu es- 
cripte, on le cloy et seela, 
et fu baillie au hiraut qui 
avoit I'autre aportee et qui 
le reponse avoit attendu 
plus de trois sepmaines. Si 
se parti dou prince et des 
signeurs k tout grant pour- 
fit, et chevauga tant qu'il 
vint devant Nazres, ens es 
bruiferes oil li dis rois estoit 

(A7niens version.) 
(Vol. vii, page 277.) 
Si tos que la lettre fu 
escripte, on le saiella, et le 
fist delivrer li prinches au 
hiraux le roy Henry, qui 
les autres avoit aportees et 
qui le responsce attendoit. 
Si se parti li dis hiraus 
dou prinche et des sei- 
gneurs, tous li^s et tous 
joyans, car on li dounna 
grans dons et biaulx jeuiaus, 
draps et mantiaux fourres 
d'ermine et de vair. Si 
s'en revint en I'ost de son 
seigneur devant Naz^res. 


Mons: Johan de Chaundos 
Est venuz au Prince tantos 
Et la porta sa baniere 
Qui fut de soie riche et fiere 
Moult doucement lui dist ensy 
Sire fait il pur dieu mercy 
Servi vous ay de temps passee 
Et tut quant dieux mad donee 
De biens ils me veignent de vous 
Et bien savez qe je sui touz 
Le vostre et sarray tout temps 
Et sil vous semble lieu et temps 
Qe je puisse a Banier estre 
Jai bien de quoi a mon maistir 
Qe dieux mad done pur tenir 
Ore en faitz vostre pleisir 
Veiez le cy je vous present 
Adonqes le Prince sanz attent 
Et le Roy daun Petro sanz detri 
Et le due de Lancastre auxi 
La banier li disploierent 
Et par le haut li baillerent 
Et li disrent sanz plus retraire 
Dieux vous en laist vostre preu faire 
Et Chaundos sa banier prist 
Entre ses compaignons le mist 
Et lour ad dit a lee chiere 

( Text from Luce.) 
(Vol. vii, page 34.) 
Lk aporta messires Je- 
hans Chandos sa banifere 
entre ses mains, que encore 
n'avoit nulle part boutee 
hors, et li dist ensi : ' Mon- 
signeur, vechi ma bani&re : 
je vous le bailie par tel 
mani^re que il le vous plaise 
k desvoleper et que au- 
jourd'ui je le puisse lever ; 
car, Dieu merci, j'ai bien 
de quoi, terre et hyretage, 
pour tenir estat, ensi qu'il 
apartient k ce '. Adonc pri- 
sent li princes et li rois 
dans Pi^tres qui Ik estoit, 
la baniere entre leurs mains, 
et le desvolepferent, qui 
estoit d'argent k un peu 
aguisiet de geules, et li 
rendirent par le hanste, en 
disant ensi : ' Ten^s, mes- 
sire Jehan, veci vostre 
banifere : Diex vous en laist 
vostre preu faire ! ' Lors 
se parti messires Jehans 
Chandos, et raporta sa 

(Amiens version.) 
(Vol. vii, page 282.) 
Ung bien petit devant ce 
que les batailles devoient 
approchier, messires Jehans 
Camdos aporta sa ban- 
nierre, toute envolepee, au 
prinche, et li dist ensi moult 
doucement : ' Monsigneur, 
je vous ay servi ung long 
tamps k mon loyal pooir, 
et tout ce que Dieux m'a 
dounn^ de bien, il me vient 
de vous : si savds ossi que 
je sui tout vostres et seray 
tant que je vivray. Si vous 
pry que je puisse estre k 
banierre ; car Dieu merchy, 
j'ai bien de quoy, terre et 
mise, pour I'estre, et ve e ci, 
je le vous prdsente : si en 
faittes vostre plaisir.' Et 
adonc li prinches, li roys 
dan Pierre d'Espaingne et 
li dus de Lancastre prissent 
le bannierre de Monsigneur 
Jehan Camdos, et le des- 
ploii^rent et li bailliferent 
par le hanste, et li dissent 




Beaux seigniours Veiez ci ma baniere 

Gardez le bien come le vostre 

Car auxi bien est vostre comme nostre 

Les compaignons ont fait grant joie 

lis soulement ont pris lour voie 

Et ne voillent pluis attendre 

Au combatre voillent entendre 

Cell banier qe je vous dy 

Portoit Guilliam Alby. 

( Text from Luce.) 
banifere entre ses gens, et 
le mist en miy aus, et si dist : 
' Seigneur, veci ma banifere 
et la vostre; or le gardes 
ensi que la nostre.' Adonc 
le prisent li compagnon qui 
en furent tout resjoy, et 
disent que, s'il plaisoit k 
Dieu et k monsigneur saint 
Gorge, il le garderoient 
bien et s'en acquitteroient 
k leur pooir. Si demora la 
banifere ens ^s mains d'un 
bon escuier englfes que on 
appeloit Guillaume Aleri, 
qui le porta ce jour et qui 
bien et loyaument s'en 
acquitta en tous estas. 

(Am/ens version.) 
tout en baillant : ' Tenes 
vostre bannierre: Dieu vous 
en lait vostre preu faire ! ' 
Dont se parti messires Je- 
hans Camdos dou prinche, 
se bannierre en son poing, 
et s'en vint entre ses gens 
et ses compaignons, et le 
mist enmy yaux, et leur 
dist: 'Biau signeur, vechy 
me bannierre et le vostre : 
gardes le bien, car otant 
bien est elle vostre que 
nostre.' Adonc le prissent 
li compaignon, qui en As- 
sent grant joie, et dissent 
que elle seroit bien gardde, 
se il plaisoit k Dieu. Et 
fu baillie et delivr^e k urg 
bon escuier engl^s, qui ce 
jour le porta et qui bien 
s'en acquitta, et estoit nom- 
mes li dis escuiers Guil- 
laummes AUeri. 


lUoeqes fut pris mons: Bertrans 
Et la Mareschall sufficiantz 
Dodrehem qui tant fuit hardiz 
Et un Counte qui eust grant pris 
Counte de Dene fuit nosmez 
Li Counte Sauses nen doutes 
Y fut pris qui fut chieftayne 
Ouesque le Beghe de Vellaine 
Mons : Johan de Neofville 
Et des autres plus de ij. Mille 
Et pur faire juste report 
Luy Beghes de Villiers fut mort 
Et plusours autres dont de noun 
Je ne say faire mencioune 
Mais li reporte y fuist tenuz 
Cink Centz homes darmes ou plus 
Morirent en la piece de la terre 
Ou home eust mayn % mayn a feare 
Auxi de la parte des Englois 
Morust un chivaler parfees 
Ce fut le droit seigniour de fiferriers. 

(Text from Luce.) 
(Vol. vii, page 43.) 
Si furent pris de ses gens 
et desous sa baniere plu- 
seur bon chevalier et es- 
cuier de France et d'Ar- 
ragon, et par especial 
messires Bertrans de Claie- 
kin, messires Ernoulz d'Au- 
drehen, et messires li 
Beghes de Vellainnes et 
plus de soissante bons 
prisonniers. Finablement, 
la bataille h. monsigneur 
Bertran de Claiekin fu 
desconfite, et furent tout 
mort et pris sans recouvrier 
chil qui y estoient, tant de 
France comme d'Arragon. 
Et \k fu morts li Beghes de 
Villers, et pris li sires 
d'Antoing en Haynau, et 
li sires de Brifueil et mes- 
sires Gauwains de Bailluel, 
messires Jehans de Berg- 
hfetes, messires li Alemans 
de Saint Venant et moult 

(Amiens version.) 
(Vol. vii, page 289.) 
Lk fu pris messires Ber- 
trans de Claiequin desoubz 
le bannierre monsigneur 
Jehan Camdos et fu ses 
prisons. Et furent pris li 
comtes Sansses, fr^res au 
roy dam Pierre et au roy 
Henry, qui s'en fuioit, mes- 
sires li Bfeghes de Vellaines, 
messires Jehans de Noef- 
ville, et plus de deux mil 
chevaliers et escuiers. Et 
y fu mors entre les autres 
ungs bons chevaliers fran- 
chois, li Bfeghes de Villers, 
et pluisseurs autres cheva- 
liers et escuiers que je ne 
puis mies tout noummer ; 
et, dou costd des Engl^s, 
ungs bons chevaliers qui 
s'appelloit li sires de 




Mais pur la matiere abreggier 
Chaundos se vint sanz atargier 
Per deuers le Roy de Nauarre 
I1 1 daun Martin de la Carre 
Purchacerent tant qe le Roys 
De Nauerre qui fut curtoys 
Lessa le Prince passer 
Et li Prince sanz arester 
Se parti de vale de sorie 
Parmy Nauarre ad quillie 
Sa voie sanz prendre soiour 
Lui Roi qui moult fui plain donour 
Ly Prince grant honour fesoit 
Car toutz les iours li enuoioit 
Vin \ vitaille agrant plentee 
Parmy Nauarre li ad amesnee 
Si conduist tut outre le paas 
Apres ne vous menteray pas 
A seint John du pee des portz. 


(Text from Luce) 

(Vol. vii, page 6l.) 

Si passa le dis princes 

parmi le royaume de Na- 

vare, et le raconvoiiferent 

li dis rois de Navare et 

messires Martins de la 

Kare jusques au pas de 



(Amiens version.) 

(Vol. vii, page 300.) 

Si se parti li prinches 

dou val de Sorrie, et s'ace- 

minna parmy Navarre. Et 

li roys de Navarre li faisoit 

grant feste et grant hon- 

neur, et le rafresqissoit 

tous les jours de nouvelles 

pourveanches, et le con- 

duisi et mena tout parmy 

le royaumme de Navarre 

et k la ville de Saint Jehan 

dou Piet des Pors, 


Cy comence une partie de la vie t des faites 

darmes dune tres noble Prince de Gales et Daqui- 

taine quauoit a noun Edward eigne filitz au 

Roy Edward tierce queux dieux assoille. 

Ore veu home du temps iadys 
Qe ceux qui faisoient beaux ditys 
Estoient tenu pur aucteur 
Ou pur ascune amenceueur 
5 De moustrer les bons conissance 
Pur prendre en lour coers remembrance 
De bien t de hon receuioir 
Mais home dit % si est de ce voir 
Quil n'est chose que ne delzeche 

lo Ne qil n'est arbres que ne seche 
Q'un soul c'est luy arbres de vie 
Mais sils arbres en cest vie 
iiflorist % botonne en toutz champs 
a ne serra plus arestans 

15 Car combien qe home nen face compte 
Et qe hoine tiendroit plus grant acompte 
D'un Jangelour ou d'un fauxe menteur 
D'un Jogelour ou dun Bourdeour 
Qui voudroit faire une grimache 

20 Ou contreferoit le lymache 

Dount home purroit feare un risee 
Qe hoine ne ferroit sanz demoeree 
D'un autre qui saueroit bien dire 
Car cils ne sount saunz contredire 

25 Mie bien venuz a la court 
En le mounde qore court 
Mais couient de home ne tiegne rien 
De ceux qui demoustrent le bien 
Si ne se doit home pas tener 

30 De beaux ditz faire et retenir 

Ore veit on du tamps jadys 
Que cil qui faisoient biaux dis 
Estoient tenu pour aucteurs 
Ou pour aucuns amenteveurs 
De moustrer des bons conissance 
Pour prendre en lour coers remembrance 
De bien et honour recevoir. 
Mais on dit, et s'est de ce voir, 
Qu'il n'est chose qui ne desseche 
Ne qu'il n'est arbres qui ne seche 
Q'un soul, c'est li arbres de vie ; 
Mais cils arbres en ceste vie 
fiflorist et boutonne en touz camps. 
Ci ne serai plus arestans, 
Car, combien qu'on n'en face compte 
Et qu'on tiegne plus grant acompte 
D'un janglour ou d'un faux menteur, 
D'un joglour ou d'un bourdeour, 
Qui vourroit faire une grimache 
Ou contreferoit le lymache 
Dont on pourroit faire risee, 
Qu'on ne feroit, sanz demoeree, 
D'un autre qui savroit bien dire — 
Car cil ne sont sanz contredire 
Mie bien venu a le court 
En ce monde qui ore court — 
Mais coment qu'on ne tiegne rien 
De ciaux qui demoustrent le bien. 
Si ne se doit on pas tenir 
De biaux diz faire et retenir — 





Cils qe sen sceuent entremettre 
Eins les doient en liure mettre 
P quoy aps ce qils sont mort 
Et si ount fait lui iuste recort 

35 Car cast almoigne t charitee 
De bien dire % de veritee 
Car bien ne fust unqes perduz 
Qen ascun temps ne feust renduz 
. 1' Pur ce voil je mettre mentente 

40 Car volentees a ce me tempte 
Defaire t recorder beaux ditz 
Et de nouelle % de iadys 

Cil qui s'en scevent entremettre — 
Eins les doient en livre mettre, 
Par quoy apres ce qu'il sont mort 
En soient fait juste recort ; 
Car c'est aumone et charite 
De bien dire, de verite, 
Car biens ne fu onques perduz 
Qu'en aucun tamps ne fu renduz. 
Pour ce voeil je mettre m'entente- 
Car volentes a ce me tempte — 
De faire et recorder biaux diz 
Et de novel et de jadys. 

Ore cy comence la matiere. 

Ore est bien temps de comencer 
Ma matiere % moy adresser 

45 Au ppose ou je voloi venir 
Ore me laisse dieux auenir 
Car je voil mettre mestudie 
A faire t recordir la vie 
De plus vaillant Prince du mounde 

5° Si come il tourny a le rounde 
Ne qe fuist puis les champs claruz 
Jule Cesaire ne Artuz 
Ensi come vous oier purrez 
Mais qe de bon coer lescoutez 

55 Cest dune franc Prince d'aquuitaine 
Qui fuist cest bien chose certayne 
ffiltz au noble Roi Edward 
Qui nauoit pas le coer coward 
Et filtz Phelippe la Roigne 

60 Qe fuist la pfite racine 

De tout honure % de nobletee 
De sens de valoir % de largitee 

Ore est bien tamps de comencier 

Ma matere et moy adrecier 

Au pourpos ou vorai venir. 

Or m'i laisse Dieux avenir, 

Car je voeil mettre m'estudie 

A faire et recorder la vie 

Du plus vaillant prince du monde, 

Si com il tournye a le ronde, 

Ne qui fust puis les tamps Clarus, 

Jule Cesaire ne Artus, 

Ensi com vous o'l'r pourrez 

Mais que de bon coer I'escoutez : 

C'est d'un franc Prince d'Aquitaine 

Qui fu, c'est bien chose certayne, 

ffilz au noble Roy Edouwart 

Qui n'avoit pas le coer couwart, 

Et filz Phelippe le Reine, 

Qui fu le parfite racine 

De tout honour et de noblece, 

De sens, de valour et largece. 

Des nobles condiciouns du Prince auant nome. 

Cil franc Prince dount je vous dye 
Depuis le iour qil fuist nasquy 
65 Ne pensa forscj loiautee 
ffranchise valour % bountee 

Cils frans Princes dont je vous dy, 
Depuis le jour que il nasquy, 
Ne pensa fors que loiaute, 
ffranchise, valour et bonte, 








Et si fuist garniz de pesce 
Tant fuist cil Prince de hautesce 
Qil voilleit toutz les iours de sa vie 

70 Mettre tout son estudie 
En tenir iustice t droiture 
Et la prist il sa moriture 
Tres dont qil fuist en enfance 
De sa volunte noble t france 

75 Prist la doctrine de largesce 
Car iolitee t noblesce 
ffuist en son coer pfitement 
Tresle primer comencement 
f. 2' De sa vie t de sa joefnesse 

80 Ore est bon temps qe ie madresse 
A bouter auant ma matiere 
Coment il fuist ceste chose clere 
Si prus si hardi si vaillant 
Et si curtois et si sachant 

85 Et si bien amoit seinte esglise 
De bon coer % sur tout guyse 
La treshauteine Trinitee 
Le feste t le solempnitee 
En comencea a sustenir 

90 Tresle primer de son venir 
Et le sustient tout sa vie 
De bon coer saunz penser envie 

Et se fu garniz de proece. 

Tant fu cils Princes de hautece 

Qu'il voleit touz jours de sa vie 

Mettre toute son estudie 1° 

En tenir justice et droiture, 

Et la prist il sa noriture, 

Tres dont que il fu en enfance ; 

De sa volonte noble et france 

Prist la doctrine de largece, 75 

Car joliete et noblece 

ffu en son coer parfitement 

Tres le premier comencement 

De sa vie et de sa joenece. 

Ore est bien tamps que je m'adrece So 

A bouter avant ma matere, 

Coment il fu, c'est chose clere, 

Si preus, si hardis, si vaillanz 

Et si courtois et si sachanz, 

Et si bien amoit seinte Eglise 85 

De bon coer et sur toute guyse 

Le tres hauteine Trinite : 

Le feste et le solempnite 

En comenca a soustenir 

Tres le premier de son venir, 90 

Et le soustint toute sa vie 

De bon coer, sanz penser envie. 

De la passage du Roy ^ du Prince son filtz 
en Normandie oue mult noble baronie. 

Ore ay ie volu recorder 
De sa-ioefnesse au voir counter 
95 Ore est reason qe ie vous counte 
De ce dount hoine doit fair acompte 
Cest du fait chiualrie 
En sa psone fuist morie 
En la quele il regna xxx ans 
100 Noblement il usa ses tamps 
Car ioieseroie dire ensy 
Qe puis le temps qe dieux nasquy 
Ne fuist pluis vaillant de son corps 

Ore ay je volu recorder 

De sa joenece, au voir conter. 

Ore est raisons que je vous conte 

De ce dont on doit faire acompte : 

C'est du fait de chevalerie : 

En sa persone fu norie 

En le quele il regna xxx ans. 

Noblement il usa son tamps, 

Car j'oseroie dire ensy 

Que puis le tamps que Dieux nasquy 

Ne fu plus vaillanz de son corps. 


B 2 


Sicome orrez en mes records 

Si come orrez en mes recors 

105 Si voillez oier et entendre 

Se volez ofr et entendre 

A matier a qui ie voille tendre 

A matere a qui je voeil tendre. 

Bien sauez qe lui noble Roi 

Bien savez que li nobles Rois, 

Son piere a tresgraunt arroi 

Ses peres, a tres granz arrois, 

Per sa haute noble puissance 

Par sa haute, noble puissance 

no ffist guerre au Roialme de ffrance 

ffist guerre au roialme de ffrance, 

Endisant qil deuoit auoir 

En disant qu'il devoit avoir 

La corone sachez pur voir 

Le corone, sachiez pour voir. 

Dount en sustenant la querelle 

Dent en sustenant le querelle 

11 maintient guerre moult cruelle 

11 maintint guerre moult cruelle 

115 La quele si dura longe temps 

Le quele si dura long tamps. 

Ore auient qe droit a ce temps 

Or avint que, droit a ce tamps, 

Passa la mer en Normandie 

Passa la mer en Normandie. 

Ouescj moult noble Baronie 

Avoec moult noble baronie, 

f. 2' Barons Banerers et Countes 

Barons, banerez et contes. 

1 20 . , , . , , . 
Illariua en Constantyn 

11 arriva en Coustantin. 

La ot maint bon chiualer fyn 

La ot maint bon chevalier fyn : 

De Warrewyk luy noble Counte 

De Warrewyk le noble conte 

De quoy home deuoit faire Counte 

De quoy on devoit faire conte, 

125 Luy Counte de Northamton 

E le conte de Northamtone 

Qui moult estoit noble person 

Qui moult estoit noble persone, 

Cil de Suffolk t cil de Stafford 

Cil de Suffolk, cil de Staffort 

Qui out le coer hardi et fort 

Qui out le coer hardi et fort, 

Et le Counte de Saresburi 

Et le conte de Sarsburi 

130 Cil doxenford auxi 

Et cil d'Oxenefort auxi ; 

Et si fuist Beauchainp Jehans 

Et s'i fu de Beauchamp Jehans, 

Raouls de Cobham luy vaillans 

Raouls de Cobham li vaillans, 

Monp Bartholmeus de Burghees 

Sire Bartholmieus de Burghes 

Qui moult fu hardi en ses faites 

Qui moult fu hardiz en ses fais. 

135 De Brian le bon Guyon 

Et de Brian li bons Guyons, 

Richard de la Vache le bon 

Richarz de la Vache li bons, 

Et le bon Richard Talebot 

Et li bons Richarz Talebot, 

En qui moult graunt pesce ot 

En qui moult grant proesce ot ; 

Si fuist Chaundos et Audelee 

S'i fu Chandos et Audelee 

140 Qui bien feroient de lespee 

Qui bien feroient de I'espee, 

Et le bon Thomas de Holand 

Et li bons Thomas de Holande 

Qui en luy eust j)esce grand 

Qui en luy cut proesce grande. 







Line 120 is omitted in the MS. 


Et des autres moult grant foisons 
Dount je ne say dire les nouns 

Et des autres moult grant foisons 
Dont je ne say dire les nons. 

Coment la poair dengletre arriua en 

Constantin. t le Prince et altres seigniours 

furent faitz chiualers et le Roy de ffrance 

en eust nouelle. 

145 ARiuez fuist le poair dengleterre 
Et quant il deuoit prendre terre 
La fist luy Prince Chiualier 
Luy Roy qui tant fuist a priser 
Le Counte de la Marche auxi 

150 Et le Counte de Saresburi 
Jofin de Mountagu son frere 
Et des autres ceste chose clere 
Plus que ne vous sauoroi dire 
Et bien sachez sauns contredire 

155 La fuist Mareschaux Bertrans 
Qui moult fu hardy et vaillantz 
Et lors quida trop defendre 
f. 3' A prendre terre au voir entendre 
Mais la puissance dengleterre 

160 Pristrent la p force la terre 
La yust il fait darmes tant 
Qe en eust compare Rolant 
Et Olyver t la danoys 
Ou Guyer qui tant pfu curtoys 

165 La pooyt home veoir des preus 
Des hardis % des Outrageus 
La fuist le Prince noble et gent 
Qui moult ot bele comencement 
Tut Constantin chiuacha 

170 Et tout ardi % exila 

Le hogge. Barflewe Carenten 
Seint Lou. Bayeus et jescj aken 
La ou ils conquerent la pont 
Et la combaterent ils mult 

175 P force ils pristerent la ville 
Et le Counte de Tankarville 
Et le Counte den y fuist pris 

Arivez fu I'ost d'Engleterre ; MS 

Et quant il devoit prendre terre 

La fist le Prince chevalier 

Li Roys qui tant fu a prisier, 

Le conte de la Marche auxi 

Et le conte de Sarsburi, 15° 

Jehan de Montagu son frere, 

Et des autres, c'est chose clere. 

Plus que ne vous savroie dire. 

Et bien sachiez, sans contredire, 

La fu li Mareschaux Bertrans 155 

Qui moult fu hardys t vaillanz, 

Et lor quida trop bien defendre 

A prendre terre, au voir entendre, 

Mais le puissance d'Engleterre 

Prissent la, par force, le terre. 160 

La y eut il fait d'armes tant 

Qu'en eulst compare Rolant 

Et Olyvier et le Danoys 

Ogier qui tant par fu courtoys. 

La pooyt on veoir des preus, 165 

Des hardis et des outrageus. 

La fu le Prince noble et gent 

Qui moult ot bel comencement. 

Tres tout Coustantyn chevaucha 

Et tout ardi et exila 170 

Le Hogge, Barfleus, Carenten, 

Saint Lou, Bayeus et jusqu'a Ken 

La ou il conquirent le pont ; 

Et la combatirent il moult ; 

Par force il prisent le ville, 175 

Et li conte de Tankarville 

Et li conte d'Eu y fu pris. 


La auoit luy noble Prince pris 
Car de bien faire fuist egrans 

i8o Et si not qe disoept ans 
Et luy Mareschaux chiuacha 
Jeskes a Paris il naresta 
Au Roy ad Countee les nouels 
Queux ne lui feurent mie beales 

1S5 Tiel meruaille ot ceste chose voire 
Qe an paines le pooit croire 
Car pas ne quidoit qe tiel gent 
Eussent tant de hardiement 
Lors fist assembler son poair 

190 Pmy ffrance sachez pur voir 
Ny demoera due ne Counte 
De quoy home pooit faire counte 
Baron. Baneret. ne Bacheler 
Qe toutz ne fist assembler 

La avoit li nobles Princes pris, 

Car de bien faire fu engrans 

Et se n'ot que dis et oet ans. iSo 

Et li Mareschaux chevaucha, 

Jusques a Paris n'aresta ; 

Au Roy a conte les noveles 

Qui ne lui feurent mie beles ; 

Tel mervaille ot, c'est chose voire, 1S5 

Que a paines le pooit croire, 

Car pas ne quidoit que tel gent 

Euissent tant de hardement. 

Lors fist assambler son pooir ; 

Parmy ffrance, sachiez pour voir, 190 

N'y demoera ne due ne conte, 

De quoy hom pooit faire aconte, 

Baron, baneret, bacheler 

Oue touz ne feist assambler. 

Coment le Roy de ffrance manda 
au Roy de Beaume pur lui aider 
t le Roy de Beaume vient. et les 
englois passerent le pont de poissy 
* chiuacherent pmy Caux. 

f- 3' 195 Au Roi de Beaume manda 
Qui de bon coer auxi ama 
Qui amesna en sa compaignie 
Son filtz qui fuist Roy dalmanye 
Et le bon Johan de Baiumont 

200 De Haynau qui home prisoit moult 
A quoi faire vous counteroy 
La matiere et alongeroy 
Bien quidoit sa terre defendre 
Au Roy Englois a voir entendre 

205 Et assetz petit le prisoit 

Et moult fortement le manceot 
Mais apres ensi qil me semble 
Lui Roi et lui Prince ensemble 
Per Normandie chiuacherent 

3IO Et tout la pais assaillerent 
Maint graunt escarmuche firent 

Au roi de Behaigne manda, J95 

Qui de bon coer auxi ama. 

Qui amena en sa compaigne 

Son filz qui fu Roys d'Alemaigne 

Et le bon Jehan de Biaumont 

De Haynau qui on prisoit moult. 200 

A quoi faire vous conteroye 

Le matere et alongeroye ? 

Bien quidoit sa terre defendre 

Au roy englois, au voir entendre, 

Et assez petit le prisoit 205 

Et moult fortment le manecoit. 

Mais apres, ensi qu'il me samble, 

Li Roys et li Princes ensamble 

Par Normandie chevauchierent 

Et tout le pais essillierent. 210 

Mainte grant escarmuche firent 



Et maint bon home prirent 

Et viendroient au Fount de Poissi 

Mais la matiere dit ensi 
215 Qe le pount lors estoit lumpuz 

Mais tant firent qe de grauntz fuiz 

P force refirent le pount 

Dount ffrancois esmeruellez sount 

Et passerent p un matyn 
220 Pmy Caux pristrent lour chemyn 

Ardantz. gastantz. % exillantz 

Dount moult feurent ffrancois dolantz 

Et crierent a haut vois 

Ou est Philippes fire Roys 

Et maint bon home et vaillant prirent, 

Et vinrent au pont de Poissi ; 

Mais le matere dit ensi 

Que li ponz lors estoit rompuz, 

Mais tant firent que de granz fuz 

Par force refirent le pont, 

Dont ffrancois esmerveillie sont, 

Et passerent par un matyn. 

Parmy Caux prisent lour chemyn, 

Ardant, gastant et exillant, 

Dont moult feurent ffrancois dolant, 

Et crierent a haute vois : — 

' Ou est Phelippes nostre roys ? ' 

Coment le Roy de ffrance fist assembler 
A Paris son gnt poair encontre le Roy 
dengletre et son host, et coment le Roy 
degletre oue son poair passa leawe de some. 

225 A Paiys fuist auoir iuger 
Car en ce temps fist appailler 
Son graunt poair et amasser 
Et la fist ses gentes assembler 
Et dist qe poi se priseroit 

230 Si grant vengeance nenprenderoit 
Car bien quidoit auoir en clos 
Les Englois solonc mon ppos 
f. 4' Droit entre le Sayne et la Some 
Et la endroit ce est la Some 

235 Les quidoit il trop bien combatre 
Mes les Englois p yceux esbatre 
Mistrent tout en feu et a flame 
La firent mainte veofe dame 
Et mainte poeure enfant orphanyn 

240 Tant chiuachoient soir et matyn 
Qils vindroient al eawe de Some 
De lautre part yauoit maynt home 
Car la feurent nen doutez mye 
Les comunes de Pikardye 

245 Et si estoit sachez de fit 
Monp Godomars defait 

A Parys fu, au voir jugier, 
Qu'en ce tamps fist appareillier 
Son grant pooir et amasser. 
Et la fist ses genz assembler, 
Et dist que poi se priseroit 
Se grant vengeance n'en prendoit. 
Car bien quidoit avoir enclos 
Les Englois, selonc mon pourpos, 
Droit entre le Sayne et le Some ; 
Et la endroit, cou est le some, 
Les quidoit il trop bien combatre. 
Mes li Englois pour iaux esbatre 
Misent tout en feu et a flame. 
La firent mainte veve dame 
Et maint povre enfant orfanyn. 
Tant chevauchoient soir et matyn 
Qu'il vinrent a I'eawe de Some ; 
De I'autre part avoit maint home, 
Car la feurent, n'en doutez mye, 
Les comunes de Pikardye, 
Et s'i estoit, sachies de fi, 
Sire Godomars de Faf. 







f. 4' 

Mout pfu large la Riuere 

De flum de la meer radde et fiere 

Dount Englois moult se merueilloient 

250 Coment p dela passeroient 

Mais lui Prince oue le corps gent 
ffist eslire chiualers cent 
Des meillours de son auant garde 
Et les fist aler prendre garde 

255 Coment ils purroient passer 
Et oils qui feurent a loer 
Chiuachoient tout environ 
Taunt quils ount troue un compaignoun 
Qui lour ad enseignee le pas 

260 De some je ne vous menk pas 
Et toutz lui Cent a un fie 
Et leawe la launce baissie 
Si sont feru sur lour coursers 
Moult furent vaillantz Chiualers 

265 Et lui Prince venoit apres 
Qui ades les seuoit depres 
Graunt escarmiche ot sur la pais 
De some, je ne vous menk pas 
Et fort combatoient Chiualer 

270 Et la de traire t de lauimcier 
Se tenoient dambedeux parts 
Mais assetz tost feurent espars 
Et mys a fuyte lui Picard 
Ouesc^ monf Godemard 

275 Mais oue leyde de dieu 

Tout passa en temps et en lieu 

Mout par fu large le riviere 

Du flum de le mer, rade et fiere, 

Dont Englois moult se merveilloient 

Coment par dela passeroient. 

Mais li Princes o le corps gent 

fl'ist eslire chevaliers cent, 

Des meillours de son avant garde, 

Et les fist aler prendre garde 

Coment il pourroient passer. 

Et cil qui firent a loer, 

Chevauchoient tout environ 

Tant qu'ont trove un compaignon 

Qui lour a enseignie le pas 

De Some, je ne vous menk pas, 

Et tout li cent, a une fie. 

En I'eawe, le lance baissie, 

Se sont feru sur lour coursiers — 

Moult furent vaillanz chevaliers — 

Et li Princes venoit apres 

Qui ades les sievoit de pres. 

Grant escarmuche ot sur le pas 

De Some, je ne vous menk pas, 

Et fort combatoient chevalier ; 

Et la de traire et de lancier 

Se penoient d'ambedeux pars, 

Mais assez tost feurent espars 

Et mys a fuite h Picart 

Avoec monseignour Godemart ; 

Mais avoec I'aide de Dieu 

Tout passa en tamps et en lieu. 


Coment le Roy de ffrance vient 

oue trois Roys, et son grant poair vers 

Crescy p combatre les englois. 

Quant lui Rois Philippes le oy dire 
Moult auoit a coer dolour % jre 
Et dit par seint Poul le Baron 
280 Je me doute de traison 

Mais nepquant moult soi hasta 
Pmy Aueuille passa 
Mout p fu riche ses arois 

Quant Rois Phelippes Toy dire 
Moult avoit a coer doel et ire, 
Et dit : ' Par saint Poul, le baron, 
Je me doute de traison ; ' 
Mais nepourquant moult se hasta. 
Parmy Abeville passa. 
Mout par fu riches ses arois ; 








La fuist lui quartime des Rois 

aSs Cils de Maiole t de Beaume 
Et si fuist lui Rois dalmeyme 
Assetz y avoit Ducz t Countes 
Tant qe ce estoit graunt acountes 
Tant chiuacherent saunz null sy 

290 Qe droit assetz pres de cressy 
En potieu la fuist herbergez 
La fuist le Roy Edward loggez 
Et luy Prince si dieu me garde 
Qui cely iour auoit launt garde 

295 La norent gaires demouree 

Que de dieux partz lour ad Countee 
Qe si pres feurent ambedoy 
Que chescun purra voier le Roy 
De lun lautre % lordenement 

300 Lors se leua le cri fortement 
Et comencent a ordeigner 
Lour batailles et deuyser 

La fu, lui quartime des rois, 
Cils de Maiole et de Behaigne, 
Et s'i fu li Rois d'Alemaigne ; 
Assez y avoit dues et contes 
Tant que cou estoit granz acontes. 
Tant chevauchierent, sanz nul sy, 
Que droit assez pres de Cressy, 
En Pontieu, la fu herbergiez. 
La fu Rois Edouwarz logiez 
Et li Princes, se Dieux me garde, 
Qui eel jour avoit I'avant garde. 
La n'orent gaires demoure 
Que de deux parz lour a conte 
Que si pres feurent ambedoy 
Que chescuns pent veoir I'aroi 
De I'un I'autre et I'ordenement. 
Lors se leva li oris fortment 
Et comencent a ordener 
Lour batailles et devyser. 

De la bataille de Crescy % coment le 
Roy de Beaume % le Due de Lorain viij 
Countes t plusours altres ps furent occis 
a mesme le bataille % trois Roys t plusours 
altres sen departirent desconfitz. 

A quoy faire vous counteroy 
La matiere % alongeroy 

3°5 Celuy iour ot il bataille 
Si orible qe tout sanz faille 
Unqes ne fuist corps si hardis 
Qe nen poeit estre esbahis 
f. 5' Qe veist venir la puissance 

310 Et la poair du Roy de ffrance 
Graunt meruaille serroit a dire 
Espris de mautalant % de Ire 
Deuant ensemble entre acountier 
En faisant darmes le mestier 

315 Si treschiualrousement 
Qe unqes puis la venement 
Ne vist home bataille plus fiere 

A quoy faire vous conteroye 
Le matere et alongeroye ? 
Celuy jour y ot il bataille 
Si orible, que, tout sanz faille, 
Onques ne fu corps si hardis 
Que n'en pooit estre esbahis. 
Qui veitst venir le puissance 
Et le pooir du Roi de ffrance, 
Grant mervaille seroit a dire ! 
Espris de mautalent et d'ire 
Se vont ensamble entr'encontrer. 
En faisant d'armes le mester. 
Si tres chevalerousement 
Que onques puis I'avenement 
Ne vit on bataille plus fiere. 











La vedt home maynt baniere 
Pointe de fyne or % de soye 

320 Et la si la verray dieux manoye 
Englois estoient tout a peez 
Come sils qui feurent afaitez 
De combatre et entalenteez 
La fuist lui Prince de bounteez 

325 Qui en lauauntgarde com home deussoit. 
Si vaillantement soi gouernoit 
Qe merueille fuist a veir 
A peins lessoit enuair 
Nul home ] tant fuist hardyz ne fortz 

330 Quei vous ferroie ie longe recortz 
Tant combatirent celui iour 
Qe Englois enauoyent le meillour 
Et la fuist mort luy noble Roys 
De Beaume | qe fuist curtoys 

335 Et bon Due de Lorayne 

Qui moult fuist noble Capitayne 
Et de fflaundres noble Counte 
Dount home fesoit un gnt acounte 
Et le bon Counte dalencion 

340 Qui fuist frere au Roy Philippon 
Cils de loii t de Harecourt 
Qe vous dirroy a brief mot court 
Un Roy t un due t sept Countes 
Et ensi come dit luy acountes 

345 Plus qe Ix. Banerers 

ffurent illoeqes mortz tout frees 
Et trois Roys qui sendepterent 
Et plusours autres sen fuyerent 
Dount le nesay mie le noumbre 

350 Ne nest pas droit qe le le noumbre 
f. 5' Mais le sai bien qe cely iour 
Luy noble Prince de valour 
De la bataille avoit lauaunt garde 
Sicome doit bien prendre garde 

355 Car p luy t p ses vertus 

ffuist luy Champ gaignez et vaincus 

La veoit on maynte baniere, 

Pointe de fin or et de soye, 

Et la, se li vrais Dieux m'avoye, 320 

Englois estoient tout a pie, 

Com cil qui feurent afaitie 

De combatre et entalente. 

La fu li Princes de bonte. 

Qui I'avantgarde conduisoit, 325 

Si vaillantment se governoit 

Que merveille fu a velr ; 

A paines lessoit envair 

Null, tant fust hardyz ne forz. 

Que vous feroie Ions recorz ? 330 

Tant combatirent celui jour 

Qu'Englpis en avoyent le meillour. 

Et la fu morz li nobles Roys 

De Behaigne qui fu courtoys, 

Et li bons dues de Loerayne 335 

Qui moult fu noble capitayne, 

Et de fBandres li nobles conte 

Dont on fesoit un grant aconte, 

Et li bons conte d'Alencion 

Qui fu frere au Roy Philippon, 340 

Cils de Joii t de Harcourt. 

Que vous diroye a brief mot court ? 

Uns roys, uns dues et sept contes 

Et, ensi com dit li acontes, 

Plus que LX baneres 345 

ffurent illoecques mort, tout fres, 

Et trois roi qui s'en departirent ; 

Et plusours autre s'en fulrent, 

Dont je ne say mie le nombre, 

Ne n'est pas droiz que je le nombre ; 350 

Mais je sai bien que celi jour 

Li nobles Princes de valour 

Del bataille avoit I'avantgarde 

Si com on doit bien prendre garde, 

Car par lui et par ses vertus 355 

ffu li champs gaigniez et vaincus. 

Line 328 peins, marginal correction a. 
IJjie 337, luy added in the margin. 



Coment apres le bataille de Crescy le Roy 

de ffrance sen eila vers Paris | % le Royde 

Englerre oue son Hoost sen deptist vs Caleys. 

Luy Roy Philippes a Parys 
Sen ala | qui moult fuist marys 
En son corage regretoit 

36° Sez homes qui pduz auoit 
Et luy noble Roy dengleterre 
Qui fuist dignes de tenir terre 
Eu chaump cele noet soy logea 
Qui moult gnt hono^ conquesta 

365 Les mortz fist aler visiter 
Pur conustre et pur auiser 
Et troua le Roy de Beaume 
Qui gisoit mort sur le champaigne 
Carker le fist en un here 

370 Et mettre sur une litere 

A couert dune riche drap dore 
Arere le tramist % lore 
De la place se des logea 
Per deuers Calois chiuacha 

375 Pur ce qe ieo ne mente mye 
Cel trenoble chiuache 
Dount le fai mencion ycy 
Ce fuist en Ian qe dieux nasqui 
Mill trois Centz quarant et sis 

380 Et ensy come dist luy escris 
La viegle de seint Bartholomeu 
Que oues(5 la grace de dieu 
Le Roy cest bataille fist 
Ou tant de noblesse il acquist 

Li Rois Philippes a Parys 

S'en ala qui moult fu marys, 

En son corage regretoit 

Ses homes qui perduz avoit ; 

Et li nobles Roys d'Engleterre 

Qui fu dignes de tenir terre, 

Eu champ cele noet se logea, 

Que moult grant honour conquesta. 

Les morz fist aler visiter 

Pour conoistre et pour aviser, 

Et trova le Roy de Behaigne, 

Qui gisoit morz sur le champaigne ; 

Carkier le fist en une biere 

Et mettre sur une litiere 

Acovert d'un riche drap d'or ; 

Ariere le tramist et lor 

De la place se deslogea, 

Par devers Caleis chevaucha. 

Pour ce que je ne mente mye, 

Cele trenoble chevauchie, 

Dont je fai mencion ycy, 

Ce fu en I'an que Dieux nasqui, 

Mille trois cenz quarante et sis, 

Et, ensy com dit li escris, 

Le veille de seint Bartholmieu, 

Qu'avoecques le grace de Dieu 

Li Roys ceste bataille fist, 

Ou tant de noblece il acquist. 






h a , 

Coment le Roy Dengletre oue son gnte 

poair assegea la ville de Caloys p xviij. 

Moys % le Roy de ffrance noesa leuer lassege 

per quoy la dite ville ^se rendi 

au Roy Dengletre. 

f. 6' Apres viendroient deuant Caleys 
386 La out ils fait moult des beaux faitys 

Apres vinrent devant Caleys ; 
La ot il fait moult de biaux fais. 




La tient siege le noble Roy 
Qui yfuist oue tout son arroy 
Dysoept moys en un tenant 

390 YUoeqes demurroient tant 
Qe la ville fuist afamee 
Et qe la vient sanz demoeree 
Luy Roy Philipp pur lever 
Lassege sicom lay oi counter 

395 Mais ensi fuist lui hoost logic 
Et la ville si assegie 
Qe le Roy Philippes noesa 
Leuer lassege einz retourna 
Et luy noble Roy dengleterre 

400 Tient illoeqes la piece de terre 
Maint escarmuche et maint assaut 
Y faisoient t bas t haut 
Tant qe la ville se rendy 
Priantz au Roy pur dieu mercy 

405 Qe a mercy il les vousist prendre 
Et ensement a voir entendre 
fifuist Caleis par force conquise 
P la puissance t p lemprise 
Du noble Roy et de son filtz 

410 I^e Prince qui tant fuist hardiz 

La tint siege li noble Roy, 

Qui y f u o tout son arroy, 

Dys et oet moys en un tenant. 

Illoecques demouroient tant 390 

Que le ville fu afamee 

Et que la vint, sanz demoeree, 

Li Roys Philippes pour lever 

Le siege, com j'0'1 center. 

Mais ensi fu li hos logic 395 

Et le ville si assegie 

Que li Roys Philippes n'osa 

Lever le siege, einz retourna, 

Et li nobles Roys d'Engleterre 

Tint illoecques piece de terre. 400 

Mainte escarmuche et maint assaut 

Y faisoient et bas et haut, 

Tant que la ville se rendy, 

Priant au Roy, pour Dieu mercy 

Qu'a mercy il les vousist prendre. 405 

Et ensement, au voir entendre, 

ffu Caleis par force conquise. 

Par le puissance et par I'emprise 

Du noble Roy et de son filz, 

Le Prince, qui tant fu hardiz. 410 

Coment le Roy dengletre oue son 

poair retourna en engletre % p traison 

la ville de Calois deust auoir estee 

renduz as ffranceis et le Roy dengletre 

oue son poair le contre restoia en tant qil 

eust este pris sil neust este rescouz p le Pnce son filtz. 

Apres ceo ne demurra gere 
Qils ne reuindrent en Engleterre 
Luy Roy % luy Prince auxi 
Et tout li Chiualers hardy 
415 Par un triewe qils auoient 
En lour pais se demrerent 
Tancj il auient q p traitie 

Apres ce, ne demoura gerc 
Qu'il revinrent en Engleterre, 
Li Roys et li Princes auxi 
Et tout li chevalier hardy. 
Par unc trieuwe qu'il avoient 
En lour pals se demouroient, 
Tant qu'il avint que par traitie, 

Line 387, le corrected to luy in margin. 
Lines 399 and 400 transposed in the MS. 




Par traison % p pecchie 
Deuoit estre Caleis venduz 

420 Dun Seignioure de Biaugiu renduz 
f- s' A monp Geffrey de charny 
A un Lumbard qui Amery 
Estoit appellez de Pauye 
Et la feurent de Pikardye 

425 Et de ffraunce tout \y baron 
Au meins le pluis gnt fuyson 
Mais la fuist a voier acountier 
Luy noble Roys a deliuerer 
Et luy noble Prince son filtz 

430 Qui moult fuist vaillant % hardyz 
La combati vaillantement 
Quil rescoust vitablement 
Par force | son pier le Roy 
La feurent mis en desaroy 

435 ffrauncois et Pickard eel nuyt 

Dount plusours engloys gnde deduyt 
ffaisoient contre lour retourn 
Car la feurent luy meillour 
Du noble pais dengleterre 

440 Qe pur graunt loos t pris conquere 
Si feurent vaillantment puee 
La furent pris pur veritee 
Les plus noble Barons de ffrance 
Et deceu de volentee ffrance 

445 Qe unqes mais le Roy dengleterre 
Neust en une heure tant afere 
Come il eust en celle heure dadont 
Car plusours gentz recordez ont 
Qe le Roy eust este pris 

450 Si neust este le Prince son filtz 
Mais sa puissance et sa hautesse 
Et sa trespfite proesse 
Rescoust illoeqes le Roy son piere 
Si ne doit pas ceste matiere 

455 Estre en null state oblie 

Ore est bien droit qe ie vous die 

Par traison et par pechie, 

Devoit estre Caleis venduz 

D'un seigniour de Biaugiu renduz, 42° 

A monsiour Geffrey de Charny, 

Par un lombart, qui Amery 

Estoit appellez de Pavye ; 

Et la feurent de Pikardye 

Et de ffrance tout ly baron, 42s 

Au meins le plus grande fuyson. 

Mais la fu, au voir aconter, 

Li nobles Roys a delivrer ; 

Et li nobles Princes, ses filz. 

Qui moult fu vaillanz et hardyz 430 

La combati si vaillantment 

Qu'il rescoust veritablement, 

Par force, son pere, le Roy. 

La feurent mis en desaroy 

ffrancois et Pikart cele nuyt, 435 

Dont plusours englois grant deduyt 

ffaisoient contre lour retour ; 

Car la feurent tout li meillour 

Du noble pafs d'Engleterre, 

Qui pour grant los et pris conquerre 440 

S'i feurent vaillantment prove. 

La furent pris, pour verite, 

Li plus noble baron de ffrance 

Et deceu de volente france ; 

Q'onques mais li Rois d'Engleterre 445 

N'eut en une heure tant a fere 

Com eut en celle heure d'adont, 

Car plusours genz recorde ont 

Que li Rois elist este pris 

N'eust este li Princes, ses filz, 450 

Mais sa puissance et sa hautece 

Et sa tresparfite proece 

Rescoust illoec le Roy, son pere. 

Si ne doit pas ceste matere 

Estre en nul estat obliie, 455 

Ore est bien droiz que le vous die. 



Coment apres le rescous de Caleys le Roy 

dengleterre oue son poair retourna apres 

ceo auint la bataille sur la mer et la furent 

les Espainardes occiz et descoumfitz. 

En engleterre retournerent 
Et moult grant ioie demenerent 
f. T Grant ioie firent loure amy 

460 Et toutz les dames auxi 
La Roygne les festoia 
Qe son p' de coer ama 
Done dist le Roy a sa muliere 
Dame car veulliez festoier 

465 Vre filtz I car ieo feusse pris 
Si neust estee p son grant pris 
Mais p lui fui ieo socurruz 
Sire fait ele bien venuz 
Soit il I et vous auxi a moy 

470 Si mest auis qe dire doy 
A bone heure fuist il neez 
La feurent conioy assetez 
Luy Chiualer % luy Baron 
Damiser t festoier y veist horn 

475 Et faire festes t reueaux 

Moult pafuy bon le temps entre eaux 

Et la fuist amos t noblesse 

Et ioliette t proesse 

Ensi demoerent longe temps 

480 Tant qil auient iesqes a ceo temps 
Qe a lescluse assemblez estoient 
Niefs despaigne queux sauantoient 
De passer en despit du Roy 
Maugre luy | % tout son arroy 

485 Dount le Roy p son vasselage 
fifist assembler son graunt baronage 
Et fist sur la mer un arriuee 
Qe moult fu de gnt renomee 
La estoit lui Prince son filtz 

49° Et maint bon Chiualer de pris 
Tout lui counte t tout li baron 
Et tout li Chiualer de noun 

En Engleterre retournerent 

Et moult grant joie demenerent ; 

Grant joie firent lour amy 

Et toutes les dames auxi. 460 

La Roine les festoia 

Qui son seignour de coer ama. 

Done dist li Roys a sa moullier : 

' Dame, car veulliez festoier 

Vostre filz, car je fusse pris 4^5 

Se n'eust este pour son grant pris, 

Mais par lui fui je socouruz.' 

' Sire,' fait ele, ' bien venuz 

Soit il et vous auxi a moy. 

Si m'est avis que dire doy : 470 

" A bone heure fu il nez ".' 

La feurent conjoy assez 

Li chevalier et li baron. 

Danser et festoier vit on 

Et faire festes et reviaux ; 475 

Moult par fu bons li tamps entre iaux, 

Et la fu amours et noblece 

Et joliete et proece. 

Ensi deniourerent lone tamps, 

Tant quil avint, droit a ce tamps, 480 

Qu'a I'Escluse assamblez estoient 

Nefs d'Espaigne, qui s'avantoient 

De passer en despit du Roy, 

Maugre luy et tout son arroy ; 

Dont li Roys par son vasselage 485 

ffist assambler son grant barnage, 

Et fist sur le mer une armee 

Qui moult fu de grant renomee. 

La estoit li Princes ses filz 

Et maint bon chevalier de pris, 490 

Tout li conte et tout li baron 

Et tout li chevalier de non : 



La auoit batail fiere % dure 
La lui dona dieux auenture 

495 Car p lui % p sa puissance 
Et p sa treshaute vaillance 
ffeurent toutz mortz % discoufit 
Les Espainardes sachez de fit 
Et la fuist Chiualer lohans 

500 Son frere-| qui moult fuist vaillantz 
f. 7» Qui de Lancastre fuist puis ducz 
Moult pfeurent ses grantz vertuz 
La se prouerent vaillantment 
Lui noble baron ensement 

505 La ot il maint niefs gaignee 
Maint pris % maint parree 
Et la ot maint bon hom mort 
Sicome ioy en mon recort 
Et sachez qe ceste iournee 

510 Si fuist deuant Wynchelsee 

La avoit bataille fiere et dure : 

La lui dona Dieux aventure, 

Car par lui et par sa puissance 495 

Et par sa tres haute vaillance, 

ffeurent tout mort et desconfi 

Li Espaignart, sachiez de fi. 

Et la fu chevaliers Johans, 

Ses frere, qui moult fu vaillanz, 500 

Qui de Lancastre fu puis dues — 

Moult par feurent granz ses vertuz. 

La se proverent vaillantment 

Li noble baron ensement ; 

La ot il mainte nef gaignie 505 

Mainte prise et mainte perie, 

Et la ot maint bon home mort, 

Si come j'oy en mon recort ; 

Et sachiez que ceste journee 

Si fu devant Wynchelesee, 510 

Coment apres la bataille su la mer la 
Roygne dengletre enfaunt un fiz qauoit 
a noun Thomas t a|>s ceo vient le Captal 
de Gascoigne en engleterre pur auoir le 
Prince lour chiftein en Gascoigne % 
sur ceo fust ordeigne per parlement qe 
le Prince sen passeroit en Gascoigne 
oue plusours Countes % altres seignours. 

Apres cest noble bataille 

Qe moult fuist horrible sanz faille 

A terre furent retournez 

La graunt auoir ont amesnez 

515 Qils eurent gaignez et conquis 
Dount chescun de eux fuist resiois 
Apres ce ne demora gere 
Qe la Roigne dengleterre 
Enfanta un fitz de darrein 

520 Qelle porta cest bien certein 
Et cil filtz ot Thomas a noun 

Apres ceste noble bataille, 

Qui moult fu horrible sanz faille, 

A terre furent retourne ; 

Le grant avoir ont amene 

Qu'il eurent gaignie et conquis, 515 

Dont chescuns d'iaux fu resjofs. 

Apres ce ne demora gere 

Que la Rofne d'Engleterre 

Enfanta un filz, le darrein 

Qu'elle porta, c'est bien certein, 5a ^ 

Et cis filz ot Thomas a non. 

Line 506 parree, e in the margin. 



Grant ioie i grant feste fist hom 
Grantz lustes t festes crie 
Adonqes p la centre 

52s Et a ce temps vient a Gascoigne 
Le captal nest pas mencoigne 
Qui moult estoit vaillant et preus 
Moult hardis % moult corageus 
Et moult amez de toute gent 

63° ffestoiez fust moult noblement 
Graunt ioie fuist de sa venue 
Lui Prince qui se resuertue 
Un iour il dist au Roy son piere 
Et a la Roigne sa miere 
t. 8' Sire fait il pur dieu mercy 

536 Vous sauez bien qil est ensy 
Qen Gascoigne vous ayment tant 
Luy noble chiualer vaillant 
Qils ont graunt payne pur vre guerre 

54° Et pur vre honour conquere 
Et si nount point de Chieftayne 
De vre sang ceste chose certein 
Et pur ce si vous le trouez 
En vre conseill que faisissez 

545 Envoir la un de voz filtz 
lis en serroient plus hardys 
Et chescun disoit qil disoit voir 
Lors fist lui Roy sachez pur voir 
Assemblier son grant plement 

55° Toutz furent dacord ensement 
De Prince en Gascoigne enuoier 
Pur ce qe tant fuist a priser 
Et ordeignerent la endroit 
Ensi qe ouescj lui irroit 

555 De Warrewyk luy noble Counte 
De quoy home fesoit grant aconte 
Et lui Counte de Saresbury 
Qui moult estoit vaillant auxi 
Cil de Suff"olch qui fuist f>dhom 

560 Ufiford ensi estoit son noun 
Et le Counte doxenford 
Et le bon Counte de Stafford 

Grant joie et grant feste fist on. 

Grant feste de joustes criee 

Adonques fu par le contree. 

Et a ce tamps vint de Gascoigne 525 

Li captaus, ce n'est pas mencoigne, 

Qui moult estoit vaillanz et preus, 

Moult hardis et moult corageus, 

Et moult amez de toute gent. 

ffestoiez fu moult noblement. 53° 

Grant joie fist de sa venue 

Li Princes, qui se resvertue. 

Un jour il dist au Roy son pere, 

Et a la Royne, sa mere : 

' Sire,' fait il, ' pour Dieu mercy 535 

Vous savez bien qu'il est ensy 

Qu'en Gascoigne vous ayment tant 

Li noble chevalier vaillant, 

Qu'il ont grant payne pour vo guerre 

Et pour vostre honour conquerre, 540 

Et se n'ont point de capitayne 

De vo sane, c'est chose certeine ; 

Et pour ce, se vous le trouviez 

En vo conseil que fesissiez 

Envoier la un de voz filz, 545 

II en seroient plus hardys.' 

Et chescuns dist qu'il disoit voir. 

Lors fist li Roys, sachiez pour voir, 

Assambler son grant parlement. 

Tout furent d'acort ensement 550 

Du Prince en Gascoigne envoier. 

Pour ce que tant fu a prisier, 

Et ordenerent la endroit 

Ensi, qu'avoecques lui iroit 

De Warrewyk li noble conte 555 

De quoy on fesoit grant aconte, 

Et li conte de Sarsbury 

Qui moult estoit vaillanz auxi, 

Cil de Suffolch qui fu preudons, 

Ufford, ensi estoit ses nons, 560 

Et li conte d'Oxeneford 

Et li bon conte de Stafford, 


Mon(5 Bertreme de Burghes 

Monsieur Bertremieu de Burghes 

Qui mult fuist hardi en sez fees 

Qui moult fu hardis en ses fes, 

565 Monp lohan de Montagu 

Monsiour Johan de Montagu 

Qui le coer auoit fiers et agu 

Qui coer avoit fier et agu, 

Et le ^' le despenser 

Et le seignour le Despensier, 

Basset qui moult fuist apriser 

Basset, qui moult fu a prisier ; 

Et si fu la sire de Maunee 

Et s'i fu li sire de Manne 

570 Et auxi 1 ensi qil me semble 

Et auxi, ensi qu'il me sanle, 

Le bon de Cobham Reuant 

De Cobeham li bon Renaut 

Qui eust estee a maint assaut 

Qui eut este a maint assaut ; 

Si furent Chaundos t Audelee 

S'i furent Chandos et Audlee : 

Cils deux eurent graunt renomee 

Cil deux eurent grant renomee 

575 Et furent ordeignez ou frayne 

Et furent ordene ou frayn 

Du Prince | sachez de certeyne 

Du Prince, sachiez de certeyn. 

f. 8» 

De lordinance pur le passage du Prince a 

Plumuth vers Gascoigne t coment il prist conge 

du Roy son pier et du Roygne sa mere. 

Quant la chose fuiste deuisee 
Et tout lordinance acomplee 
A Plummuth fist home mander 

580 Pur toutz lour niefs assemblier 
Gentz darmes % Archiers auxi 
Et lour vitailles sanz nul si 
Moult pfu riches luy arrois 
Apres le terme de deux mois 

585 II prist congie du Roy son piere 
Et de la Roygne sa miere 
De toutz ses freres % ses soers 
Moult grant dolour font en lour coers 
Quant se vient a son departiere 

590 Car la veissez sanz mentiere 
Dames % damoiselles plorer 
Et en lour compleintes dolouser 
Lune pur son amy ploroit 
Et lautre son amy regretoit 




Quant le chose fu devisie 

Et I'ordenance toute acomplie, 

A Plummuthe fist on mander 

Pour toutes lour nefs assambler, 5S0 

Genz d'armes et archiers auxi, 

Et lour vitailles, sanz nul si : 

Moult par fu riches li arrois. 

Apres le terme de deux mois 

II prist congie du Roy, son pere, 5S5 

Et de la Roine, sa mere, 

De touz ses freres et ses soers. 

Moult grant dolour font en lour coers 

Quant ce vint a son departir ; 

Car la vefssiez, sanz mentir, 590 

Dame et damoiselle plorer 

Et en compleintes dolouser : 

L'une pour son mari ploroit, 

L'autre son amy regretoit. 


Coment le Prince est venuz a Plumuth 
oue son |nt poer % illoeqes ad demurre 
tanqe 11 fust tut prest pur passer auaunt 




t est arriuez a Burdeaux % comet les nobles 
seigniours et barons de Gascoigne luy ont 
resceu (^ue gnt ioie * hon^ t coment apres 
ceo le Pnce prist les champs cue vj. Mill 
combatauntz t prist t exila p force * 
plusours chastels t villes en Gascoigne. 

f. 9 

595 Ensi prise le Prince congie 
Qui le coer auoit haut et lee 
Vers Plummuthe prist son chemin 
Tant chiuacha soir % matyn 
Qe a Plummuthe fuist arriuez 
600 Et illoeqes est tant demorez 

Qe toutz ses grauntz arrois fu pres 
Et si auient auxi tost apres 
Quil fist carker toutz ses vessealx 
Tout vitailles % ioialx 
605 Hauberkes | helmes | launces | escutz 
Arcs I seattes | % en coer pluis 
ffist toutz ses chiualx eskipper 
Et assetz tost se mist a meer 
Et tout lui nobler chiualer 
610 La poist home a voir iuger 
Veoir le flour de chiualrie 
Et tresnoble Bachelrie 
Qui feurent en grant voluntee 
De bien faire et entalentee 
615 Lors comerent a sigler 
Tant siglerent pmy la mer 
Qils arriuerent a Burdeux 
Dount moult fesoient grantz reueaux 
Lui noble Baron du pais 
620 La veissez grantz i petitz 
Venir vers le Prince tout droit 
Qui doucement les festoit 
Deuers lui vient tout entreet 
Lui noble Prince de la breet 
625 Et lui sire de moutferrant 
Qui ot le coer pren et vaillant 

Ensi prist li Princes congie, 595 

Qui le coer avoit baut et lie ; 

Vers Plummuthe prist son chemin. 

Tant chevaucha soir et matyn 

Qu'a Plummuthe fu arrivez, 

Et illoec est tant demorez 600 

Que touz ses granz arrois fu pres. 

Et s'avint auxi tost apres 

Qu'il fist carkier touz ses vessialx 

A tout vitailles et joialx, 

Hauberks, hiaumes, lances, escuz, 605 

Arcs, saietes et encor plus ; 

fifist touz ses chevalx eskipper 

Et assez tost se mist en mer, 

Et tout li noble chevalier. 

La peulst on, au voir jugier, 616 

Veoir le flour de chevalerie 

Et tres noble bachelerie, 

Qui feurent en grant volente 

De bien faire et entalente. 

Lors comencierent a sigler ; 615 

Tant siglerent par my le mer 

Qu'il arriverent a Bourdiaux, 

Dont moult fesoient granz reviaux 

Li noble baron du pals. 

La veissiez granz et petiz 620 

Venir vers le Prince, tout droit, 

Qui doucement les festoioit. 

Devers lui vint tout entreset 

Li nobles Princes de Labret 

Et li sire de Montferrant, 625 

Qui ot le coer preu et vaillant. 

Line 609 nobler chiualer underlined in a later hand. 
Line 612 Bachelrie underlined in a later hand. 



Mi^ssinden j Roson | % Courton 
Et de ffaussard Amenioii 
Et le grant f de Pomiers 

630 Et meintz des nobles Chiualers 
Et le droit p' de Lessparre 
Quel vous ferroy ie longe barre 
Pur alongier plus la matiere 
La viendroient cest chese clere 

635 De Gascoigne tout lui baron 
Et le Prince de tresgrant noun 
Les sauoit trop bien conioier 
Quei vous dirra ie sanz menter 
A Burdeux soiourna un poy 

640 Tant qil auoit fait tout son arroy 
Et bien ses chiualx reposez 
Bien tost apres fuist apprestez 
Et mist ensemble sur les champs 
Plus qe .vj. Mill combatantz 

645 Deuers Tholouse chiuacha 
Unqes ville ny demora 
Quil ne faisist tout exiler 
Et prist Carkason et Vesier 
f. 9' Et Narbone % tout la pais 

650 ffuist p luy gastez et maluais 
. Et plusours villes % Chasteaux 
Dount pas ne firent grantz Reueaux 
En Gascoigne lui enemy 
Plus qe quatre Mois % demy 

655 Dema es chainps ceste foitz 
. Adonqes il fist moult % desrois 

Mussinden, Roson et Courton 
Et de ffaussard, Amenidn, 
Et li grans seignour de Pomiers 
Et meint de nobles chevaliers, 
Et li drois seignour de Lessparre. 
Que vous feroy je longe barre 
Pour alongier plus le matere ? 
La vinrent, cou est chose clere, 
De Gascoigne tout li baroil, 
Et li Princes de tres grant non 
Les savoit trop bien conjolr. 
Quoi vous dirai je sanz mentir ? 
A Bourdiaux sojourna un poy 
Tant qu'avoit fait tout son arroy 
Et bien ses chevalx reposez. 
Bien tost apres fu apprestez 
Et mist ensamble sur les champs 
Plus que vi mille combatanz. 
Devers Tholouse chevaucha : 
Onques ville n'y demora 
Qu'il ne fesist toute exillier ; 
II prist Carkasone et Vesier 
Et Narbone ; et touz li pais 
ffu par luy gastez et malmis, 
Et plusours villes et chastel, 
Dont pas ne firent grant revel 
En Gascoigne li enemy. 
Plus qe quatre mois et demy 
Demoura es champs ceste fois ; 
Adonc il fist moult de desrois. 


Coment le Prince se retotirna vs Burdeaux 

et illoeqes dema en gnt deduit % gnt ioie 

tanqe liuere fust passe i lors il mist sez gentz 

p ordinance en sez chastels tout entour. 

Puis deuers Burdeux retourna Puis devers Bourdiaux retourna 

Lui Prince | i le demora Li Princes et la demora 

Tanqe y fuist passee tout lyuer Tanque fu passe tout I'yvier : 

660 II t si noble Chiualer II et si noble chevalier 

Line 660 si, marginal correction son. 










En grant deduit % en gnt ioie 
Estoient la si dieux manoie 
La fuist iolite t noblesce 
fifranchise | bounte | % largesce 

665 Et a ce qe iay de semblance 
II mist sez gentz p ordinance 
En ses Chastelx trestout entour 
La ou ils firent lour seioure 
Warrewik fuist a la R61I 

670 Et auxi a court pole 

Salesbury fust a seint ffoy 
Et ce fuist ensi come ie croy 
Suffolk droit a seint Millioii 
A Leybourne t tout enuiron 

675 ffurent ses homes herbergiez 
Quant ensi feurent hostagiez 
Luy bon Chaundos % Audelee 
Qui moult quoient renommee 
Ouesqe le noble Captal 

680 Qui le coer ot preu t loial 
Salerent logier sur les champs 
La ou ils demurrent longe tamps 
Maint bele escarmuche firent 
Et mainte foitz se combatirent 

685 Pur conquestre lour logement 
Dusqe a Caours % vers Agent 
1 iC Entre prisent lour chiuachie 
Et pristrent port seinte Marie 
Puis sen retournerent arere 

690 Tout encontremout la Ryuere 
Salerent prendre Pieregos 
Une Cite qe ot grant los 
Illoeqes salerent herbergier 
Tut un grant part de lyuer 

695 Moult pfu noble le seignioure 
Car maint issaut et maint estoure 
ffesoient coutre le Chastell 
Car manoit qe petit praiell 
Entre le Chastell t la Ville 

700 La estoit la Counte de Lylle 

Line 669 la, 
Line 700 la, 

En grant deduit et en grant joie 

Estoient la, se Dieux m'avoie. 

La fu joliete, noblece, 

fifranchise, bonte et largece ; 

Et, a ce que j'ay de samblance, 665 

II mist ses genz par ordenance 

En ses chastiaux trestout entour, 

La ou il firent lour sejour. 

Warrewik fu a le Re5le 

Et auxi, a courte parole, 670 

Salsbury fu a Seinte fifoy, 

Et se fu, ensi com je croy, 

Suffolk droit a Seint Million : 

A Leybourne et tout environ 

ffurent si home herbergie. 675 

Quant ensi feurent hostagie, 

Li bon Chandos et Audelee 

Qui moult queroient renommee, 

Avoecques le noble Captal 

Qui le coer ot preu et loial, €80 

S'alerent logier sur les champs, 

Leur il demorerent long tamps. 

Mainte bele escarmuche firent 

Et mainte fois se combatirent 

Pour conquester lour logement. 685 

Dusqu'a Caours et vers Agent 

Entreprisent lour chevauchie 

Et prisent Port Seinte Marie. 

Puis s'en retournerent ariere 

Tout encontremont le ryviere, 690 

S'alerent prendre Pieregos, 

Une cite qui ot grant los ; 

Iloec s'alerent herbergier 

Toute une grant part de I'yvier. 

Moult par fu nobles li sejour, 695 

Car maint assaut et maint estour 

fifesoient contre le chastiel, 

Car n'avoit que petit praiel 

Entre le chastel et le ville. 

La estoit li contes de Lylle -00 

marginal correction le. 
marginal correction lui. 



Et li contes de Pieregos. 

Que vous diroy je plus de moz ? 

Et lui Counte de Pieregos 

Quei vous dirroy ie plus des motz 

Coment le Prince reassembla son poair 
% fist son chiuachie en seint Onge % 
en altres diuers parties de Gascoigne 
t prist certeins fortesses et Seigniours 
deuant la bataille de Paiters % les nouels 
ent vindroient au Roy de ffraunce. 

Ensi Ie Prince soiourna 
En Gascoigne | % si demora 

705 Le space de .viij. mois ou plus 
Mout pfu grant ses vertus 
Quan ce vient encontre lestee 
Lors ad son poair assemble 
Puis refist une chiuachie 

710 En seint Onge ie vous affie 
En Pieregos % en Kersin 
Et vient iusqes Roumorentyn 
La prist il le toure sur assaut 
La prist auxi mon^ Buscikant 

715 Et le grant f de Craone 

Et des autres moult gunt fuysone 
Plus de .CC, en yot pris 
Toutz gentz darmes de |nt pris 
Quinsze iour deuant le bataille 

720 De Paitiers sachez tout sanz faille 
Apres chiuacha en Barri 
Et pmy Gascoigne auxi 
f. 10' Et iesqes a Tours en Tourayn 

Adonqes cast bien chose certeyn 

725 Les nouels au Roy lohan 

Vindrent \ dent moult fist grant a han 

Et dist qe poy se priseroit 

Si grant vengeans nenprendoit 

Ensi li Princes sojourna 

En Gascoigne et s'i demora 

L'espace de viii mois ou plus. 

Mout par furent granz ses vertus. 

Quan ce vint encontre Teste 

Lors a son pooir assamble ; 

Puis refist une chevauchie 

En Seintonge, je vous affie, 

En Pieregos et en Kersin, 

Et vint jusqes Roumorentyn. 

La prist il le tour sur assaut, 

Auxi monseignour Buscikaut, 

Et le grant seignour de Craon, 

Et des autres moult grant fuyson ; 

Plus de .cc. en y ot pris, 

Toutes genz d'armes de grant pris, 

Quinsze jours devant le bataille 

De Poitiers, sachiez tout sanz faille. 

Apres chevaucha en Barri 

Et par my Gascoigne auxi, 

Et jusqes a Tours en Tourayne. 

Adonc, c'est bien chose certayne, 

Les novelles au Roy Jehan 

Vinrent, dont moult fist grant ahan, 

Et dist que poi se priseroit 

Se grant vengeance n'en prendoit. 




Coment le Roy de ffraunce fist assembler 
sa gnt puissance % charteres encontre le 
Prince et son poair | t luy Prince ad pris 
son chemyn vers paitiers | \ comet il prist 
deux Countes \ plusours 
autres furent pris \ mortz. 



Lors fist amsembler sa puissance 

73° De tout le Roy alme de ffrance 
Ny demora ne Due ne Counte 
Ne Baron | dont home fecist counte 
Qe tout ne fesoit amasser 
Et ensi come iay oy counter 

735 ffuist fait a Chartres lassemblee 
Noble gent yauoit amassee 
Car ensi qe home count lestille 
II en auoit plus de .x. mill . 
De Chartres se sont departy 

74° Et chiuachirent sanz null si 
Tout ensi pdeuers Toures 
Mout pfu noble lour atours 
Lui Prince en oy nouels 
Queux lui semblerent bones et beles 

745 Deuers Paitiers prist son chemin 
Moult oue lui menoit grant traim 
Car moult eurent fait demange 
En ffrance | p lour grant baronage 
Et sachez qe le samdy 

75° Le noble Counte de loygny 
Ouescj le Counte dantoire 
Pist le Prince ceste chose voire 
Et combaterent vaillantent 
Les ffrancois a lour logement 

755 Mais ils feurent toutz mortz en pris 
Ensement le dit lui escptz 
Dount Englois fesoient grant ioye 
Pmy lour boost si dieux mauoie 
f. 11' Et lui Roy lohan chiuacha 

^6o Tant q le Prnce adeuantcea 
Et qe lun boost lautre choisi 
Et a ce que ie entendi 
Lun deuant lautre se longerent 
Et si trespres se herbergerent 

765 Qils abuuroient p seint piere 
Lour chiuax a un Riuere 

Lors fist assambler le puissance 

De tout le royalme de ffrance : 73° 

N'y demora ne due ne eonte 

Ne baron dont on fesoit conte, 

Qe touz ne fesist amasser, 

Et, ensi com j'oy conter, 

ffu faite a Chartres I'assamblee, 735 

Noble gent avoit amassee, 

Car, ensi com conte I'estille, 

II en avoit plus de x mille. 

De Chartres se sont departy 

Et chevauchierent, sanz nul si, 74° 

Trestout ensi par devers Tours — 

Mout par fu nobles lour atours. 

Li Princes en oy noveles 

Qui lui sambloient bones et beles. 

Devers Poitiers prist son chemin, 745 

Moult o lui menoit grant train. 

Car moult eurent fait de damage 

En ffrance par lour grant barnage ; 

Et sachiez, qe le samedy 

Le noble eonte de Joygny, 75° 

Avoeeques le conte d'Aucoire, 

Prist li Princes, c'est chose voire, 

Et combatirent vaillantment 

Li ffrancois a lour logement ; 

Mais il feurent tout mort et pris, 75S 

Ensement le dit li escripz : 

Dont Englois fesoient grant joye 

Parmy lour host, se Dieux m'avoie. 

Et li Rois Jehans chevaucha 

Tant que le Prince adevancea 76° 

Et que I'une hos I'autre choisi, 

Et, a ce que jou entendi, 

L'un devant I'autre se logierent, 

Et si trespres se herbergierent 

Qu'il abuvroient, par seint Piere, 765 

Lour chevaux a une riviere. 

Line 743 nouels, marginal correction e. 

Line 747 demange, marginal correction de damage. 



Coment le Cardinal de Pieregos vient 
a Brismos oue gnt clerchie a Roy 
de ffraunce pur fair accord pentre luy % 
le Prince ] % sur ceo oie t entendu la 
volunte et auis du Roy de ffraunce sen 
chiuacha le Cardinal deus le Pnce p^ meisme la cause. 

Mais la endroit vient a Brysmos 
Lui Cardinal de Pieregos 
Qui amesna ouescj lui 

770 Maint Clerc * maint legasi 

Doun doucement au Roy de (Trance 
Ad dit de humble volunte france 
Sire fait il pur lamoure de dieu 
Bone pole tient bon lieu 

775 Car il vous plese a moy lesser 
Qe ie puisse aler chiuacher 
Deuers le Prince | pur aler 
Si home vous purroit accorder 
Car certes ceste grant bataille 

780 Tant serra horible sanz faille 
Qe pite serra % damages 
Et grantz orgoilles % gntz outrages 
Qe tant beale creature 
ffaudra morir de grief mort seure 

785 Et si nepoit hoine destoumer 
Morir de faille a lassembler 
Dont certes countre enfandra 
Cely qe le tort en aura 
P deuant dieu au lugement 

790 Si li escpture ne ment 

Dont respondi lui Roy lohans 
Cardinal moult estez sachantz 
Bien' voillons qe vous yalez 
Mais sachez t bien entendez 
f. 11^ La ne ferrons pas en nre vie 

796 Si ne reanous en no bailie 

Les Chastelx % tout la terre 

Line JJJ ?ler, marginal correction p. 
Line 788 qe, marginal correction qui. 
Line 793 yalez, marginal correction y. 

Mais la endroit vint, a bris mos, 

Li Cardinaus de Pieregos 

Qui amena avoecques li 

Maint clerc et maint legat auxi. 770 

Don doucement au Roy de ffrance 

A dit, d'humble volente france : 

' Sire,' fait il, ' pour I'amour Dieu, 

Bone parole tient bon lieu. 

Car il vous plese a moy lessier 775 

Que je puisse aler chevauchier 

Devers le Prince pour parler 

Si on vous pourroit accorder. 

Car certes ceste grant bataille 

Tant sera horible, sanz faille, 780 

Que pites sera et damages 

Et granz orguieus et granz outrages 

Que tante bele creature 

fifaurra morir de grief mort seure ; 

Et se ne poet on destourner 785 

Mourir ne faille a I'assambler : 

Dont certes conte rendre en faurra 

Cely, qui le tort en avra. 

Par devant Dieu au jugement, 

Se li escripture ne ment.' 790 

Dont respondi li Rois Jehans : 

' Cardinal, moult estez sachanz. 

Bien volons que vous y alez, 

Mais sachiez, et bien entendez, 

Ne le ferons pas en no vie, ygj 

Se ne ravons en no baillie 

Les chastialx et toute le terre 



Qe puis qil vient hors dengleterre 

Que, puis qu'il vint hors d'Engleterre, 

Nous ad gaste % exilez 

Nous a gastez et exilliez 

800 A malueis droit % a pieciez 

A malveis droit et apeciez, 

Et auxi quite la querelle 

Et auxi quite le querelle 

Dont la guerre se renouelle 

Dont la guerre se renovelle.' 

Sire ce dist lui Cardinaus 

' Sire,' ce dist li Cardinaus, 

Tant ferrai qe bien serrez saus 

' Tant ferai que bien serez saus, 

805 Et a suffice de vre droit 

Et a souffit de vostre droit' 

Lors se departi de la endroit 

Lors se parti de la endroit. 

Coment le Cardinal chiuacha du Roy de ffrance 
vers lost du Prince p^ entraiter de la corde auantdit. 

Vers lost du Prince chiuacha 

Si tost qe vers lui arriua 

Moult doucement lad saluee 
810 Enplorant p graunt pite 

Sire fait il pur dieu merci 

Car vous prendrez a iour de hui merci 

De si maint noble psone 

Oe au iour de huy cest la some 
815 Purroient ci pdre la vie 

En ycest grant estormye 

ffetez tant qe neiez pas tort 

Si home vous poit mettre a acort 

Dieux 1 la seinte Trinitee 
820 Vous en purroit sauoir bon gree 

Vers I'ost du Prince chevaucha, 
Si tost que vers lui arriva, 
Moult doucement I'a salue 
En plorant, par grande pite : 
' Sire,' fait il, 'pour Dieu merci, 
Car prendez au jour d'hui merci 
De si mainte noble persone 
Qui au jour d'huy, cou est le some, 
Pourroient ci perdre le vie 
En yceste grant estormye. 
ffetez tant que n'eiez pas tort. 
S'on vous peuist mettre a acort 
Dieux et le sainte Trinite 
Vous en pourroit savoir bon gre.' 

Coment le Prince respondi au Cardinal 
sur la traite du dit accorde. 

Luy Prince dist a coer entieu 
Certes beux douce piere en dieu 
Bien sauoms qe ce qe vous ditez 
Est voirs I ce sont raisons escptez 

825 Mais nous volons bien sustiner 
Qe lire querell sanz mentir 
Est Juste verray t veritable 
Bien sauez qe ce nest pas fable 
Qe mon pier Roy Edwardz 

830 Certes estoit le plus droitez heirs 
Pur tener i pur possesser 

Li Princes dist, a coer entieu : 
' Certes, biaux, dous peres en Dieu, 
Bien savons que ce que vous dites 
Est voirs, ce sont raisons escriptes, 
Mais nous volons bien soustenir 
Que no querelle, sanz mentir, 
Est juste, vraye et veritable. 
Bien savez que ce n'est pas fable. 
Que mes peres, Roys Edouwarz, 
Certes estoit li plus droiz hoirs 
Pour tenir et pour possesser 









ffrance qe chescuns doit amer 

ffrance, que chescuns doit amer, 

t la' Au temps qil fuist coronez Roys 

Au tamps qu'i fu coronez rois 

Lui Roy phelippes de Valois 

Li Rois Phelippes de Valois ; 

835 Mais nient contreesteant pas ne voille 

Mais nient contrestant pas ne voeil 

Qe home die que par mon orgoille 

Qu'on die que par mon orgoeil 

Moerge tant bele luuente 

Moerge tante bele jouvente. 

Mais ce nest my mon entente 

Mais ce n'est mye mon entente 

Qe ie face le contraire 

Que je face ore le contraire 

840 De la paix | si home le pooit faire 

De le paix, s'on le pooit faire, 

Einz enferray tout mon poir 

Einz en ferai tout mon pooir : 

Mais sachez qe tout pur voier 

Mais sachiez que, tres tout pour voir, 

le ne pujs pas cest matier 

Je ne puis pas ceste matere 

Acompler | sanz le Roy mon pier 

Acomplir sanz le Roy, mon pere, 

845 Mais respit puisse bien doner 

Mais respit puis je bien doner 

Des mes homes t acorder 

A mes homes et acorder, 

Pur p traitier plus de la paix 

Pour partraitier plus de le paix. 

Si acorder ne voillient cest foitz 

S'acort ne voeillent ceste fois 

le su ci tout prest pur attendre 

Je sui ci touz pres pour attendre 

850 La grace de dieu | au voir entendre 

Le grace Dieu, au voir entendre, 

Car nre querelt est si verraye 

Car no querelle est si veraye 

Qe de combatre ne mesmaye 

Que de combatre ne m'esmaye ; 

Mais pur destourner la damage 

Mais pour destourner le damage 

De la mort | et le gnt outrage 

De le mort et le grant outrage 

855 Le ferrai a vre plaiser 

Le ferai a vostre plaisir 

Ou gre de mon pier assentier 

Ou gre de mon pere assentir.' 



Coment lui Cardinal tout enplorant sen 

departi du Prince et retourna p diuers 

le Roy de ffraunce t lui fist relacion de 

la traitie % coment sur ceo le Roy de ffrance 

assigna pur sa part Euesqes % autres seigniours 

pur entraitier t excuser la bataille. 

Luy Cardinal tout emplorant 
Se parti de lui maintenant 
Et chiuacha sanz detriance 
860 Deuers le Roy lohan de ffrance 
Et lui ad countee de son gnt attriait 
Et le Roy pur plus alongier le fait 

Li Cardinaus tout em plorant 
Se parti de lui maintenant 
Et chevaucha sanz detriance 
Devers le Roy Johan de ffrance, 
Et li conta de son attrait. 
Li Roys, pour alongier le fait, 


Line 843 pujs, marginal correction pluis. 
Line 844, le superscript. 







Et pur le bataille excuser 

Et pour le bataille excuser, 

ffist toutz les barons assembler 

ffist touz les barons assambler 

S65 Et mettre ensample de dieux partz 

Et mettre ensamble des deux parz. 

De parler ne fuist pas escars 

De parler ne fu pas escars. 

La vient le Counte de Tankerville 

La vint li cuens de Tankerville 

Et ensi come dit lestille 

Et, ensi come dit I'estille, 

f. 12» ffuist luy Arceuescj de Seus 

Y fu I'arcevesque de Sens, 

S70 Cils de Thalrus qui ot gnt seus 

Cils de Thalrus, qui ot grant sens, 

Charguy Buscicaunt et Cleremout 

Chargny, Buscicaut et Clermont : 

Toutz ceux illoqes venuz sent 

Tout cil illoecques venu sont 

Coment autres seigniours 

englois feurent depar le Prince 

ordeignez pur entraitier oue 

les ffrancois du dit accorde. 

Pur le conseil du Roy de ffrance 
Dautre part volente France 

875 Y fuist de Warrewik lui Counte 
Et ensi come dit lui acounte 
Lui Count de Suffolk y fu 
Qui ot le poll gris et kenu 
Si fuist Bertram de Burghees 

880 Qui du Prince fuist le plus pres 
Si furent Audelee t Chaundos 
Qui en ce temps auoient gnt los 
Illoqes firent le plement 
Et la chescun dist son talent 

885 Mais de lour conseil ne vous say 
Mais ie say bien tout pur verray 
Quils ne pooient estre dacort 
Sicome iay oi en mon recort 
Dont chescun de eux departy 

890 Adonqes dist Geffroy de Charguy 
Seignioure fait il puis qensi est 
Qe ceste traitie plus ne vous plest 
le loffre qe nous vous combatoms 
Cent pur Cent et choiseroms 

895 Chescun p deuers son costee 
Et bien sachez pur verite 
Le quel Cent qui sont disconfit 

Pour le conseil du Roy de ffrance : 
D'autre part, de volente france, 
Y fu de Warrewik, li contes, 
Et, ensi com dit li acontes, 
Li contes de Suffolk y fu 
Qui ot le poil gris et kenu, 
S'i fu Bertremieus de Burghes 
Qui du Prince fu li plus pres, 
S'i furent Audlee et Chandos 
Qui en ce tamps avoient grant los. 
lUoec firent le parlement 
Et la chescuns dist son talent. 
Mais de lour conseil ne vous say ; 
Mais je say bien, tout pour veray, 
Qu'il ne pooient estre d'acort, 
Si come j'oi en mon recort : 
Dont chescuns d'iaux s'en departy. 
Adonc dist Geffrois de Chargny : 
' Seigniour,' fait il, ' puis qu'ensi est 
Que cis traitiez plus ne vous plest, 
J'offre que nous vous combatons, 
Cent pour cent, et se choisirons 
Chescuns par devers son coste ; 
Et bien sachiez, pour verite, 
Li quel cent qui sont desconfi 








Tut lui autre sachez defit 

Tout li autre, sachiez de fi, 

De cest champe se deptiront 

De cest champ se departiront 

90° Et la querelle lesseront 

Et le querelle lesseront. 

le croy qe le meillours si serra 

Je croy que li mielz si sera, 

Et qe deux gre nous ensauera 

Et que Dieux gre nous en savra 

Qe le iourne se deporte 

Que le journee se deport 

Ou tant psone serroit morte 

Ou tant preudome seront mort.' 

De la final responce dones a les ffrancois 
p les seigniours englois de la traite. Et coment 
f. 13' les Seigniours du traite si bien de lun 

costee come de lautre sount retournez 

chescun deuers son Seigniour sanz accorde entre 

eux fait J t le Cardinal sen chiuacha tout emplofat deus patiers. 

905 Et adonqes lui respondi 
lui Counte de Warwik ensi 
Seigniour fait il quel voillez vous 
Prendre p ce encontre nous 
Bien sauez qe vous estez plus 

910 Des gentez darmez % feer vestuz 
Quatrefoitz qe nous ne soions 
Et vre terre chiuachons 
Veiez ci la Champaigne t la place 
Chescun qui poet son meillo face 

915 Autre part ie ne say 
Ne autre ieo nacorderay 
Dieux voille conforter le droit 
Ou il semble qe meill6 soit 
Lors se ptent sanz plus parler 

920 Vers lour hoost prirent atourner 
Chescun disoit en son parti 
Cil Cardinal nous ad trai 
Elas pur dieu mais noun auoit 
Car tout plorant seu departoit 

925 Et chiuachoit deuers Paiters 
Cela lui estoit bien mestiers 
Car certes il nauoit bon gree 
Ne grace de nulle costee 
Lors out lour bataille ordeignee 

930 Chescun sanz point de demoeree 


Et adonques lui respondi 905 

Li conte de Warwik ensi : — 

' Seigniour,' fait il, ' quoi volez vous 

Prendre par ce encontre nous ? 

Bien savez que vous estes plus 

Des genz d'armes et fier vestuz 910 

Quatrefois que nous ne soions 

Et vostre terre chevauchons. 

Vez ci le champaigne et Ic place, 

Chescuns qui poet, son meillour face. 

Autre partage je ne say 915 

Ne autre je n'acorderay. 

Dieux voeille conforter le droit, 

Ou il samble que meillour soit ! ' 

Lors se partent sanz plus parler. 

Vers lour host prirent a tourner. gjo 

Chescuns disoit en son parti : 

' Cis Cardinaus nous a tra'f ' — 

E las ! pour Dieu, mais non avoit, 

Car tout plorant s'en departoit 

Et chevauchoit devers Poitiers — 925 

Cela lui estoit bien mestiers. 

Car certes il n' avoit bon gre 

Ne grace de nulli coste. 

Lors ont lour bataille ordenee 

Chescuns, sanz point de demoeree. 930 



Coment le Roy de fFraunce assigna 

le Mareschall de Cleremount t 

plusours autres seigniours oue iii- Mill 

combatauntz deux Mill seruauntz t 

bien deux Mill Arblastiers pur estee 

en lauaunt garde de son host. 

Primerment le Roy de ffrance 
Ad mis sez gentes en ordinance 
Et dist beau seigneur p ma foy 
Tant me detrirez ceo croy 

936 Qe lui Prince meschapera 
Cil Cardinle bien tray ma 
f. IS" Qui ci mad fait tant demorer 
Donqes comencea a apeller 
Le bon Mareschaux de Cleremont 

94° Et cely Doudenham qui mont 
ffuist en toutz temps a priser 
Car en lui ot bon Chiualer 
Ouescj le noble Due Dataine 
Qui mult fuist noble Chieftaine 

945 Seigniour ce dist lui riche Rois 
ffaitez apresti vous arrois 
Car vous serres en iTre aunt garde 
Et cest vre droit si dieux me garde 
Ouesqs vous auerez sanz doute 

950 Trois Milt homes de vre route 
Et si aueretez .ij. Mill seruantz 
A glaiues % a dartz trenchantz 
Et bien deux Milt Arblastiers 
Qui vous aideront voluntiers 

955 Gardez si vous englois trouez 
Ouescp eux vous vous combatez 
Et si ny aies point de deport 
Qe toutz ne les mettez a mort 

Premierement li Roys de ffrance 

A mis ses gens en ordenance 

Et dist : ' Biau seignour, par ma foy, 

Tant me detrierez, ce croy, 

Que li Princes m'eschapera. 935 

Cis Cardinaus bien tray m'a. 

Qui ci m'a fait tant demorer.' 

Done comenca a apeller 

Le bon Mareschal de Clermont, 

Et cely d'Oudenham qui mout 940 

Parfu en touz tamps a prisier, 

Car en lui ot bon chevalier, 

Avoec le noble due d'Ataines 

Qui moult fu nobles capitaines. 

' Seigniour,' ce dist li riches Rois, 945 

' fifaites aprester vos arrois 

Car seres en no avant garde 

Et c'est vos droiz, se Dieux me garde. 

Avoecques vous, avrez sanz doute 

Trois mille homes de vostre route, 950 

Et s'avrez .ii. mille servanz 

A glaives et a darz trenchanz, 

Et bien deux mille arbalastiers 

Qui vous aideront volentiers. 

Gardez, se vous Englois trovez, 955 

Avoec yaux vous vous combatez, 

Et se n'aies point de deport 

Que touz ne les mettez a mort.' 

Coment le Roy de ffraunce ordeigna le Due 

de Normandie son fiz | le Due de Burboyne 

et plusours autres seigniours oue quatre Mill 

combatantz p estre en la second batail de son host. 



Lors appella a ceste fie 

960 Son filtz le due de Normandie 
Et lui ad dit | beau filtz p foy 
Roy de ffrauce serres apres moy 
Et pur ce aueretz vous sanz faille 
La vfe second bataille 

965 Et le noble due de Burbone 
Auerez a vre eompaignoune 
Et le seigniour de seint Venant 
Qui ad le coer preu et vaillant 
Le bon tristant de Maguelers 

970 Qui moult est noble bachilers 
II portera vre baniere 
Qe est de soi riche et chiere 
Nespnez ia pur lohn cris 
Englois tout soit gntz ne petitz 
f. 14' Qe tout a mort ne les mettez 

976 Car ie ne voille qe si osez 
Soient iaiSes pur passer 
Un soul pee p decea la mer 
Pur moy greuer ne guerroier 

980 Ensy les vorray ie arraier 
Dist lui Dauffyns piere p foy 
Tant ferrons ensi come ie croy 
Qe vre bon gre enauons 
Adonqes baniers % peignous 

9^5 Veissez desploier au vent 
Ou fui or % aseure resplent 
Pourpres % goules | t hermynes 
Trompes | Taburs | Chors | et Bussynes 
Oissez pmy loost bonder 

990 Tout faisot la terre tenter 
La grant bataille de Dauffyn 
La ot maint bon Chiualer fyn 
Et ensy come dist le nombre 
Quatre Milt feurent en nombre 

995 Dune des costees sa place prist 
Mout grant espace de terre comprist 
Ensi ad lui le Roy deuisee 
Cost bataille t ordeigne 

Lors appella, a ceste fie, 

Son filz, le due de Normandie, 960 

Et lui a dit : ' Biaux filz, par foy, 

Roys seres de ffrance apres moy, 

Et pour cou avrezyous sanz faille 

Le nostre seconde bataille ; 

Et le noble due de Bourbon 965 

Avrez a vostre compaignon, 

Et le seigniour de Seint Venant 

Qui a le coer preu et vaillant. 

Li bons Tristans de Maguelers, 

Qui moult est nobles bachelers, 970 

11 portera vostre baniere 

Qui est de sole riche et chiere. 

N'esparniez ja, pour Jesu Cris, 

Englois, tant soit granz ne petiz, 

Que touz a mort ne les mettez. 975 

Car je ne voeil que si osez 

Soient james pour repasser, 

Uns souls piez, par deca le mer, 

Pour moy grever ne guerroier.' 

' Ensy les vorray je arroier,' gSo 

Dist li Dauffyns, ' pere, par foy. 

Tant ferons, ensi com je croy 

Que vostre bon gre en avrons.' 

Adonc banieres et peignons 

Velssiez desploier au vent, 985 

Ou fins ors et asurs resplent, 

Pourpres et goules et hermynes. 

Trompes, tabours, chors et buisynes 

Ofssiez parmy I'ost bondir ; 

Tout faisoit le terre tentir 990 

Le grant bataille du Dauffyn. 

La ot maint bon chevalier fyn 

Et, ensy come dist li nombre, 

Quatre mille feurent en nombre. 

D'un des costes sa place prist 995 

Grant space de terre comprist. 

Ensi a li Roys devisee 

Ceste bataiile et ordenee. 



Coment le Roy de flfrance ordeigna le 

riche due DelHens son frere cue 

trois Mill combatauntz pur 

amesner la areregarde de son host. 

Adonqes appella ce est chose clere 
1000 Le riche Due Dorhens son frere 
ffrere fait il si dieux me garde 
Vous amesnerez fire arere garde 
Oues(5 trois Milt combatantz 
Des gentz darmez preus et vaillantz 
1005 Et gardes bien pur dieu mercy 
Qe naies ia denglois mercy- 
Mais les mettez toutz a mort 
Car ils nous ount mult fait de tort 
Et arsee t destruite rife terre 
loio Puis qils ptirent Dengleterre 
Et gardez si le Prince preignez 
Qe p deuers moy lamesnez 
f. 14' Sire se dist lui riche Dues 
Volentiers % en coer plus 

Done appella, c'est chose clere, 
Le riche due d'Orliens, son frere, 
' ffrere,' fait il, ' se Dieux me garde, 
Vous merrez no arieregarde 
Avoec trois mille combatanz 
Des genz d'armes, preus et vaillanz ; 
Et gardes bien, pour Dieu mercy, 
Que n'aies ja d'Englois mercy, 
Mais les mettez tres touz a mort : 
Car il nous ont moult fait de tort 
Et arse et destruite no terre. 
Puis qu'il partirent d'Engleterre. 
Gardez, se le Prince prenez, 
Que par devers moy I'amenez.' 
' Sire,' ce dist li riches dues, 
' Volentiers, et encore plus.' 


Coment le Roy de ffraunce 

meismes ouesqe trois de sez fiz 

t plusours Countes t autres seigniours 


a la nombre de xxiii. Baniers iiii Chiuals 


armez | t iiii Chiualers desus | armez 
furent en la quart bataille illoeqes. 

1015 Ensement ad lui noble Rois 
lohan I ordeignee ses courrois 
En la quarte bataille fu 
Moult pfu riche sa vertu 
Ouescj lui trois de ses filtz 

1020 Qui moult furent de gnt pris 
Le Due Danio cil de Barry 
Estoit auxi ouesc^ luy 
Et si fuist Philippes ly hardys 
Qui moult fu ioefnes et petitz 

1025 La estoit laques de Burbon 
Lui Counte deu qui ot bon noun 

Ensement a li nobles Rois 
Jehans ordene ses courrois, 
En le quarte bataille fu, 
Moult par fu riche sa vertu, 
Avoecques lui trois de ses filz, 
Qui moult par furent de grant pris, 
Li dues d'Anjo, cil de Barry 
Estoient la avoecques ly, 
S'i fu Phelippes ly hardys. 
Qui moult fu joenes et petiz. 
La estoit Jaques de Bourbon, 
Li conte d'Eu qui ot bon non 




Et lui Counte de longeville 
Cils deux si estoient sanz gille 
ffiltz monf Robt Dartois 

1030 Et si estoit a ceste foitz 

Lui noble Counte de Sausoire 
Oues(5 lui ce est chose voire 
Et si estoit le Court | Daunmartyn 
Quei vous ferroy ie longe fyn 

1035 Tant pfu riche ses arroiez 
Car baniers eust vint et trois 
Puis ordeigna a lautre lees 
Bien CCCC. chiualx armez 
Et CCCC. Chiualers desus 

1040 De trestoutz les meillos escus 
Guychard dangle les condussoit 
Qui noble chiualer estoit 
Et le bon f^ Dangebuguy 
Qui ot le coer preu et hardy 

1045 Et Eustace de Rippemouthe 
En qui le Roy se fioit moult 
Et lour pria sanz alentir 
Qils pansaient de bien ferir 
f. 15' Et qils ne sespnassent mie 

1050 Dauoir la bataille partie • 

Et chescun les sieweroit apres 
Qui de bien faire serroit pres 
Et chescun lui ad acordee 
De bien faire sa volentee 

1055 La auoit il tiel noblesse 

Si Dieux me poet doner leesse 
Qe ce fuist un grant meruelle 
Unqes home ne vist tiel apparaille 
De noblesse ne dordinance 

1060 Come feurent de la pte de ffrance 

Et li conte de Longeville ; 

Cil deux si estoient, sanz gille, 

ffilz monseignour Robert d'Artois : 

Et s'i estoit, a ceste fois, 1030 

Li nobles conte de Sansoire 

Avoecques lui, c'est chose voire, 

Et li conte de Danmartyn. 

Que vous feroy je longe fyn ? 

Tant par fu riches ses arrois, 1035 

Car banieres eut vint et trois. 

Puis ordena a I'autre les 

Bien cccc chevalx armez 

Et cccc chevaliers sus, 

De trestouz les meillours escus. 104° 

Guichard d' Angle les conduisoit, 

Qui nobles chevaliers estoit, 

Et li bons seigniour d'Aubegny 

Qui ot le coer preu et hardy, 

Et Eustace de Rippemont 1045 

En qui li Rois se fioit moult, 

Et lour pria, sans alentir, 

Qu'il pensassent de bien ferir 

Et qu'il ne s'esparnassent mie 

D'avoir le bataille partie, i°5° 

Et chescuns les siewroit apres 

Qui de bien faire seroit pres. 

Et chescuns lui a acorde 

De bien faire sa volente. 

La avoit il tele noblece, 1055 

Se Dieux me poet doner leece, 

Que ce fu une grant merveille ; 

Onques on ne vit tel pareille 

De noblece ne d'ordenance 

Come eurent de le part de ffrance. io6o 

Coment le Prince mist sez gentz en 
ordinance pur combatre | % assigna le 
Counte de Warrewyk ft lauant garde 
1 le Counte de Salesbtu-y pur amesner 
la reregarde de son host t comaunda 



sire Eustace Dabrichecourt * le 

seigniour de Courton a courrir pur 

lost ffrancois descouerer | les quex cour- 

rerent si auant qils furent pris p les 

ffranceis t les francois ent fesoient gnt ioie. 

De lautre part ne doutez mye 
ffeust Loost engloys logic 
Qui ensement en celle iour 
Lui noble Prince de valour 

1065 Mettoit sez gentz en ordinance 
Et voluntiers a ma semblance 
Vousist la bataille excusier 
Si le pooit deuoider 
Mais bien veoit qe lui couient faire 

1070 Adonqes appella sanz retraire 
De Warrewyk | le noble Counte 
Et trespfitement lui Counte 
Sire fait il | il nous couient 
Combatre | et puis qensi anient 

1075 le vous pri en cest iournee 
Aiez lauantgard menee 
Luy noble Sire de Pomiers 
Qui moult est noble Chiualers 
Serra en vfe compaignie 

1080 Et si aueritez ie vous affie 
f. 15" Toutz ses freres ouescj luy 

Qui sont preuz | vaillantz et hardy 
Primers passerez le passage 
Et garderez iire cariage 

1085 le cheuachera apres vous 
Oues(5 mes chiualers toutz 
En cas qe a meschief auiendrez 
De nous serrez reconfortez 
Et le Count de Salesbury 

1090 Chiuachera apres auxy 

Qui mesnera nre areregarde 
Et serra chescun sur sa garde 
En cas qils cour curront sus 
Qe chescun a pee descenduz 

1095 Soit le plus tost qil purra 

De I'autre part, ne doutez mye, 

ffu li OS engloyse logic, 

Que ensement en cely jour 

Li nobles Princes de valour 

Mettoit ses genz en ordenance, 1065 

Et volentiers, a ma samblance, 

Vousist le bataille excuser 

Se se peuist de la voider, 

Mais bien veit que lui covint faire. 

Adonc appella sanz retraire 1070 

De Warrewyk, le noble conte, 

Et tres parfitement lui conte : 

' Sire,' fait il, ' il nous covient 

Combatre et puis qu'ensi avient 

Je vous pri en ceste journee 1075 

Aiez I'avant garde menee. 

Li nobles sire de Pomiers, 

Qui moult est nobles chevaliers, 

Sera en vostre compaignie, 

Et s'averezj je vous affie, 1080 

Touz ses freres avoecques ly. 

Qui sont preu, vaillant et hardy. 

Premiers passerez le passage 

Et garderez no cariage. 

Je chevaucherai apres vous, 1085 

Avoecques mes chevaliers touz. 

Eu cas qu'a meschief avenez 

De nous serez reconfortez ; 

Et li conte de Salsbury 

Chevauchera apres auxy, 1090 

Qui merra no ariere garde ; 

Et sera chescuns sur sa garde, 

Eu cas que il vous courent sus 

Que chescuns a pie descenduz 

Soit le plus tost que il pourra.' 1095 


Et chescun dist qil le ferra 

Et chescuns dist qu'il le fera. 

Quei vous aueroy ie detriee 

Que vous avroy je detriee 

La matiere j % plus destourbee 

Le matere et plus destourbee ? 

Ensi se deuisent la nuyt 

Ensi se devisent le nuyt. 

iioo La nauoit pas tiop grant desduit 

La n'avoit pas trop grant deduit, 

Car chescun yfesoit enbusshe 

Car chescuns y fesoit enbusche : 

La auoit il malnte escarmusshe 

La avoit il mainte escarmusche ; 

Et quant ce vient a grant matyn 

Et quant ce vint au grant matyn, 

Lui noble prince oue coer fyne 

Li nobles Princes ou coer fyn 

1105 En appella a brief mot court 

En appella, a brief mot court, 

Daun Eustace Dabrichecourt 

Dan Eustace d'Abrichecourt, 

Oues(5 le seignio de Courton 

Avoec le seigniour de Courton, 

Qui ot le coer fiere come Lion 

Qui ot le coer fier com lion, 

Et lour comanda a courir 

Et lour comanda a courir 

mo Pur lost de ffrancois descouer 

Pour I'ost des ffrancois descovrir. 

Et chescun prist a chiuachier 

Et chescuns prist a chevauchier 

Mountez son noble courser 

Montez sur son noble coursier. 

Mais ensi come dist le romant 

Mais, ensi com dist li romant. 

Cils deux currerent si auant 

Cil doi courirent si avant 

1 1 15 Qils furent retenuz % pris 

Qu'il furent retenu et pris : 

Dont fuist le Prince mult maris 

Dont fu li Princes moult maris, 

Et ffrancois ent fesoient gnt ioie 

Et ffrancois en fesoient grant joie 

Pur lour boost si dieux manoie 

Parmy lour host, se Dieux m'avoie. 

Et disoient p motz expres 

Et disoient par moz expres : 

1120 Toutz les autres viendront apres 

' Tout h autre venront apres.' 



f. le' 

Coment la gnt heuee est comence % lui 

Prince se deslogea t chiuacha % neqdoit 

my eel iour auoir la bataille | % les 

ffrancois crioient a lour Roy a haut 

vols I qe les englois fuoient | Mais noun fust 

enci I % cesauoient les francois bien tost a^s. 

Adonqes comencea la heu 
Et moult grant noise est leuee 
Et lui Prince se deslongea 
A chiuachier se chimina 
1 1 25 Car celui iour ne quidoit pas 
Combatre ie ne vous mettite pas 

Adonc comencea le huee 

Et moult grande noise est levee, 

Et li Princes se deslogea ; 

A chevauchier se chemina, 

Car celui jour ne quidoit pas 

Combatre, je ne vous ment pas, 



Line 11 03 ce, c corrected out o/le. 
Line 1 121 heu, marginal correction uee. 



Mais quidoit trestout sanz faille 
Toutz iours excuser la bataille 
Mais de lautre part lui ffrancois 

"30 Sescrioient a haute vols 

Au Roy qe les Englois senfuyoient 
Et qe p temps les pderoient 
Lors comencent a chiuachier 
les ffrancois sanz targier 

"35 Et dist lui Mareschaux doudenham 
Certes poi prise vfe aham 
Tost auerons les englois pduz 
Si ne les alons currir sus 
Dist lui Mareschaux de Cleremont 

"4° Bieu frere vous vous hastiez moult 
Ne soiez mie si egrantz 
Car y nous viendrons bien a temps 
Car Englois ne sen fuyent pas 
Einz veignont plus tost qe la pas 

"45 Dist doudenham vre demoere 
Les nous ferra pdre en cele hoere 
Dount dist Cleremont p seint denys 
Mareschaux moult estez hardys 
Et puis lui dist p mau talent 

1150 la nauerez tant de hardement 

Qe au io de huy puissez faire tant 

Qe ia vous soiez si auant 

Qe le point de vre lance 

Au cult de mon chiual auance 

1155 Ensi de mautalent espris 

Ont vers Englois lour chemyn pris 

Mais se quidoit, trestout sanz faille, 

Touz jours excuser le bataille. 

Mais de I'autre part li ffrancois 

S'escrioient a haute vols "3° 

Au Roy qu'Englois s'enfuyoient 

Et que par tamps les perderoient. 

Lors comencent a chevauchier 

Li ffrancois sanz plus atargier. 

Dist li Mareschaux d'Oudenham: "35 

' Certes, poi prise vostre ahan. 

Tost avrons les Englois perduz 

Se ne les alons courir sus,' 

Dist li Mareschaux de Clermont : 

' Biau frere, vous vous hastez moult. "4° 

Ne soiez mie si engranz, 

Car nous y venrons bien a tamps ; 

Car Englois ne s'en fuyent pas, 

Einz vienent plus tost que le pas.' 

Dist d'Oudenham : 'Vostre demoere "45 

Les nous fera perdre en cele hoere.' 

Dont dist Clermont : ' Par seint Denys, 

Mareschaux, moult estez hardys.' 

Et puis lui dist par mautalent : 

' Ja n'avrez tant de hardement "50 

Qu'aujourd'huy puissiez faire tant 

Que ja vous soiez si avant 

Que le pointe de vostre lance 

Au cul de mon cheval avance." 

Ensi de mautalent espris 1155 

Ont vers Englois lour chemyn pris. 


Coment la huee et la noise est 
leuee | % les deux hostes approcherent 
t le Counte de Salesbury qui menoit 

la reregarde assembla tut primerment. 

Car lui Mareschaux viendrent sur lui % 
lui combatoient moult fortement. 

Adonqes comencea la heuee Adonc comencea le huee, 

Lui cries et la noise est leuee Li cris et le noise est levee, 

Et les hoostes prisent approcher. Et les hoz prisent a approchier. 



1160 Adonqes de traire et de lancer 
Comencerent dambe deux partz 
Nul de eux ne se tenoit escars 
Senioure a ce qe ientendi 
Lui ffrancois Counte de Salesbury 

1165 Du Prince auoit la reregarde 
Mais celui iour si dieu me garde 
Assembla tout primment 
Car plain de Ire et de mautalent 
Viendrent sur lui | lui Mareschatt 

1170 Sachez a pee et a Chiuatt 

Et lui courrerent sus p gnt force 
Quant lui Countes veoit ceste force 
Sa bataille vers eux tourna 
Et a haute vols lescria 

1 1 75 Auant fj^ pur dieu mercy 

Puis qil plest a seint George ensy 
Qe nous estoiasmes lui derere 
Et nous serrons tout li primere 
ffaceons tant qe hono y aions 

1180 Adonqes veissez les barons 
De combatre bien esprouuer 
Grantz deduytz fuist a regarder 
Cely qe rien ny conteroit 
Mais certes gntz piece estoit 

1185 Et meruelouse chose % dure 
La auoit mente creature 
Qe celui iour fuist mis a fin 
La combatoient de coer fin 
Archiers traoient a la volee 

1190 Plus drut qe plume nest volee 
Qui furent sur les deux costees 
P deus les chiualx armes 
Atant veissez vous venir poignant 
Un Chiualer preu et vaillant 
f. 17' Qui appellez fuist Guychard dangle 

1196 Cil ne se bontoit pas en langle 
Eins freoit p my le meslee 
Sachez de launce t despee 
Et lui Mareschali de Cleremont 

Adonc de traire et de lancier 1160 

Comencierent d'ambedeux parz ; 

Nus d'yaux ne se tenoit escars. 

Seigniour, a ce que j'entendi, 

Li frans conte de Salsbury 

Du Prince avoit I'arieregarde, 1165 

Mais celui jour, se Dieux me garde, 

Assambla tout premierement, 

Car plain d'ire et de mautalent 

Vinrent sur lui li Mareschal, 

Sachiez, a pie et a cheval, 1170 

Et lui courirent sus par force. 

Quant li cuens veoit ceste force, 

Sa bataille vers yaux tourna 

Et a haute vois I'escria : 

' Avant, seigneur, pour Dieu mercy, 1175 

Puis qu'il plest a Seint George ensy 

Que nous estiemes li derier 

Et nous serons tout li premier, 

ffaceons tant qu'honour y aions.' 

Adonc veissiez les barons nSo 

De combatre bien esprouver : 

Granz deduiz fust au regarder 

Cely qui rien n'y conteroit, 

Mais, certes, granz pitez estoit 

Et merveilleuse chose et dure. 1185 

La avoit meinte creature 

Qui celui jour fu mise a fin ; 

La combatoient de coer fin : 

Archier traioient a le volee 

Plus drut que plueve n'est volee, ngo 

Qui furent sur les deux costes, 

Par devers les chevalx armes. 

Atant vez vous venir poignant 

Un chevalier preu et vaillant. 

Qui appellez fu Guichard d'Angle ; 1195 

Cil ne se boutoit pas en Tangle, 

Eins freoit par my le meslee, 

Sachiez, de lance et d'espee. 

Et li Mareschaux de Clermont 

Line 1 194 preu, e superscript. 



1200 Et Eustace de Ripemont 
Et le droit p' de Anbeguy 
Chescun bien luy fesoit auxi 

Et Eustace de Ripemont 

Et li droiz seigniours d'Aubegny, 

Chescuns bien le fesoit auxi. 

Coment le Counte de Salesbury oue la 

reregarde descomfist le Mareschaux t trestouz 

les armes chiualx deuant qe lauant garde 

puit estre retourne | et apres ceo reassemblerent 

tout ensemble | % appcherent a la batalUe de 

Daufyn au pas dune hayecie la haye | t la 

fust descomfitz le Daufyn oue le bataille 

de Normandie | i les ffrancois sen 

fuyoient t plusours de eux furent pris 

i occis t lors aprocha le Roy ffrancois 

oue sa tres graund puissance deuers 

le honurable Prince i son graund host. 

Mais a quoy faire conteroy 
La matiere t alongeroy 
1205 La Romance dist % lui acountes 
Qe de Salesbury lui Countes 

Entre lui % ses compaignons 
Qui furent plus fiers que Lions 
Disconferent les Mareschalx 

1210 Et trestouz les armez chiualx 
Deuant qe poist estre toui'nee 
Lauaunt garde % repassee 
Car ia fuist outre la Riuere 
Mais au voilloer dieu t son piere 

1215 Se reassemblerent tout ensemble 
Et viendrent ensi qil ensemble 
Come gent de noble compaigne 
Tut contremont vn montaigne 
Tanqj ils mirent lour trahim 

T220 A la bataille du Dauffyn 
Qui fuist a pas dune hayette 
Et la de voluntee entette 
Si vout ensemble reacontrer 
En fesantz darmes le mestrer 

Mais a quoy faire conteroye 
Le matere et alongeroye ? 
Li romanz dist et li acontes 
Que de Salesbury li contes, 
Entre lui et ses compaignons 
Qui furent plus fier que lions, 
Desconfirent les Mareschalx 
Et trestouz les armez chevalx, 
Devant qu'estre peuist tournee 
Li avantgarde et repassee, 
Car ja fu outre le riviere ; 
Mais, au voloir Dieu et saint Piere, 
Se rassamblerent tout ensamble 
Et vinrent, ensi qu'il me samble, 
Come gent de noble compaigne 
Tout contremont une montaigne, 
Tan que il mirent lour trahin 
A le bataille du Dauffyn 
Qui fu au pas d'une hayette 
Et la, de volente entette, 
Se vont ensamble rencontrer 
En fesant d'armes le mestier 



Line 121 6 ensemble, marginal correction me. 
Line 1 21 7, finals (/ compaigne corrected from i. 



f. 17^ Si treschiualrousement 

1226 Qe sachez veritablement 
Grant merueille fuist a veoir 
La gaignerent a lenvaoir 
Par force le pas de la haye 

1230 Dount maint francois a coer sesmaye 
Et comencerent a tourner 
Le doos I % a chiual mounter 
La criot home a haute gorge 
En maint lieu Guyane seinte George 

1235 Qe voillez vous qe ie vous die 
La grant bataille de Normandie 
fifuist desconfist a eel matyn 
Et sen departi le danffyn 
La eneust maint mort t pris 

1240 Et lui noble Prince de pris 

Se combatoit snoult vaillantement 
Et en reconfortant sa gent 
Disoit seigniour pur dieu mercy 
Pensez dune ferir veetz me cy 

1245 Donqes aprocha le Roy de fifrance 
Qui amesnoit sa garunde puissance 
Car vers lui se voilloit traire 
Cils qui voilloir out de bien faire 

Si tres chevalereusement 1225 

Que, sachiez veritablement, 

Grant merveilles fu a ve'i'r. 

La gaignierent a I'envair 

Par force le pas de le haye, 

Dont mainz francois a coer s'esmaye, 123a 

Et comencierent a tourner 

Le dos et a cheval monter. 

La crioit on a haute gorge 

En maint lieu : ' Guyane ! seint George ! ' 

Que volez vous que je vous die ? 1235 

La bataille de Normandie 

ffu desconfie a eel matyn 

Et s'en departi li Daufifyn. 

La en y eut maint mort et pris, 

Et li nobles Princes de pris 1240 

Se combatoit moult vaillantment, 

Et en reconfortant sa gent 

Disoit : ' Seigniour, pour Dieu mercy 

Pensez du ferir, vez me cy.' 

Done aprocha li Rois de ffrance 1245 

Qui amenoit grande puissance. 

Car devers lui se voloit traire 

Cils qui voloir eut de bien faire. 

Coment le Prince voet vener le Roy de 

ffraunce oue son tresgnt poer i plusours 

englois furent departiez du Prince pchacier 

les ffrancois a lourfuitiez pur ceo qils 

quidoient ce temps qils eusent tut fait t 

lui prince fist sez priers a dieu tout puissant 

et dist auaunt Banier | t apres ceo comencea 

la melle. Dount Audelee fuist ly primer 

a lassemblee | t adonqes combatoient 

tresfortement | les seigniours englois | % 

les nobles Barons de Gascoigne encontre 

les ffrancois | et le Prince en auoit per 

la grace de dieu la victorie | t le Roy 

ffrancois t Philippes son fiz t plus our s 

Line 1 241 snoult, marginal correction m. 



f. 18' 

autres Countes t altres Seigniours de 

ffraunce furent pris per les englois 

t le due de Burboine % plusours altres 

seigniours % Chiualers % esquiers de 

ffraunce a le noumbre de trois Mill 

furent mortz a eel graunt bataille. 

Quant lui Prince le vist venir 

1250 Vn poi se prist a esbahir 
Et regarda enuiron lui 
Et vist qe plusours sont departy 
Qui feurent alez pur chasier 
Car bien quidoient a voir iugier 

1255 Qe ce temps eussent tout fait 
Mais ore lour accreust le fait 
Car le Roy francois venoit 
Qui si grant poair amesnoit 
Qe merveilles fuist a veier 

1260 Qant luy Prince vist pur voir 
Encontre le ceel regarda 
A Ihu mercy cria 
Et dist ensi | pier puissantez 
Ensi come ie su croyantz 

1265 Qe vous estes Roi sur toutz Roys 
Et pur nous toutz en la croys 
Voisistes la mort endurer 
Pur nous hors denferne rechatier 
Pier qui es verra dieu et verra hoifie 

1270 Voillez p vre seintisme nome 
Moi et ma gent garder de mal 
Ensi verra dieux celestial 
Qe vous qe iai bon droit 
Adonqes le Prince la en droit 

1275 Quant il auoit fait sa priere 
A dist auant | auant Baniere 
Chescun pense de son honure 
Deux Chiualers plains de valour 
La tenoient de deux costees 

1280 Moult estoient plains de bontees 

Quant li Princes le vit venir, 

Un poi se prist a esbahir 1250 

Et regarda environ li 

Et vit que plusour sont party 

Qui feurent ale pour chacier, 

Car bien quidoient, au voir jugier, 

Qu'a ce tamps eu'i'ssent tout fait ; 1255 

Mais ore lour accreut le fait, 

Car li Rois francois sourvenoit 

Qui si grant pooir amenoit 

Que merveilles fu a veoir. 

Quant li Princes le vit, pour voir, 1260 

Encontre le ciel regarda, 

A Jesu Crist mercy cria, 

Et dist ensy : ' Pere puissanz, 

Ensi come je sui croyanz 

Que vous estes Rois sur touz Roys 12S5 

Et pour nous trestouz en le croys 

Vosistes le mort endurer 

Pour nous hors d'enfer rachater, 

Pere, qui es vrais Dieux, vrais horn, 

Veuilliez par vo seintisme nom 1270 

Moi et ma gent garder de mal, 

Ensi, vrai Dieu celestial. 

Que vous savez que j'ai bon droit.' 

Adonc li Princes la endroit. 

Quant il avoit fait sa priere, 1275 

A dit : ' Avant, avant baniere ! 

Chescuns pense de son honour.' 

Doi chevalier plain de valour 

La tenoient des deux costes ; 

Moult estoient plain de bontes : 1280 

Line 1 259 veier, marginal correctioti o. 
Line 1265, marginal correction e. 



Ceo feurent Chaundos % Audelee 
Adonqes comencea la melle 
Et Audele moult doucement 
Pria au Prince humblement 

1285 Sir fait il ie en ay voie 
A dieu pmis et iuree 
La ou ie verray en puissance 
Le banier de Roy de ffrance 
f. 18' Qe ie assembleray le primer 

1290 Sicp pur dieu vous voille prier 
Qe congie me voillez doner 
Car il est bien temps assembler 
Adonqes dist lui Prince voir 
lames faitez vre voilloir 

1295 Adoncj iames se depart! 
Du Prince pluis nattendi 
P deuant les autres sauance 
Pluis qe de long dune lance 
Et si fiert sur les enemys 

1300 Come honie coragens et hardy s 
Mais gaires ne poet endurer 
Qa la terre lui couient verser 
La veissez a lencontrer 
Sez grossez launces abaisser 

1305 Et bouter de chescune part 

Chescune enprendoit bien sa part 
La veissez ferir Chaundos 
Qui ce iour y acquist gnt los 
Warrewik % le Despenser 

1310 Montagu qui fuist apriser 

Cils de Mawne % cil de Basset 
Qui bien combatoient a souent 
Et monp Raoul de Cobehem 
Qui fifrancois gnt ahen 

1315 Le bon Bartrem de Burghees 
Qui moult fuist hardi en ses fees 
Dautre part combatoient fort 
Et Salesbury t Oxenfort 
Et auxi ce nest mecoigne 

1320 Lui noble baron de Gascoigne 

Line 1292 

Ce feurent Chandos et Audlee. 
Adonc comencea le mellee 
Et Audlee moult doucement 
Pria au Prince, et humblement : 
' Sire ', fait il, ' j'en ay voe 1285 

A Dieu et promis et jure 
La ou je verroye en puissance 
Le baniere du Roy de ffrance 
Qu'assambleroye le premier, 
Si que, pour Dieu, vous voeil prier 1390 

Que congie me veuilliez doner, 
Car il est bien tamps d'assambler.' 
Adonques dist li Princes : ' Voir, 
James, faitez vostre voloir.' 
Adonc James se departi 1295 

Du Prince, plus n'i attendi. 
Par devant les autres s'avance 
Plus de le longour d'une lance 
Et se fiert sur les enemys 
Come hom corageus et hardys ; T300 

Mais gaires ne peut endurer, 
Qu'a terre lui covint verser. 
La velssiez a I'encontrier 
Cez grosses lances abaissier 
Et bouter de chescune part ; 1305 

Chescuns en prendoit bien sa part : 
La veissiez ferir Chandos, 
Qui ce jour y acquist grant los, 
Warrewik et le Despensier, 
Montagu qui fu a prisier, 1310 

Cil de Mawne et cil de Basset 
Qui bien combatoient a souhet, 
Monsiour Raoul de Cobehem 
Qui fist a ffrancois grant ahan, 
Le bon Bartremieu de Burghes 1315 

Qui moult fu hardis en ses fes ; 
D'autre part combatoient fort 
Et Salsbury et Oxenfort, 
Et auxi, ce n'est pas mencoigne, 
Li noble baron de Gascoigne, 1320 

assembler, d superscript. 



Le Captal % cils de pouners 
Qui moult fuist vaillantz t entiers 
Labret | lesparre i lagoulam 
fforssard t Couchon % Rosain 

5325 Mussiden % cil de Campayne 

Mout ferantz qui sur toutz se payne 
A tout son poair de bien faire 
Ces bachilers t noble affaire 
Veisses la ferer atas 

1330 Et doner si grantz hatiplas 
f. 19' Qe ce fuist vn grant meruaille 
La auoit moult grant bataille 
La veissez maint home mort 
Longement dura ceste effort 

1335 Tant qil ni auoit si hardy 
Qil neust le coer esbahy 
Mais lui Prince a haute vois 
Cest escriez par maintz foitz 
Auant f>^ fait il pur dieu 

1340 Gaignons ceste place i cest lieu 
Si anons conte de nre vie t bono 
Tant fist le Prince de valour 
Qui tant auoit seus et memorie 
Qe vers lui tona la victorie 

1345 Et qe ses enymis fuyerent 
Et plusours qui sen depterent 
Dont luy Roy lohan sescrioit 
Lui vaillantement se combatoit 
Ouescj lui maint bon chiualer 

1350 Qui bien lui quidoient eider 
Mais la force poi lui vailli 
Car le Prince li tant assailli 
Qe illoeqes fuist a force pris 
Et Phelippes auxi qui fuist son fitz 

1355 Et monp lakes de Burbon 

Et des autres moult gunt fuyson 
Lui Counte deu | % cils dartois 
Charles qui moult estoit curtois 
Et le bon Counte daun Martyne 




Li Captaus et cils de Pomiers 

Qui moult fu vaillanz et entiers, 

Labret, Lesparre et Lagoulam, 

fforssard et Couchon et Rosam, 

Mussiden et cils de Campayne, 

Montferranz, qui sur touz se payne 

A tout son pooir de bien faire : 

Ces bachelers de noble affaire 

Velssiez la ferir a tas 

Et doner si granz hatiplas 

Que ce fu une grant mervaille. 

La avoit moult grande bataille. 

La veissiez maint home mort. 

Longement dura ceste effort, 

Tant qu'il n'i avoit si hardy 

Qu'il n'eu'ist le coer esbahy ; 

Mais li Princes a haute vois 

S'est escriez par maintes fois : 

' Avant, seignour,' fait il, ' pour Dieu ! 

Gaignons ceste place et cest lieu 134a 

S'acontons a vie et honour.' 

Tant fist li Princes de valour 

Qui tant avoit sens et memore. 

Que vers lui tourna le victore, 

Et que si enemi fuirent 1345 

Et que plusour s'en departirent, 

Dont li Rois Jehans s'escrioit : 

Lui vaillantment se combatoit, 

Avoec lui maint bon chevalier. 

Qui bien lui quidoient aidier. 1350 

Mais le force poi lui valli. 

Car li Princes tant I'assailli 

Qu'illoecques fu a force pris, 

Et Phelippes, auxi, ses filz, 

Messires Jakes de Bourbon, 1355 

Et des autres moult grant fuyson : 

Li contes d'Eu et cils d'Artois, 

Charles qui moult estoit courtois, 

Li bons contes de Danmartyn 

Line 1328 Ces bachilers underlined in the MS. in a later hand. 



1360 Qui ot le coer loial et fyne 
Et le bon Counte de logny 
Celui de Tankaruille auxi 
Et le Counte de Salesburce 
Qui pas derere ne se muce 

1365 Et le bon Counte de Sausoire 
Ventadour j ce fuist chose voire 
Toutz ceux feurent pris en celle ioure 
Et maint haut baneret de honoure 
Dount ie ne puisse les nouns nomer 

137° Mais a ceo qe iay oy counter 
Bien en yeuste sessante pris 
Countes et Banerettz hardis 
f. 19» Et des autres pluis de mitt 
Dount ie ne say dire lestilt 

1375 Et a ce qe ie entendy 
Morrerent la ie vous affy 
De burbon li noble dus 
Cils datainnes qi ot vertus 
Et le Mareschatt de Cleremont 

1380 Matas I Landas | et Ripemont 
Ouesqg monp Renaud de pontz 
Et des autres de quoy les nouns 
Ie ne vous voille mye nomer 
Mais a ce qe iay oy contier 

1385 Et a ce qe iay oy retraire 
En la matiere sanz retraire 
Bien eny vst . iii . Milt mortz 
Dieux eit les almes car les corps 
ffeurent demorez sur les champs 

1390 La veoit home englois ioyantz 
Et crioient a haute gorge 
En mainte lieu Guyane seint George 
La veissez ffrancois espars 
A gaignage de toutz parts 

1395 Veissez courrir maint archier 
Maint Chiualer maint esquier 
De toutz parts prisoners prendre 
Ensi feurent a voir entendre 
ffrancc^s celi iour pris et mort 

1400 Sicome iay oy en mon recort 


Qui ot le coer loial et fyn, 1360 

Et li bons contes de Joigny, 

Celui de Tankarville auxi, 

Et li contes de Salesbruce 

Qui pas deriere ne se muce, 

Et li bons contes de Sansoire, 1365 

Ventadour, ce fu chose voire : 

Tout cil feurent pris en eel jour, 

Et maint haut banerez d'honour 

Dont je ne puis les nons nomer ; 

Mais, a ce que j'oy conter, 137° 

Bien en y eut sissante pris, 

Contes et banerez hardis, 

Et des autres plus de mille 

Dont je ne say dire I'estille. 

Et, a ce que je entendy, 1375 

Morurent la, je vous affy : 

De Bourbon li tres nobles dus, 

Cils d'Atainnes qui ot vertus, 

Et li mareschaux de Clermont, 

Matas, Landas et Ripemont, 

O monseignour Renaud de Ponzj 

Et des autres, de quoy les nons 

Je ne vous voeil mye nomer ; 

Mais a ce que j'oy conter 

Et a ce que je oy retraire 1385 

En le matere, sanz retraire, 

Bien en y eut iii mille morz. 

Dieux eit les ames ! car li corps 

ffeurent demore sur les camps. 

La veoit on Englois joyanz, 1390 

Et crioient a haute gorge 

En maint lieu : ' Guyane ! Seint George ! ' 

La ve'fssiez ffrancois espars ! 

A gaignage de toutes pars 

Ve'issiez courir maint archier, 1395 

Maint chevalier, maint escuier, 

De toutes parz prisoniers prendre. 

Ensi feurent, au voir entendre, 

ffrancois celi jour pris et mort, 

Sicome j'oy en mon recort. 14°° 




De la Mois t iour quante ceste 
graunt bataille fust faite. 

Seignour eel temps qe ie vous dy 
Ce fuist aps qe dieu nasquy 
MiH: ans trois Centz cynquant t sis 
Et auxi solonc mon auys 

1405 Disnoef iours droit en Septembre 
Le mois qui est deuant Octobir 
Auient ceste grant bataille 
Qe moult fuist horrible sanz faille 
Pdonez moy si ie lay dit briefment 

1410 Car ieo lay passee legierment 

Seignour, eel tamps que je vous dy 
Ce fu, apres que Dieux nasquy, 
Mil ans, trois cenz, cynquante et sis ; 
Et auxi, selone mon avys, 
Dis et noef jours droit en Septembre, 
Le mois qui est devant Octobre, 
Avint eeste grande bataille 
Qui moult fu horrible sanz faille. 
Pardonez se le di briefment 
Car Fay passe legierement. 


Coment le Roy lohn de ffraunce fust 

amenez deuant le Prince | t le Prince 

f. 20' lui fist eider t desarmer % doulcement 

ploient ensemble \ t se logerent eel 

nieut sur le zabulon entre les mortz | 

t lendemain au matin le Prince se 

desloga % sachimina vers Burdeux ( 

t tout la Clergie de Burdeux 

vindrent a pcession vers eux | t 

demoererent au Burdeux en tres- 

grant ioie tancj lyuere fuist passe | 

% adonqes le Prince enuoia au Roy son 

pier % au Roigne sa miere les nouels de son fait | 

t pauoir vesseaux § amesner le Roy lohn en engletre 

Mays pur ceo qe ie voille retraiere 
De ceste Prince de noble affaire 
Qui moult fuist vaillantz % hardis 

Pd home % en faitz t en ditz 
1415 La fuist deuant lui amesnez 
Lui Roy lohan cast veriteez 
Lui Prince moult le festoia 
Qui dampne dieu engracia 
Et pur le Roy plus honourer 
1420 Lui voet eider a deseruier 
Mais lui Roy lohan lui ad dit 

Mays pour ee que je voeil retraire 
De cest Prince de noble affaire 
Qui moult fu vaillanz et hardis, 
Preudom et en faiz et en diz, 
La fu devant luy amenez 
Li Rois Jehans, c'est veritez ; 
Li Princes moult le festoia, 
Qui Dampnedieu en gracia, 
Et pour le Roy plus honourer 
Lui veut aidier a desermer. 
Mais li Roys Jehans lui a dit : 






Beaux douce Cosyns pur dieu merciet 
Laissez il napartient a moy 
Car p la foy qe ieo vous doi 

1425 Plus auetz t iour de huy de hone 
Qonqes neust Prince a vn iour 
Dent dist li Prince sire douls 
Dieux lad fait % non mye nous 
Si lui en denous remercier 

1430 Et de bon coer vers lui prier 
Qil nous voille ottroier sa glorie 
Et pdoner ceste victorie 
Ensi ambedeux se deuisoient 
Et doucement ensemble ploient 

1435 Englois fesoient grant deduit 
Lui Prince logea celle nuyt 
Entre les mortz sur le zabulon 
Dedenis vn petit pauillon 
Et ses homes tut entour luy 

1440 Cel noet moult poy dormy 
f. 20' Le matinet se deslogea 

Deuers Burdeux sachimina 
Si en menoient lour prisoner 
Et tout lui noble Chiualer 

1445 Tant ont chiuachez et esre 
Qe a Burdeux sont arriue 
Noblement feurent festoiez 
De tout le poeple | % bien veignez 
As crois t as pcessions 

1450 Et enchantantz les orisons 

Viendrent tout en lencontre deaux 
Tout li college de Burdeux 
Et les dames % les pucelles 
Vielles t loefnes t Ancelles 

1455 A Burdeux fist home tiel ioie 

Si lui verray dieu mon coer esioye 
Qe merveille fuist a veoir 
La demora sachez pur voir 
Lui Prince passez tout liuer 

1460 Puis envoia son messagier 
Deuers le noble Roy son pier 
Et a la Royne sa miere 

' Biaux, douz cosyns, pour Dieu mercit, 

Laissiez, il n'apartient a moy ; 

Car par le foy que je vous doi, 

Plus avez aujourd'huy d'honour 1425 

Qu'onques n'eut Princes a un jour.' 

Dont dist li Princes : ' Sire douls, 

Dieux I'a fait et non mye nous : 

Si Ten devons remercier 

Et de bon coer vers lui prier 1430 

Qu'il nous voeille otroier sa glore 

Et pardoner ceste victore.' 

Ensi andoi se devisoient, 

Doucement ensamble parloient. 

Englois fesoient grant deduit. '435 

Li Princes logea celle nuyt 

Entre les morz, sur le sablon, 

Dedens un petit pavilion, 

Et si home tout entour ly. 

Cele noet moult poy se dormy. 144° 

Le matinet se deslogea, 

Devers Bourdiaux s'achemina, 

S'en menoient lour prisonier ; 

Et tout li noble chevalier 

Tant ont chevauchie et erre M45 

Que a Bourdiaux sont arrive. 

Noblement. feurent festoie 

De tout le poeple et bien veignie ; 

As crois et as processions 

Et en chantant les orisons 1450 

Vinrent tout en I'encontre d'iaux 

Tout li college de Bourdiaux, 

Et les dames et les pucelles 

Vieilles, joenes et ancelles : 

A Bourdiaux fist on tele joie, i455 

Se li vrais Dieux mon coer esjoye. 

Que merveilles fu a veoir. 

La demora, sachiez pour voir, 

Li Princes, passe tout I'ivier. 

Puis envoia son messagier H^o 

Devers le noble Roy, son pere, 

Et a le Roine, sa mere, 



Et les nouelles de son fait 
Tout ensi qe dieux li ot fait 
1465 Et manda qe home li tramessist 
Vessealx dont amesnir poist 
Le Roy de ffrance en Engleterre 
Pur fair pluis de hono a la terre 

O les novelles de son fait, 
Tout ensi que Dieux li ot fait, 
Et manda qu'on li tramessist 
Vessialx, dont amener peu'ist 
Le Roy de ffrance en Engleterre 
Pour plus faire honour a le terre. 

Coment le Roy dengleterre et la Roygne 
firent grant ioie de les nouels queux 
le noble Prince lour auoit maunde t 
ent loerent dieu t maunderent vesseaux 
a Burdeux | % le Prince amesna le Roy 
lohn I les autres prisoners en engletre % 
ent maunda nouels au Roy son piere | le 
quel lui vient a lencontre % les conuoia 
iesqes a Loundres | * la firent tresgrantz 
festes I reueaux | t gntz lustes % demesne- 
rent grantz dedutz t grant ioie par 
lespace de quatre ans t plus. 

Quant le Roy la nouelt oy 

1470 Moult grandement sesioy 
f. 21'' Loeant dieu enioinant sez mains 
Disant beau piere souerayns 
De toutz sez biens soiez loiez 
Et la frank Roigne assetz 

M^S Loeoit dieu et la vierge pure 
Qui luye auoit eel porture 
Enuoie come de son filtz 
Lui Prince qui tant fuist hardiz 
Le messagier tost deliuererent 

1480 Vessealx | t Barges lui manderent 
Tant qe ce fuist vn grant acountez 
Qe vous alongeroit li acountez 
A Burdeux viendrent li vessel! 
Dount lui Prince fist grant reueft 

1485 Gairs ne voet pluis demorer 
Tout son arroy ad fait trusser 
En meer entrerent h baron 
Et tout li Chiualer de noun 

Quant li Roys le novelle oy 
Moult grandement s'en esjoy, 
Loant Dieu, en joindant ses mains, 
Disant : ' Biaux peres soverayns, 
De touz cez biens soiez loez ! ' 
Et le france Rome assez 
Looit Dieu et le vierge pure. 
Qui luy avoit tel porteiire 
Envoiie com de son filz, 
Le Prince, qui tant fu hardiz. 
Le messagier tost delivrerent. 
Vessialx et barges lui manderent 
Tant que ce fu lans granz acontes. 
Que vous s'alongeroit li contes? 
A Bourdiaux vinrent li vessel 
Dont li Princes fist grant revel. 
Gaires ne veut plus demorer. 
Tout son arroy a fait trousser ; 
En mer entrerent li baron 
Et tout li chevalier de non ; 








Le Roy et toutz les prisoners 

1490 De ceaux dont il lour fuist mestiers 
ffirent eins les vessealx entrer 
Tant siglerent auoir counter 
Qils sont venuz en Engleterre 
Et si tost qils ont pris la terre 

1495 Au Roy manderent les nouelles 
Queux li feurent bons et beles 
Et lencontre lui fist raander 
Toutz les barons pur honorer 
Lui meismes son corps y vient 

i5°o Oue lui de Countes plus qe vint 
lesqes a Loundres les conuoierent 
Lui Prince qe li festoierent 
La furent ils bien festoiez 
Des dames i si bien veignez 

1505 Qonqes ne fuist fait tiel ioie 

Si lui verray dieu mon coer esioye 
Come il fuist fait a ce tamps 
La fuist lui noble Roy puissantz 
Et la Royn sa muliere 

1510 Et sa miere qui lot moult chiere 
Maint dame % mainte damoselle 
Tresamoureuse frike % bele 
f. 21" Dancer t chasier % voler 

ffaire grantz festes t luster 

1515 ffaissoit en regne dartus 

Lespace de quatre ans ou plus 

Le Roy et toutz les prisoniers 

Et ceu dont il lour fu mestiers, 1490 

ffirent ens es vessialx entrer. 

Tant siglerent, au voir conter, 

Qu'il sont venu en Engleterre, 

Et si tost qu'il ont prise terre 

Au Roy manderent les novelles 1495 

Qui li feurent bones et beles. 

Et encontre lui fist mander 

Touz les barons pour honorer ; 

Lui meismes, ses corps, y vint 

O lui de contes plus que vint. 1500 

Jusques a Londres convoierent 

Le Prince, que le festoierent. 

La furent il bien festoie 

Des dames et si bien veignie 

Qu'onques ne fu faite tel joie, 1505 

Se li vrais Dieux mon coer esjoye, 

Com il fu faite a cely tamps. 

La fu li nobles Roys puissanz 

Et la Royne, sa moullier, 

Et sa mere, qui I'ot moult chier, 151° 

Mainte dame, et mainte dansele 

Tres amoureuse, frike et bele. 

Danser et chacier et baler 

ffaire granz festes et j ouster, 

ffist on com en regne d'Artus 1515 

L'espace de quatre ans ou plus. 

Coment le Roy dengletre refist vn 

voiage en ffraunce ouesqe son 

baronage | % lui noble Prince t Dues 

Henry t des autres plus de dis Mill | 

% chiuacha permy Artoys t plusours 

pays de ffraunce iesqes deuant Parys 

i la furent loges sur les Champes | 

Mais ne combatoient mye | einz 

tournerent lour chiuachie pardeuant 

Chartres ou la pays fust accordee % 

puis iuree % le Roy lohn de ffraunce 



fuist deliuere % tout Ginane per celle 

pais fuist surrendue % liueree es mains 

du Roy dengleterre et du Prince son fiz. 

Puis refist lui Roys vn voiage 
En ffrance ouesqj son baronage 
Et li noble Prince auxi 

1520 Et de Lancastre Dues henri 
Et des autres plus de x MiH: 
Dont ie ne voille dire lestilt 
Car cest droit qe ie me deliue 
Mais ensi come dit Ie liure 

1525 II chiuacha p my Artois 
Et Pikardie et Vermendois 
Et Champaigne Burgonie et Vrie 
Pmy Bayane ie vous affie 
Et vient iesqes deuant Parys 

1530 La fuist Ie noble Roy de pris 
Et lui noble Prince vaillantz 
La feurent logez sur les champz 
Et embataiUez pur combatre 
De cela ne poet home debatre 

1535 Mais ils ne combatirent mye 
Puis tournerent lour chiuachie 
Deuant Chartres ] la acordee 
fifuist la paix | que puis fuist iuree 
Et la fuist en ceste paix faire 

154° Li Prince de tresnoble affaire 
f. 22"' Car p li et p son enhort 

ffeurent les nobles Roy a dacort 

Et fuist deliueres de prison 

Lui Roy lohan qui ot grant noun 

1545 Et la fuist p la paix baillie 
Tout Guyan en la baillie 
Du noble % de son filtz 
Li Prince qi tant fuist hardiz 
Et celle paix qe ie vous die 

155° Ce fuist en Ian qe dieu nasqui 
Milt trois Centz ouescp sessante 
Au temps qe Russinale la chante 
Oep iours en ioli mois du May 
Qe oiseux ne sont pas en esmay 

Puis refist li Roys un voiage 

En ffrance avoecque son barnage, 

Et li nobles Princes auxi, 

Et de Lancastre dues Henri 1520 

Et des autres plus de x mille, 

Dont je ne voeil dire I'estille, 

Car e'est droiz que je me delivre ; 

Mais, ensi come dit Ie livre, 

II chevaucha par my Artois 1525 

Et Pikardie et Vermendois 

Et Champaigne, Burgogne et Brie, 

Parmy Bayane, je vous affie, 

Et vint jusques devant Parys. 

La fu li nobles Roys de pris 1530 

Et li nobles Princes vaillans ; 

La feurent logic sur les camps 

Et embataillie pour combatre — 

De cela ne poet on debatre — 

Mais il ne combatirent mye. 1535 

Puis tournerent lour chevauchie 

Devant Chartres. La acordee 

ffu Ie paix, qui puis fu juree ; 

Et la fu en ceste paix faire 

Li Princes de tres noble affaire, 1540 

Car par li et par son enhort 

ffeurent li noble Roy d'acort, 

Et fu delivres de prison 

Li Roys Jehans qui ot grant non ; 

Et la fu par Ie paix baillie 1545 

Toute Guyane en Ie baillie 

Du noble Roi et de son filz, 

Le Prince, qui tant fu hardiz. 

Et celle paix que je vous di, 

Ce fu en I'an que Dieux nasqui 1550 

Mil trois cenz, avoecque sissante, 

Au tamps que li rossignols chante, 

Oet jours eu joli mois de may, 

Qu'oisel ne sont pas en esmay. 



1 i 

Coment le Roy Dengletre t le Pnce oue 

lour poer sen retournerent en Engletre 

% apres feurent les deux Roys ensemble 

a Caleis | t ly Pnce % touz les Barons t 

Chiualers de noun | si bien de lun 

Roialme com del altre % la iurerent 

la payx dambedeux parties saunz 

iammes renoueler la guerre 

% apres ce chescune se retouma 

hastiuement a soun pays. 

1555 En Engleterre sen retournerent 
Et lour grant arroy amesnerent 
Moult noble fast lour fist hom 
Et moult bien les festoia hom 
Apres le iour del conissance 

1560 Droit en ce temps ie sui certains 

ffeurent toutz les deux Roys ensemble 
A Caleis | ensi qil me semble 
Lui Prince l tout li baron 
Et tout li chiualer de noun 

1565 De tout le Roialme Dengleterre 
Et auxi bien a voir retrere 
De tout le Roialme de ffrance 
La furent de volente de ffrance 
La iura chescun sur le liure 

1570 Et auxi bien tout a deliuere 
Sur le seint digne sacrement 
•Qe la paix tout principalment 
f. 22» Tiendroient sanz iames fauxcer 
Et sanz guarre renoueller 

1575 Ensi dacord feurent tout doy 
P paix fesant lui noble Roy 
Le Roy de ffrance sen reala 
Qui plus gaires ne demora 
Et li noble Roy vient en Engleterre 

1580 Et lui noble Prince de noble affere 
A graunt ioie se retournerent 
Et les hostages enmenerent 

' Line 1573 fauxcer, c 

En EngleteiTe retournerent '555 

Et lour grant arroy amenerent. 
Moult noble feste lour fist on 
Et moult bien les festoia on. 
Apres le jour de le Toussains, 
Droit en ce tamps, j'en sui certains, 1560 
ffeurent tout li doi Roy ensamble 
A Caleis, ensi qu'il me samble : 
Li Princes et tout li baron, 
Et tout li chevalier de non 
De tout le royon d'Engleterre, 1565 

Et auxi bien, au voir retrere, 
De tout le roiaume de ffrance 
La furent, de volente france. 
La jura chascuns sur le livre, 
Et auxi bien tout a delivre 1570 

Sur le seint digne sacrement, 
Qe le paix tout principalment 
Tenroient, sanz james fausser 
Et sanz guarre renoveller : 
Ensi d'acort feurent tout doy, 1575 

Par paix fesant H noble Roy. 
Li Rois de ffrance s'en rala. 
Qui plus gaires ne demora ; 
Li nobles Roys en Engleterre, 
Et li Princes, de noble affere, 1580 

A grant joie se retournerent, 
Et les hostages en menerent. 
omitted and stcper script. 



Quei vous ferroy ie vn long acounte 
De ce dont home doit faire counte 

Que vous feroy je lone aconte 
De ce dont on doit faire conte ? 

Coment le noble Prince se maria a vne 

dame de gnt price apres ce sen ala a 

la dite dame ouesque luy en Gascoigne 

% la prist possessioun de la terre % de 

la pais t illoeqes regna p vij. ans t 

tenoit mult gnd i beale hostel! t 

fist grauntz lustes t reueaux % 

la auoit deux filz t touz les barouns 

t seignours de Gascoigne a lui venoient 

t lui fesoient homage t de bon coer lamoient 

1585 Luy francs Prince se maria 

Apres I gaires ne demora 

A vne dame de grant pris 

Qui de samour lauoit espris 

Qe bele fuist | plesante et sage 
1590 Et apres celui mariage 

Ne voet gaires pluis atergier 
Eins sen ala sanz detrier 
En Gascoigne encontre ffarsson 
Pur prendre la possession 

1595 De sa terre et de son pais 
Li Prince qi tant fuist gentils 
Sa muUiere oues^ li mesna 
Pur ce qe durement lama 
De sa mulliere ot deux enfantz 

1600 En Gascoigne regna vij. ans 
En ioye | en pais | % en solas 
Ore ne vous menteray ie pas 
Qar tout li prince t lui baron 
De tout la pays enveron 
f. 23"' Viendrent a lui pur fair homage 

1606 A bon f loial et sage 
La tenoient comunalment 
Et si ose dire jiprement 
Qe puis le temps qe dieux fuist neez 

1610 Ne fuist tenuz si beux hostiels 

Li frans Princes se maria 1585 

Apres, gaires ne demora, 

A une dame de grant pris. 

Qui de s'amour I'avoit espris, 

Que bele fu, plesant et sage. 

Et apres celui mariage 1590 

Ne veut gaires plus atergier, 

Einz s'en ala, sanz detrier. 

En Gascoigne, en courte saisson. 

Pour prendre la possession 

De sa terre et de son pal's. 1595 

Li Princes, qui tant fu gentils, 

Sa moullier avoec li mena 

Pour ce que durement I'ama. 

De sa moullier ot deux enfans. 

En Gascoigne regna vii ans 1600 

En joye, en pais, et en solas — 

Or ne vous menteray je pas — 

Car tout li prince et li baron 

De tout le pays environ 

Vinrent a lui pour faire homage ; 1605 

A bon seignour, loial et sage, 

Le tenoient communalment 

Et, s'ose dire, proprement. 

Que, puis le tamps que Dieux fu nez, 

Ne fu tenuz si biaux hostels 1610 

Lines 1599 and 1600 transposedin the MS, 



Come il fist ne plus honable 
Car toutz iours auoit a sa table 


Pluis de iiii Chiualers 

Et bien quat tantz Esquiers 

1615 La fesoient iustes et reueaiix 
En Anguileme % a Burdeux 
La demurroit tout noblesse 
Tut ioie tout leesse 
Largesse | ffranchise et bono 

1620 Et lamoient de bon am6 
Tout si subgit * tout li sien 
Car il lour fesoit moult de Bien 
Moult le prisoient t amoient 
Cils qui ento lui demoroient 

1625 Car largesse le sustenoit 
Et noblesse le gouernoit 
Sens a temperance t droiture 
Rayson % iustice t mesure 
Home poet dire p reason 

1630 Qe tiele Prince ne trouast home 
Qi alast serchier tout le monde 
Sicome il troue a le Rounde 
Li veisin % li enemy 
Auoient grant doute de ly 

1635 Car tant fuist haute sa vaillance 
Qe p tut regnoit en puissance 
Sicorne home ne doit mye sez faitz 
Oblier en ditz ne en faitz 
Ore nest pas raison qe ie faigne 

1640 Dun noble voiage despaigne 

Mais bien est raisons qe home lemprise 
Car ce fuist le plus noble emprise 
Qonqes cristiens emprist 
Qar p force en son lieu remist 

1645 Vn Roy | qauoit desheretee 

Son frere Bastard % maisnee 

f. 23» Ensi come vous purrez oier 

Si vn poy vous voillietz ascoultier 

Com il fist, ne plus honourable, 
Car touz jours avoit a sa table 


Plus de iiii chevaliers 

Et bien quatre tanz escuiers. 

La fesoient justes et reviaux 

En Angouleme et a Bourdiaux ; 

La demouroit toute noblece, 

Toute joie et toute leece, 

Largece, ffranchise et honour, 

Et I'amoient de bon amour 

Tout si soubgit et tout li sien, 

Car il lour fesoit moult de bien. 

Moult le prisoient et amoient 

Cil qui entour lui demoroient. 

Car largece le soustenoit 

Et noblece le governoit, 

Sens, atemperance et droiture, 

Raysons et justice et mesure : 

On pooit dire par raison 

Que tel Prince ne trovast on, 

Qui alast cerchier tout le monde, 

Si come il torne a le roonde. 

Li voisin et li enemy 

Avoient grant doute de ly. 

Car tant fu haute sa vaillance 

Que par tout regnoit en puissance, 

Si qu'on ne doit mye ses faiz 

Oblier en diz ne en faiz. 

Or n'est pas raisons que je faigne 

D'un noble voiage d'Espaigne, 

Mais bien est raisons qu'on I'em prise : 

Car ce fu le plus noble emprise 

Qu'onques crestiens empreist. 

Car par force en son lieu remist 

Un Roy, qu'avoit desherite 

Son frere, bastart et mainsne, 

Ensi com vous ofr pourrez 

S'un poy vous ascoulter volez. 








Line 1615 omiited and inserted after line 1646. 
Line 1637 Sicome, marginal correction cj. 




Coment p la bataille en Brutaigne 

le due auoit conquis % gaigne sa tre 

* la puissance Dengletre % Charles 

de Blois t autres seignours furent occis 

% monp Bertrem Klaykyn t plusours altres 

vaillantes furent pris a meisme la bataille. 

Ore est bien temps de comencer 

1650 Ma matier | t moy adresser 
Au purpos ou ie voille venir 
A ce qe ie vys a venir 
Apres la bataille en Britanie 
Qe le due ouescj sa compenie 

1655 Conquesta gaigna sa terre 
P la puissance dengleterre 
Et la fuist mort Charles de Blois 
Et maint baron noble % curtoys 
Et de ffrance t de Pikardie 

1660 De haut t de puissant lignie 
La fuist monjj Bartrem pris 
De Klaykyn qui ot grant pris 
Et maint haut de parage 
De noble % de puissant linage 

1665 Dount ie ne voille les nouns nosmer 
Car trop me purroie tarder 
A reuenir a mon ppose 
Et pur pluis abregier mes motz 

Ore est bien tamps de comencier 
Ma matere et moy adrecier 
Au pourpos ou je voeil venir, 
A ce que je vys avenir 
Apres le bataille en Bretaigne, 
Que li dues avoec sa compaigne 
Conquesta et gaigna sa terre 
Par le puissance d'Engleterre. 
Et la fu morz Charles de Blois 
Et maint baron noble et courtoys, 
Et de ffrance et de Pikardie, 
De haute et puissant lignie. 
La fu messires Bartrems pris 
De Clayekyn, qui ot grant pris, 
Et maint haut seignour de parage, 
De noble et puissant Hgnage, 
Dont je ne voeil les nons nomer, 
Car trop me pourroie tarder 
A revenir a mon pourpos, 
Et pour plus abregier mes moz. 

Coment apres la bataille en Britaigne 

mon^ Bertrem Claykyn trahist hors 

de roialme de ffraunce la gnde compa- 

ignie t plusours altres chiualers t 

esquiers pur fair vne voiage es parties 

Despaigne a cause de guerre qauoit longe- 

ment dure entre Espaigne % Aragon t pur 

fair paix entre les deux Roys p gree du Pape. 

Vous sauez qe monp Bertrans 
1670 Qui moult fuist hardi t vaillantz 

Vous savez que sires Bertrans, 
Qui moult fu hardis et vaillanz, 



1 660 


Line 1662 Klaykyn, marginal correction C. 



Trahist hors de Roialme de ffrance 
P sa pesce t sa puissance 
Tout la grande Compaignie 
Et mult de la Chiuacherye 
f. 24'' P le gre du Pape de Rome 

1676 ffist a li aler main home 

Barons t bachilers % Countes 
Chiualers | Esquiers % Viscontes 
Au temps qe ie fay mencion 

1680 Entre Espaigne % entre Aragon 
Auoit guerre moult merueillouse 
Qe auoit duree moult cruose 
Le temps qe .xiiii. ans % plus 
Et pur ytant fuist esleus 

1685 Monp Bartram de Claykyn 
Qui ot le coer hardi t fyn 
Et le bon Johan de Burbon 
Qui Countes de la Marche eust noun 
Et Daudenham le Mareschalt 

1690 Qui ot le coer preu et loialt 
Eustace Dabrichecourt 
Qui fuist home de noble Court 
Mon^ hugh de Caluelee 
Qui voluntiers fiert de lespee 

1695 Et monp Mahev de Gournay 
Et maint autre Chiualer varray 
Qils iroient en celle pais 
Et ferroient p lour grant pris 
Qe paix serroit entre les Roys 

1700 Et que le pays | et les destroys 
fferoient de Gernade ouurer 
Et qe pur aler conquerer 
Purroient tant home de bien 
Et tant bon f terrien 

1705 Ensi feurent il toutz dacord 

Quei vous ferroy ieo longe record 
Pur celle accorde prist grant argent 
Dans Bartrem % tout sagent 

Traist hors du roialme de ffrance, 

Par sa proece et sa puissance, 

Toute le grande Compaignie 

Et moult de le chevaucherye, 

Par le gre du Pape de Rome, 1675 

Et fist a li aler main home, 

Barons et bachelers et contes, 

Chevaliers, escuiers, viscontes. 

Au tamps que je fay mencion, 

Entre Espaigne et entre Aragon, 1680 

Avoit guerre moult merveilleuse 

Qui avoit dure, moult crueuse, 

Le tamps de xiiii ans et plus ; 

Et pour ytant fu esleus 

Monsiour Bartram de Clayekyn 1CS5 

Qui ot le coer hardi et fyn 

Et le bon Jehan de Bourbon 

Qui conte de la Marche eut non 

Et d'Audenham le mareschal 

Qui ot le coer preu et loial 1690 

Et Eustace d'Abrichecourt 

Qui fu home de noble court, 

Monsiour Hughe de Calvelee 

Qui volentiers fiiert de I'espee 

Et monsiour Mahieu de Gournay 1695 

Et maint autre chevalier vray, 

Qu'il iroient en eel pal's 

Et feroient par lour grant pris 

Que paix seroit entre les Roys, 

Et que les pas et les destroys 1700 

fferoient de Gernade ouvrir, 

Et que pouraler conquester 

Pourroient tant home de bien, 

Et tant bon seignour terriien — 

Ensi feurent il tout d'acort. 1705 

Que vous feroi je lone recort ? 

Pour eel accort prist grant argent 

Dans Bartrem et toute sa gent. 

Line 1677, bachilers underlined in a later hand. 
Line 1700 que, u omitted and stcperscript. 
Line 1707 prist, i omitted and superscript. 




Coment monp Bertrem Claykyn t sa 

compaignie passerent les portes de 

Aragon % ont maunde au Roy Petre de 

Castille la nouelle ] * qil vousit ouerer 

la passage qils purrount aler en vne 

seinte voiage desuis les enemys deu 

* le Roy enavoit indignacioune t se 

appailla pur defendre sa tre i p contrerest 

la compaignie | mais ils entrerent 

en Espaigne dount le Roy Petre fuist 

coroucez % disoit qil emprendroit vengeance | 

mais bien tost apres le Roy Petre p gnt 

des loialtee fuist oustee de sa regalie % 

sen fuist hors de soun roialme 

et ceux de Castille coronerent le 

Bastarde Henry Roy de Espaigne. 

Quant erent lour voie acoillee 

i?'° Ly % tout sa compaignee 

Les portes passerent Daragon 
Et puis en bien court faisson 
Manderent au Roy de Castille 
Per vn Messager la nouelle 

lyiB Coment il vousist accord 
La pays Daragon % iurer 
Et qil voille ouerer la passage 
Pur en vn seint voiage 
Desus les enemis de dieu 

17^° Ou tut bon fait darmes eit lieu 
Cil que fuist orgoillous t fiers 
Et qe poy cremoit les daungiers 
Auxi ne de ceux ne dantru 
Enprist en son coer grant amyn 

1725 Et dit qe poy se priseroit 

Si enuers ceux gentz obeissoit 
Lors fist assembler ceste effort 
Et si lapparaille moult fort 
Pur defendre le soen pais 

1730 Lors manda i grantz t petitz 

Quant eurent lour voie acoeillie, 
Ly et toute sa compaignie 
Les pors passerent d'Aragon, 
Et puis, en bien courte saisson, 
Manderent au Roy de Castelle 
Par un messagier le novelle, 
Coment il vousist accorder 
Pays a Aragon et jurer, 
Et qu'il voeille ovrir le passage 
Pour aler en un saint voiage 
Desus les enemis de Dieu, 
Ou touz bons faiz d'armes ait lieu. 
Cils qui fu orgoilleus et fiers, 
Et qui poy cremoit les danglers 
Auxi, ne de ciaux ne d'autrui. 
En prist en son coer grant anui, 
Et dit que poy se priseroit 
S'envers teus gens obeissoit. 
Lors fist assambler son effort 
Et se s'appareilla moult fort 
Pour defendre le sien pais. 
Lors manda et granz et petiz 





Line 5 of Headlines purrount, marginal correction roient. 
Line 1728 lapparaille, marginal correction a. 



Gentilx homes franks % vileyns 
Et bien quidoit estre certeyns 
Dencontre eux sa terre defendre 
Beaux douce seigniour voillez entendre 

'735 Englois I % ffrancois | t Breton 
Normand | Pikard ] \ Gascoigne 
Entrerent toutz dedeins Espaigne 
Auxi fist la gnt compaigne 
Le bon de Caluerlee Hugon 

1740 Et Gourney le soen compaignon 
Et main bon Chiualer hardy 
Passerent la sanz detry 
f. 25' Et conquistrent p lour emprise 
Tout la terre que conquise 

1745 Auoit lui Roy Petro iadys 

Moult enfuist en son coer malys 
Dans Petro despaigne lui Roys 
Dist qil ne prise vn nois 
Si de tout ce nen prist vengeance 

1750 Mais poi li vailli sa puissance 
Car ny yst pas vn Mois passe 
Qe p la grande desloialtee 
De ceux qe li doient seruir 
Lui couient despaigne partir 

1755 Et de guerpir son grant Roial 
Car toutz lui feurent disloial 
Cils qi li denoient amer 
Sicp home doit dire a voir counter 
Ne doit estre sires clamez 

1760 Qi de ses hoines nest amez 
Apparant est p cell Roy 
Qi tant estoit de fier arroy 
Qil nauoit doubte de nult home 
Mais quidoit bien cast la some 

1765 Qe nult greuir ne li peust 
Pur grande puissance qil eust 
Mais il ne fuist gaires de temps 
Qil nauoit amis ne parents 
Cosyn I Germeyn | vncle | ne ffrere 

Gentilx homes, frans et vileyns, 

Et bien quidoit estre certeyns 

D'encontre yaux sa terre defendre. 

Biaux,dousseigniour,veuilliez entendre ! 

Englois et ffrancois et Breton, 1735 

Normant et Pikart et Gascon 

Entrerent tout dedens Espaigne ; 

Auxi fist le grande Compaigne : 

De Calverlee, li bon Hugon, 

Et Gourney, li siens compaignon, 1740 

Et main bon chevalier hardy 

Passerent la sanz nul detry 

.Et conquisent par lour emprise 

Toute le terre que conquise 

Avoit li Rois Petro jadys. 1745 

Moult en fu en son coer marys 

Dans Petro d' Espaigne, li Roys ; 

Dist qu'il ne se prise une nois 

Se de tout ce n'en prent vengeance. 

Mais poi li valli sa puissance, 1750 

Car n'y eut pas un mois passe 

Que par le grant desloiaute 

De ciaux qui le devoient servir 

Lui covint d'Espaigne partir 

Et deguerpir son grant roial, 1755 

Car tout lui feurent desloial 

Cil qui le devoient amer : 

Si qu'on doit dire, au voir conter, 

Ne doit estre sires clamez 

Qui de ses homes n'est amez. 1760 

Apparant est par celi Roy, 

Qui tant estoit de fier arroy 

Qu'il n'avoit doubte de nul home, 

Mais quidoit bien, ce est le some, 

Qe nuls grever ne le peulst 1763 

Pour grant puissance qu'il euist ; 

Mais il ne fu gaires de temps 

Qu'il n'avoit amis ne parens, 

Cosyn germeyn, oncle ne frere 

Line 1751 Y§t, marginal correction eust. 
Line 1755 guerpir, marginal correction e. 



/7o Qe de li ne se desappere 

Qui de li ne se dessepere. 

Son frere Bastard coronarent 

Son frere bastart coronarent, 

Tout la terre d deuerent 

Toute le terre li denerent, 

Et toutz li tiendrent a seignour 

Et tout le tinrent a seignour 

En Castille grant % meinour 

En Castille, grant et menour. 


Coment le Roy Daun Petre sen alera 

vers Seuille t la fist trusser son 
tresour au meer | <t tant sigla qil vint 
au port de Calonge sur la meer t la 

Bastard chiuacha pmy Castille t 

prist possessioun des Citees % homage 

des seigniours de la tre | les queux touz 

sacorderent qe Henf serroit Roy de Cas' 

tille horpris un loial t vaillant Chiualr 

qi fust appellez fferant de Castres. 

f. 25' j^ quoi faire vous celeroie 

1776 La matiere % alongeroie 

Dans Petro noesa plus attendre 
Einz sen ala a voir entendre 
Trestout droit a Seuille lors 

1780 Ou demre fuist ses tresors 
Niefs et Galayes fist tourser 
Et son tresour y fist porter 
Hastiuement en meer se mist 
Sicome la matiere dist 

17S5 De iour et de noet tant sigla 
Qau porte de Calonge arriua 
Le quel si est dedeinz Galice 
Et le Bastard ne fuist pas nyce 
Pmy Castille chiuacha 

1790 Unqes Citee ny demora 
Dount il neust la possession 
Ny remist Counte ne Baron 
Qe toutz ne li firent homage 
fforsqj vn soul qi home tient a sage 

1795 fferant de Castres lapelloient 
P noun I cils qi le conissoient 
Moult pfuy vaillantz % gentieux 
Et iura si li vailli dieux 

A quoi faire vous conteroie 
Le matere et alongeroie ? 
Dans Petro n'osa plus attendre, 
Einz s'en ala, au voir entendre, 
Trestout droit a Seville lors, 
Ou demorez fu ses tresors. 
Nefs et galees fist tourser 
Et son tresor y fist porter. 
Hastivement en mer se mist, 
Sicome le matere dist ; 
De jour et de noet tant sigla 
Qu'au port de Calonge arriva, 
Liquels si est dedenz Galice. 
Et li Bastarz ne fu pas nyce : 
Parmy Castille chevaucha ; 
Unques citez n'y demora 
Dont il n'euist possession ; 
N'y remest conte ne baron 
Que tout ne li fissent homage, 
fforsqu'un soul, qui on tint a sage, 
fferant de Castres I'apelloient 
Par non, cil qui le conissoient. 
Moult par fu vaillanz et gentieux 
Et jura, se li vallist Dieux, 







Qe ia iour ne relinqueroit 

Que ja jour ne relenquiroit 

1800 Cely qui estoit Roy de droit 

Cely qui estoit roys de droit, 

Et si tout faire le voilloient 

Et, se tout faire le voloient — 

Cils qui le paour en auoient 

Cil qui le pooir en avoient — 

Si ne purroit il consentir 

Si ne pourroit il consentir 

Vn Bastard Roialme tenir 

Un bastart roialme tenir. 

1S05 Mais toutz les autres de pais 

Mais tout li autre du pals 

Sacorderent tout qe Henris 

S'acorderent tout que Henris 

Se demorast Roy de Castille 

Se demorast roys de Castille 

Et de Toulette % de Seuille 

Et de Toulette et de Seville, 

De Cordual | t de Lions 

De Cordual et de Lions. 

1810 Par lacorde de toutz les Barons 

Par I'acort de touz les barons 

Ensi fuist Castille conquise 

Ensi fu Castille conquise, 

Par la puissance % p lemprise 

Par la puissance et par I'emprise 

Monf Bartram de Claykyn 

Monsiour Bartram de Clayekyn. 

Ore purrez vous oier la fyn 

Or pourrez vous olr le fyn, 

1815 Coment depuis ce iour auient 

Coment depuis ce jour avint 

Ne passa mye des ans vint 

Ne passa mye des ans vint. 

f. 26' 

Coment le Roy Petre esteant a Calonge 
sur la meer moult dolentez des advsitees 

queux lui sount auenuz | si souenist qil 

auoit alliances ouesqe le Roy Dengleterre 

% sa pointa p lui <h sa puissance bien estre 

socourez % de sez dolours amers releuez. 

Ore comence noble matiere 
De noble % puissant mestiere 
Car pitee amour % droiture 

1820 Mist ensemble sa moriture 
Ensi come vous purrez oier 
Bien mauez oi gestier 
La matire depart deuant 
Moult fuist le Roy Petre dolant 

1825 A la Calonge sur la mer 
Et plein de dolorouse amer 
Car sils lui auoient failli 
Qui li denoient estre amy 
Moult pestoit plein de tristour 

1830 Et ne sciet auiser quel tour 
Dont il poist socours auoir 

Or comence noble matire 
De noble et puissant mestire. 
Car pitez, amour et droiture 
Mest ensamble en sa noriture, 
Ensi com vous pourrez oYr. 
Bien m'avez of regestrir 
Le matire de par devant. 
Moult fu le Roi Petre dolant 
A la Calonge sur la mer 
Et plein de doel cruous, amer, 
Car cil lui avoient failli 
Qui li devoient estre amy. 
Moult par estoit pleins de tristour 
Et ne sceut aviser quel tour 
Dont il peulst socours avoir, 






Ne pur or fin ne pur auoir 

Ne pour or fin ne pour avoir. 

Vn iour fuist lui Roys auisez 

Un jour fu li Roys avisez 

Qaliances % amistees 

Qu'aliances et amistez 

1^35 Auoit ev de moult longe temps 

Avoit eues de moult long temps — 

Dont bien se tenoit pur contens 

Dont bien se tenoit pour contens — 

Ouescj lui Roy Dengletre 

Avoecque le Roy d'Engleterre, 

Qui tant estoit de noble affaire 

Qui tant estoit de noble affaire. 

Qe dieux lui ot done vertus 

Que Dieux lui ot done vertus 

1840 Qe puis le temps le Roy Artus 

Que, puis le tamps le Roi Artus, 

Ne fuist Roy de tiele puissance 

Ne fu Roys de tele puissance ; 

Et si pur ycelle alliance 

Et se pour ycelle alliance 

Et pur amour <h pur linage 

Et pour amour et pour lignage^ 

Et pur dieu t pur vassellage 

Et pour Dieu et pour vassellage 

1S45 Le voilloit fair socourer 

Le voloit faire socourir, 

Vnqore li purroit garrer 

Encore se pourroit garir. 

Coment le Roy Petre appella a lui 

son conseil t ferant a Castres ly 

conseilla denuoier al Prince t 

de lui requerer des socours. 

Lors ad son conseil appelle 
f. 26" Et la matier lour ad moustre 
Et chescun dist qil disoit bien 

1850 Adonqes vn noble seigniour terreen 
Parla | qi moult fuist plain dauys 
fferant de Castres lui gentils 
Et dist sire | entendez a moy 
P celle foy qe ie vous dole 

1855 Tout primers si vous mencroies 
Au Prince droit vous manderez 
Daquitaine qi est sez fitlz 
Moult pest pdhoine et hardiz 
Et des gentz darmes si puissant 

1S60 Qe ie croy qe y nest home viuant 
fforscj dieu | qi li feisit tort 
Et si vous luy trouares dacort 
De vous aider soiez certains 
Qe Spayn reauez en voz mains 

1865 Auant qe ceste an soit passe 
A tout ce fuist bien accordez 

Lors a son conseil appelle; 
Le matere lour a moustre, 
Et chescuns dist qu'il disoit bien. 
Done un noble seigniour terrien 
Parla, qui moult fu plains d'avys, 
fferanz de Castres, li gentils, 
Et dist : ' Sire, entendez a moy. 
Par celle foy que je vous doi, 
Tout premiers, se vous men croies, 
Au Prince droit vous manderez 
D'Aquitaine, qui est ses filz ; 
Moult par est preudhom et hardiz 
Et des genz d'armes si puissanz 
Que je croy qu'y n'est hom vivanz 
fforsque Dieu, qui li fesist tort ; 
Et, se vous le trovez d'acort 
De vous aidier, soiez certains 
Qu'Espaygne ravrez en voz mains 
Avant que cest an soit passe.' 
A tout ce fu bien accorde. 








Line 1865, traces of an erased letter are risible after passe. 



Coment le Roy Daun Petre escript sez 

Ifes au Prince % ly requ^rant a sez bons 

socours I t qe ly plerroit denuoier 

niefs pur lui emperler \ enuoia 

sez messages oue tneisme lettyrs. 

Daun Petro le Roy de Castille 
Erraument escpt % seaille 
Empriant a Prince humblement 

1870 Qe pur dieu primerment 
Et pur amour \ pur pitee 
Pur alliance % pur amistee 
Et pur cas de linage auxi 
Et pur droit qil ad sanz null si 

187s A tresnoble Prince puissant 
Honable preu % vaillant 
Car il lui plese a socourer 
Droiture % li qui requerer 
Ly voet en noun de pacience 

1880 Et qil vousist p sa vaillance 
Enuoier Niefs pur ly passer 
Et pur lui saluement amesner 
Car il voleit pier a lui 
Li messages vint sanz detri 

Dans Petro li Roys de Castelle 

Erraument escript et saielle, 

Em priant au Prince humblement 

Que pour Dieu tout premierement 

Et pour amour et pour pite, 

Pour alliance et amiste 

Et pour cas de Hgnage auxi 

Et pour droit qu'il a, sanz nul sy, 

Au tres noble Prince, puissant, 

Honorable, preu et vaillant, 

Car il lui plese a socourir 

Droiture et li, qui requerir 

Le voet eu non de pacience ; 

Et qu'il vousist par sa vaillance 

Envoier nefs pOur ly passer 

Et li salvement amener, 

Car il voloit parler a li. 

Li messages vint sanz detri. 




f. 27' 

Coment ly messages du Roy 

Petre troua le Prince a Burdeaux 

% luy ad presentee les Ires et le 

Prince senmueilla | % sur ceo appella 

a ly sez chiualers t meillours conse- 

illers I % lour mounstra les lettyrs j 

les queux ly disoient lour auis 

touchant cest fait | % sur ce ordeignez 

furent gentz darmes ^ querer le Roy Petf. 

1885 A Burdeux le Prince troua 

Qui moult fortement sesmerueilla 
Quant il auoit la Ire lue 
Sitost come il eust survewe 

A Bourdiaux le Prince trova, 
Qui moult fortment s'esmerveilla 
Quant il avoit la letre lue. 
Sitost come il I'eut surveiie,. 


Line 1874, d ^ad in rasura ; ad also as a marginal correction^ 




Lors appella ses Chiualers 
1890 Et toutz ses meilliours conseillers 
Les Ires lour ad toutz moustrez 
Ensi come ils furent dittez 
Et lour dist beaux seigniours p foi 
Merueille ai de ceo qe ie voi 
1S95 ffols est qui saffie en puissance 
Vous auez bien view qe fifrance 
Estoit le pluis pais 
Des cristiens solom mavis 
Et ore ad droit et dieux consentu 

1900 Qe nous auons ev vertu 
Pur Ie nre droit conquester 
Et auxi ai ie oy contier 
Qe li Leoperdz % lour compaigne 
Se disployerent en Espaigne 

1905 Et si estre pooit en nre temps 

Home nous entiendroit plus vaillantz 
Vn bon conseil sur ce point 
Seigniours vous veiez bien a point 
Ore en ditez vre ppos 

1910 Adonqes li dist Chaundos 
Et puis Thomas de ffelton 
Cils deux estoient compaignon 
De son conseil li plus priuee 
Et lui disoient pur verite 

1915 Qe ce acomplir ne purroit 
Si ascun aliance nauoit 
Au Roy de Nauarrje qui lors 
Tenoit la passage des ports 
27" P le conseil qils accorderent 

1920 Au Roy de Nauarre manderent 
Le Counte Darmynak auxi 
Et toutz les barons sanz null si 
Du noble pais Daquitaine 
Et lors cest bien chose certeine 

1925 Tut le grant conseil fuist assemblee 
Chescun disoit ce qe li semblee 
Bon affaire de eel emprise 
Et sachez qe fuist comprise 
P tiel conseilt et tiel accorde 

Lors appella ses chevaliers 

Et touz ses meilliours conseilliers. 1890 

Les letres lour a touz moustreez 

Ensi come ils furent ditteez, 

Et lour dist : ' Biaux seignours, par foi, 

Merveille ai de ce que je voi. 

ffbls est qui s'affie en puissance. 1S95 

Vous avez bien veil que ffrance 

Estoit li plus puissanz pars 

Des crestiens, selon m'avis, 

Ore a droiz et Dieux consentu 

Que nous avons eii vertu 1900 

Pour le nostre droit conquester ; 

Et auxi ai je oy conter 

Que li leopert et lour compaigne 

Se desployeroient en Espaigne, 

Et s'estre pooit en no tamps, 1905 

On nous en tenroit plus vaillanz. 

Un bon conseil desur ce point, 

Seignours, vous veiez bien a point : 

Ore en dites vostre pourpos.' 

Adonc li respondi Chandos '9'° 

Et puis Thomas de ffelleton — 

Cil doi estoient compaignon 

De son conseil li plus prive — 

Et lui disoient, pour verite. 

Que ce acomplir ne pourroit 1915 

S'aucune aliance n'avoit 

Au Roy de Navarre, qui lors 

Tenoit le passage des pors. 

Par le conseil qu'il accorderent 

Le Roy de Navarre manderent, 1920 

Le conte d'Armynak auxi 

Et touz les barons, sanz nul si, 

Du noble pals d'Aquitaine ; 

Et lors, c'est bien chose certeine, 

Touz li granz consiauz s'assambla. 1925 

Chescuns dist ce que li sambla 

Bon affaire de cele emprise ; 

Et sachiez qu'ele fu comprise, 

Par tel conseil et tel accort. 



1930 Sicome ie oi en mon recorde 

Qe home fist les vessealx appaiUer 
A Bayone sanz detrier 
Gentz d'armes % archiers auxi 
Pur aler quere sanz detri 

1935 En Espaigne le Roy Peron 
Monf Thomas de ffelleton 
Lui grant Seneschal Daquitaine 
Deuoit estre lour chifteigne 
Mais entre eux qils diussent trusser 

1940 Lour vessealx % eux aprestier 

Sicome j'oi en mon recort, 
Qu'on feist vessiaulx apparaillier 
A Bayone, sanz detrier, 
Genz d'armes et archiers auxi, 
Pour aler querre, sanz detri, 
En Espaigne le Roi Peron. 
Messires Thomas de ffellton, 
Li granz Seneschaus d'Aquitaine, 
Devoit estre lour capitaine. 
Mais, entrues qu'il fissent trousser 
Lour vessiaulx et yaux aprester. 


Coment le Roy Daun Petre arriua a Bayone 

% amesna ouesqe lui sez filz t filles % ce qe 

ly fuist lesse de soun tresour t ly Prince 

sen ala encontre ly % firent gnt deduit | t 

apres ce le Prince % le Roy de Nauarre 

graunterent de socorer le Roy Petre. 

Luy Roy Daun Petro a Bayone 

Arriua en ^pre persone 

Et amesna filles et fieux 

Et celi remaint qe dieux 
194s Ly eust lessee de son tresor 

Peers perles | argent t or 

Quant ly Prince en sclent nouelles 

Ly semblerent bons et belles 

Countre ly a Bayon ala 
1950 Et noblement le festoia 

En grant ioie et en grant deduyt 

Et la firent maint bele conduyt 

Qe vous purroy ie detrier 

La matier % plus alonger 
f 28'- Tout feurent daccord sanz detri 
1956 Et le Roy de Nauarre auxi 

De Roy Daun Petro conforter 

Et en Espaigne lui remesner 

Puis qe pur dieu 1 pur pitee 
i960 Et pur droiture % amistee 

Si humblement li requiroit 

Line 1939 djussent, 

Li Rois dans Petro a Bayone 

Arriva, en propre persone, 

Et amena filles et fieux 

Et celi remanant que Dieux 

Ly eut lessie de son ti'esor, 

Pieres, perles, argent et or. 

Quant ly Princes en sceut novelles, 

Ly semblerent bones et belles. 

Contre ly a Bayone ala 

Et noblement le festoia 

En grant joie et en grant deduyt, 

Et la firent maint bel conduyt. 

Que vous pourroye je detrier 

Le matere et plus alongier ? 

Tout feurent d'acort, sanz detri, 

Et li Rois de Navarre auxi, 

Du Roy dan Petro conforter 

Et en Espaigne ramener ; 

Puis que pour Dieu et pour pite 

Et pour droiture et amiste 

Si humblement le requeroit, 

marginal correction e. 









Bien socourez estre deuoit 

Tout feurent daccord sur ce point 

Et de lors ne saresta point 

Bien socouruz estre devoit : 

Tout feurent d'accort sur ce point. 

Et des lors ne s'aresta point 

Coment le Prince reuenoit a Burdeaux 

t fist apparailler sez gentz t Chaundos 

ala quere les compaignons de la graund 

compaignie | les queux venoient t 

plusours altres englois pristrent 

conge du Bastard henre t venoient 

au Prince hors de Espaigne % 

le Bastard quant il auoit oy nouels 

de ceste emprise voloit auoir 

encombrez les engleis t fist 

trencher lour chemyns qils ne 

deussent auoir passez vs le Prince. 

1965 Luy Prince qui tant eust vertus 
A Burdeux sen est reuenuz 
Et fist sez gentz apparailler 
Maint noble vaillant Chiualer 
Manda p trestout son pais 

197° Ni demora grant ne petitz 
Et Chaundos ne demora mye 
Car a la graunde compaignie 
Ala quere les compaignons 
lesqes a quatorsze penons 

1975 Sanz les autres qui retournerent 
Despaygne quant ils ascouterent 
Qe ly Prince eider voilloit 
Le Roy Daun Petro de son droit 
Conge pristrent du Bastard Henri 

1980 Le quel lour dona sanz detry 
Et les paia moult voluntiers 
Car ne ly fesoient mestiers 
Roy de Castille fuist a ce temps 
Et bien sen tenoit pur contens 
f. 28^ Qe nutt tollir ne li peust 

1986 Pur grand puissance qil eust 

Lors sen reuient a brief moot cot 

Li Princes qui tant eut vertus. 1965 

A Bourdiaux s'en est revenuz 

Et fist ses genz appareillier. 

Maint noble et vaillant chevalier 

Manda par trestout son pais ; 

N'i demora granz ne petiz ; 1970 

Et Chandos ne demora mye, 

Car a le Grande Compaignie 

Ala querre les compaignons 

Jusques a quatorsze penons, 

Sanz les autres qui retournerent 1975 

D'Espaygne, quant il ascouterent 

Que li Princes eidier voloit 

Le Roy dan Petro de son droit. 

Congie prisent du Roy Henri, 

Liqueus lour dona, sanz detry, 1986 

Et les paia moult volontiers, 

Car ne ly fesoient mestiers. 

Roys de Castille fu a ce temps, 

Et bien s'en tenoit pour contens 

Que nuls tolir ne li peui'st 1^85 

Pour grant puissance qu'il euist. 

Lors s'en revint, a brief mot court, 



Dan Eustace Dabrichecourt 
Deueux | Cressewell t Briket 

1990 Qui sauoient de lui pier fait 
Et puis li sire Dambeterre 
Qui voluntiers pursuirent la guerre 
Et le bon Barnat de la Salle 
Toutz les compaignons de la Galle 

1995 Retounerent en Acquitaine 

Mais auant eurent moult de payn 
Car quant le Bastard scieust de verray 
Qe li Prince sanz nul delay 
Voilloit le Roy Daun Petre eider 

2000 Moult lour purchacea dencombrer 
Trencher lour fist les chimyns 
Et toutz les soirs et les matyns 
Maint embusshee sur eux sailler 
Et p maintes voiez assailler 

2005 Des Geneteurs t dez villains 

Mais dieux qui est Roy souerains 
Les reamesna a sauuetee 
Tout droit a le principalte 
Dont li Prince fuist moult ioyous 

2010 Car moult pestoit coueytous 
De son desire acomplier 
Et lors ad fait sanz allenter 
Apparailler or % argent 
Et deniers pur paier sa gent 

Dans Eustace d'Abrichecourt, 

Devereux, Cresswell et Briket 

Qui sovent de lui parler fait, 199° 

Et puis li sires d'Aubeterre 

Qui volentiers poursult guerre, 

Et li bons Barnat de la Salle : 

Tout li compaignon de la Galle 

Retournerent en Acquitaine ; 1995 

Mais avant eurent moult de payne, 

Car quant li Bastarz sceut de vray 

Que li Princes, sanz nul delay, 

Voloit le Roy dan Petre eidier. 

Moult lour pourchacea d'encombrier : 2000 

Trenchier lour fist touz les chemyns 

Et touz les soirs et les matyns 

Mainte embusshe sur iaux saillir, 

Et par mainte voie assaillir 

Des geneteurs et des villains. 2005 

Mais Dieux, qui est Roys soverains, 

Les ramena a sauvete 

Tout droit a le principaute : 

Dont li Princes fu moult joyeus. 

Car moult par estoit coveyteus 2010 

De son desirier acomplir. 

Et lors a fait, sanz allentir, 

Apparaillier or et argent 

Et deniers pour paier sa gent. 

Du temps quant ly tresnoble Prince 
comencea cest graund emprise. 

2015 Seigno le temps qe ie vous dy 
Ce fuist apres qe dieu nasquy 
Mill ans trois Centz sessante % sis 
Qe chanter larst loissel gentils 
Trois semaignes deuant le iour 

2020 Qe Jhu Crist p sa douceour 
Nasqui de le virge Marie 
Qe cely temps ne doutez mye 

Seignour, le tamps que je vous dy 
Ce fu apres que Dieux nasquy, 
Mil ans, trois cenz, sissante et sis, 
Que chanter lait I'oissiaux gentils ; 
Trois semaines devant le jour 
Que Jesus Crist par sa douceour 
Nasqui de le virge Marie. 
De cely tamps ne doutez mye. 

Line 1995 omitted by the scribe and inserted after line 2022. 



Des les tresgntz ordeignaunce faitz a Burde 
aux p le Prince p la voiage despaigne. 

f- 29' Luy francs Prince moult noblement 
ffist ordeigner son paiment 
2C25 Adonqes veissez a Burdeux 
fforger espees t coteaux 
Cotes de ferre t Bacynettes 
Gleyues | haches | et gantilettes 
Mout pfuy noble li arrois 
2030 Si auoir y deust .xxx. Roys 

Li frans Princes moult noblement 
ffist ordener son paiement. 
Adonc velssiez a Bourdiaux 
fforgier espees et cotiaux, 
Cotes de fer et bacynettes, 
Gleyves, haches et gantilettes. 
Moult par fust nobles li arrois 
S'avoir y deui'st .xxx. rois. 

Coment lassemble fust fait a dast 

t les compaignouns se logerent en 

Bascle [ i entre les mountains . pluis 

qe deux moys pur attendre le 

passage | et la demorerent tout 

liuer iesqes au moys de ffeurere. 

A Dast fuist fait lassemble 
Du Prince a la criere membre 
La sassemblerent li baron 
Et les Chiualers denuiron 

2035 Toutz les compaignons a temps 
Se logierent en cell temps 
En Baskle [ t entre les montaignez 
Se logierent les grantz compaignes 
Pluis qe dieux Moys y demerent 

2040 Mult de suffrete y endurerent 
Tout pur attendre le passage 
Qils puissent alier lour voiage 
La demorent tout lyuer 
Iesqes au Moys de ffeuerer 

2045 Tant qe tout fuist assemble 
Et li lointaigne * ly priue 
Mais a ce qe ie entendy 
Luy Prince de Burdeux party 

A Dasc fu faite I'assamblee 

Du Prince a le chiere membree. 

La s'assamblerent li baron 

Et li chevalier d'environ. 

Tout li compaignon enz es camps 

Se logierent en celi tamps : 

En Baskle, entre les montaignes, 

Se logierent les granz compaignes ; 

Plus que deux moys y demorerent, 

Moult de souffrete y endurerent, 

Tout pour attendre le passage 

Qu'il peussent aler lour voiage. 

La demorerent tout I'yvier 

Jusques au moys de ffeverier, 

Tant que tout furent assamble 

Et li lointain et ly prive. 

Mais, a ce que je entendy, 

Li Princes de Bourdiaux party 

Coment le Prince se departi de Burdeaux 
% la tsnoble dame la Pncesse fist ^samers 








dolours t complaintz a cause de son 

departir | 1 le Prince conforta la dame 

moult noblement | t bien tost apres 

la tresnoble dame enfaunta vn filtz 

qe fust nomez Richard % ly Prince 

% maint gent enauoient gnt ioie. 

Apres le Nouett xv. iours 

2050 Et la tresamers dolours 
£ 29» Eust a coer la noble Princesse 
Et la regretoit la dieuesse 
Damors qil anoit assenee 
A si treshaute maiestee 

205s Car ele auoit le plus puissant 
Prince de ce siecle viuant 
Souent disoit las quei ferroie 
Dieux % am6s si ie pderoie 
Le droit flour de gentilesse 

2060 Le flour de tresnoble hautesse 
Cell qui en monde nad pier 
De vaillance | a voir recorder 
Mors tu me serroiez pschaine 
Ore nay ie coer sang ne vayne 

2065 Qe ne me faille | % tout li membre 
Quant de son partier me remembre 
Car tut li monde dist ensy 
Qunqes null home ne senbaty 
En voiage si pillouse 

2070 Hee tresdoulce piere gloriouse 
Confortez moy p vre pitee 
La ad ly Prince escoutee 
Ce qe la ffrance dame dist 
Moult tresnoble confort luye fist 

2075 Et luye ad dit dame lessez 
Vre plorir | ne vous esmaiez 
Car dieux est puissant de tout faire 
Luy Prince de tresnoble affaire 
Doulcement la dame ad confortee 

2080 Et la si dieux me reconfortee 

Apres le Nowel xv. jours. 

Et lor tres ameres dolours 2050 

Eut a coer la noble Princesse ; 

Et lor regretoit la dieuesse 

D'amour qui I'avoit assene 

A si tres haute majeste, 

Car elle avoit le plus puissant 2055 

Prince de ce siecle vivant. 

Sovent disoit : ' Las ! quoi feroie, 

Dieux et Amours, se je perdoie 

Le droite flour de gentilece, 

Le flour de tres noble hautece, 2060 

Cell qui eu monde n'a per 

De vaillance, au voir recorder ? 

Mors ! tu me seroies proschaine. 

Or n'ay je coer, sane ne vayne 

Que ne me faille, et tout li membre, 2065 

Quant de son partir me remembre ; 

Car touz li mondes dit ensy 

Qu'onques nuls hom ne s'enbaty 

En voiage si perilleus. 

He ! tres dous pere glorieus, 207° 

Confortez moy par vo pite.' 

Lor a ly Princes escoute 

Ce que le ffrance dame dist. 

Moult tres noble confort luy fist, 

Et luy a dit : ' Dame, lessiez 20J5 

Vo plorer, ne vous esmaiez. 

Car Dieux est puissanz de tout faire.' 

Li Princes de tres noble affaire 

Doulcement la dame conforte, 

Et lor, se Dieux me reconforte, 2080 

Line 2055 ele, 1 added in the margin. 



Prist de luy congie doulcement 
Et luye dist amiablement 
Dame en coer nous reuerons 
En tiel point qe ioie en auons 

2085 Et nous t tut li me amy 
Car mon coer le me dit ensy 
Moult doulcement sentcollerent 
Et en voisant congie donerent 
La veissez dames plorer 

2090 Et damoiseles dolouser 
Lune ploroit pur son amy 
Et lautre pur son mary 
f- SO' La Princesse eust de dolour tant 
Qadonqes fuist grosse denfant 

2°95 Qe de la dolour deliuera 
Dun beal filtz i enfanta 
Le quel filtz Richard ot a noun 
Dont grant ioie p tut fist horn 
Et li Prince si dieux mauoie 

2100 En eust auxi a coer grant ioie 
Et dient tut comunalment 
Veez cy mult beal comencement 

Prist de luy congie doulcement, 
Et luy dist amiablement : 
' Dame, encore nous reverrons 
En tel point que joie en avrons, 
Et nous et tout li nostre amy, 
Car mes coers le me dit ensy.' 
Moult doulcement s'entracolerent 
Et en baisant congie donerent. 
La veifssiez dames plorer 
Et damoiseles dolouser : 
L'une ploroit pour son amy 
Et li autre pour son mary. 
La Princesse eut de dolour tant, 
Qui adonc fu grosse d'enfant, 
Que de le dolour delivra 
D'un mout bel fil et enfanta, 
Liqueus filz Richard ot a non : 
Dont grant joie par tout fist on, 
Et li Princes, se Dieux m'avoie, 
En eut auxi a coer grant joie ; 
Et dient tout comunalment : 
' Vez cy moult bel comencement.' 




Coment ly Prince sen est departiz de 

Burdeaux % venoit a Dascy % la deifia 

tanqe nouelles ly venoient qe le Due de 

Lancastre son frere venoit deuers ly 

% lors ly attendi illoeqes le Due sen 

hasty deuers le Prinee son frere enchi- 

uachant pmy Constantyn t Britaigne =t 

Due Johann de Bret si festoia moult nobleinet. 

Lors se parti a voir entendre 
Lui Prince plus ne voilloit attendre 
2105 Pluis longement ny mist soiour 
Moult pfui riche son atour 
A dasc vient t la saiona 
Car nouelles vn li porta 
Qe le due de Lancastre vient 

Lors se parti, au voir entendre, 
Li Princes, plus ne veut attendre : 
Plus longement n'y mist sojour. 
Moult par fu riche son atour, 
A Dasc vint et la sojourna. 
Car novelles on li porta, 
Que li dues de Lancastre vient 


Line 2107 sai6na, marginal correction o. 



21 10 Qui grant gent gouerne % maintient 
Lors sanisa qil demoroit 
Et li soen frere attendroit 
Et sachez qe li noble dues 
Qui moult ot en li vertus 

21 1 5 Quant il oi dire sez ditz 
Qe li Prince estoit deptiz 
De Burdeux moult ent fuist dolantz 
Car ni quidoit venir a tamps 
En Constantyn fuist arriuez 

2120 Lui noble dues % redoutez 
Moult soy hastia t chiuacher 
Et tut li noble Chiualer 
Constantyn passa en Bretayne 
Centre li ad beal compaigne 

2125 Car de Bretayne vient due Johans 
Ouescj li ot de pluis grantz 
f. 30' Barons de tretout son pais 

Ceux qui pluis tenoit a amys 
Clisson 1 Cauolle | t plusours 

2130 Queux li fesoient grantz honSs 
En son pais les festoia 
Mais moult petit y demora 
Car il le couenoit hastier 
Pur le Prince qi voilloit passer 

2135 Conge ad pris sanz detrier 
A due Johan * a sa mulier 

Qui grant gent governe et maintient. 2 no 

Lors s'avisa qu'il demourroit 

Et le sien frere attenderoit. 

Et sachiez que li nobles dues, 

Qui moult ot en li de vertus, 

Quant il o( dire cez diz ^"S 

Que li Princes estoit partiz 

De Bourdiaux, moult en fu dolanz, 

Car n'i quidoit venir a tamps. 

En Coustantyn fu arrivez 

Ly nobles dues et redoutez ; 2"° 

Moult se hasta a chevauchier 

Et tout li noble chevalier ; 

Coustantyn passa en Bretaygne. 

Contre li a bele compaigne, 

Car de Bretaygne vint dues Jehans ; ^125 

Avoeeques li ot des plus granz 

Barons de tretout son pals, 

Ciaux qui plus tenoit a amys, 

Clisson, CanoUes et plusours, 

Qui li fesoient granz honours. ^'3° 

En son pais le festoia, 

Mais moult petit y demoura 

Car il le eovenoit haster 

Pour le Prince qui veut passer. 

Congie a pris sanz detrier 2135 

Au due Jehan et a sa mouUier. 


Coment le Due de Lancastre tant chiuacha 

qil est venuz a Burdeaux | t la troua la Pncesse 

quelle luy festoia moult doucement t luy 

ad demaundee des nouelles Dengleterre | 

et en apres luy noble Due de Lancastre sen 

chiuacha pmy les landes tant qil est 

venuz a la Citee de Dask | % la troua le 

Prince son frere le quel ly vint alen- 

contre t sen contrerent moult amiablemet 

% le Prince ly ad demande des nouels dengletre 

t moult gnt ioie demesnerent ensemble % 

le Counte de ffoys lors estoit illoeqes. 

Line 2124 compaigne, e final corrected out ofie. 



Quei vous ferroie longe demain 
Tant chiuacha % soir main 
Qe droit a Burdeux est venuz 

2140 De Lancastre lui noble dues 
Et la troua la Princesse 
Qe de tout honure est maistresse 
Qe le festoia tres doulcement 
Et moult tressamiablement 

2145 Li ad demande de la terra 

Coment home fait en Engleterre 
Et le due li ad tout conte 
Et puis sachez de verite 
Qe li due gaires nattendi 

2150 Qe de Burdeux sen depti 
Pmy les landes chiuacha 
Et moult durement soy hastia 
Tant qil vient a dase la Citee 
Ou son frere le Prince ad trouee 

3155 Qui a lencontre de li vient 
Et des Chiualers plus cj vint 
f. 31' Et si sachez qe a cest foitz 
Y estoit lui conte de ffoys 
Grant ioie ensemble demesnerent 

2160 Auxi tost qils sentrecontrerent 
Lors sa=collerent en baiant 
Et li Prince li dist en riant 
Dues de Lancastre frere douls 
En nre pais bien veignez vous 

2165 Ditez quei fait le Roy iire piere 
Et la Roigne nre miere 
Toutz noz freres t tout iire amy 
Sire dist il la dieu mercy 
lis ne font trestoutz forstj bien 

2170 Nre piere dist qe sil faut rien 
Qil poet fair | si li mandez 
Nre miere vous salue assez 
Touz noz friers se recomandent 
A vous t pmy ils vous mandent 

2175 Qils voluntiers fussent venu 
Si bon conge eussent ev 

Line 2153 vient, 

Que vous feroie long demain ? 
Tant chevaucha et soir et main 
Que droit a Bourdiaux est venuz 
De Lancastre li nobles dues ; 
Et la trova il la Princesse 
Qui de tout honour est maistresse, 
Qui le festoia doulcement, 
Et moult tres amiablement 
Li a demande de sa terre, 
Coment on fait en Engleterre : 
Et li dues li a tout conte. 
Et puis, sachiez de verite, 
Que li dues gaires n'attendi, 
Que de Bourdiaux s'en depart! ; 
Parmy les landes chevaucha 
Et inoult durement se hasta 
Tant qu'il vint a Dasc le cite. 
Son frere, le Prince, a trove, 
Qui a I'encontre de li vint, 
O des chevaliers plus que vint : 
Et se sachiez qu'a ceste fois 
Y estoit li conte de ffoys. 
Grant joie ensamble demenerent 
Auxi tost qu'il s'entr'encontrerent ; 
Lors s'acoUerent en baisant, 
Et li Princes dist en riant : 
' Dues de Lancastre, frere douls, 
En no pals bien veigniez vous. 
Dites, quoi fait li Roys, nos pere, 
Et le Roine, nostre mere. 
Tout no frere et tout no amy ? ' 
' Sire,' dist il, ' le Dieu mercy, 
II ne font trestout forsque bien. 
Nos pere dist que s'il faut rien 
Qu'il poet faire, si li mandez. 
No mere vous salue assez. 
Tout no frere se recomandent 
A vous et par my il vous mandent 
Qu'il volentiers fussent venu 
Se bon congie eussent eii.' 
e 07nitted and superscript. 











Coment le duk de Lancastre i le Prince 

venuz a Dask en gnt deduit en attendantz 

le passages outre les portes cest assauoir 

le paas de Rounceualle % le Counte de 

ffoitz se retourna en son pais | % home 

disoit qe le Roy de Nauarre estoit alez 

oue le Bastard Henf | % monf Hugh 

de Caluellee vst pris certeins villes 

en Nauarre | <h sur ce le Roy de Nauarre 

tramist sez messages au Prince | t apres 

vint mon^ Martsm de Nauarre au 

Prince % lour approcha le passage. 

Encement tout plant envenirent 
A Dasc I % p les mains se tenirent 
Et si saches qe celt nuyt 

2180 Demesnerent moult grant deduyt 
De lour parlement pluis ne say 
Ne plus ne vous enconteray 
Lui Counte de ffoys se retourna 
Ou pais ou il demurra 

2185 Et lui Prince a dast demoere 
En atendant le temps t leure 
f. 3V Qil poist passer les portes 

Qe vous serroit longe li recordz 
En coer ne sauoit il pas 

219° Sil passeroit p le pais 

De Rainchenanus car hoiiie disoit 
Qe li Roy de Nauarre estoit 
AUiez oue le Bastard Henry 
Dount home maint feurentesbachy 

2195 Mais en ce temps % ce termyne 
Mirand % le point la Reine 
Ot pris Hugh de Caluerley 
Dount Nauarre fuist enfrae 
Luy Roy tramist son messager 

2200 Au Prince tost sanz atergiere 
Et li ad mande tout le fait 

Ensement tout parlant en vinrent 

A Dasc et par les mains se tinrent, 

Et se sachies que celle nuyt 

Demenerent moult grant deduyt. 2180 

De lour parlement plus ne say 

Ne plus ne vous en conteray. 

Li quens de ffoys se retourna 

Ou pafs ou il demoura, 

Et li Princes a Dasc demeure 2185 

En attendant le tamps et I'eure 

Que il peu'fst passer les porz. 

Que vous seroit Ions li recorz ? 

Encores ne savoit il pas 

S'il passeroient par le pas 2190 

De Rainchevaus ; car on disoit 

Que li Roys de Navarre estoit 

AUiez ou Bastart Henry, 

Dont tamaint feurent esbahy. 

Mais en ce tamps et ce termyne 2195 

Mirande et le Pont la Refne 

Ot pris Hughes de Calverlee, 

Dont Navarre fu esfraee. 

Li Roys tramist son messagier 

Au Prince tost, sanz atergier, 2200 

Et li a mande tout le fait, 

Line 2186 atendant, t added in the margin. 



Ce que Hughes lour avoit fait. 
Apres vint messire Martyn 
De Naverre qui ot coer fyn ; 
Tant fist par son sens qu'il ot sage 
Qu'il lour approcha le passage. 

Ce qe Hugh lour auoit fait 
Apres vient monp Martyn 
De Nauerre qui ot coer fyn 
^2°5 Tant fist p sez sens qil ot sage 
Qil lour approcha le passage 

Coment le Roy de Nauarre 

deuers le Prince a seint Johan 

du pee des portz % le Due de 

Lancastre lui vint alencontre t 

lors furent les searmentz renouellez % 

aps ce fuist ordeigne qe lauat garde passeroit. 

Assez vous purroye counter 

Pur la matier destourber 

Mais bien tost puis ce iour auient 
2210 Qe li Roy de Nauerre vient 

A seint Johan du pee des portz 

Et a lencontre lui vient lors 

De Lancastre le noble dues 

Et Chaundos qui moult fuist prus 
2215 Deuers le Prince li amesnerent 


Et vn lieu | ou ils le trouerent 
Piers forard auoit a noun 
De lieu la ville t la Maisoii 
La fuist li Roy Petro venuz 

2220 Et la fuist sur le corps Johan 
Touz lour fementz renouellez 
Et la fuist chescun accordez 
f. 32' De tout ce qil deuoit auoir 
Ore voe ie faire mon deuoir 

2225 De bonter auant ma matiere 
Car lendemayn cest chose clere 
Lui Roy % lui dues | t lui Chaundos 
Se departirent a brifs motz 
Car accordee ensi | ensi estoit 

2230 Qe lauant garde passeroit 

Tout primer ce lundy proschein 
Et cils sanz faire longe demain 
Sont a seint Johan arriuez 
Illoeqes feurent hostellez 

Assez vous pourroye conter 

Pour le matere destourber ; 

Mais bien tost puis ce jour avint , 

Que li Rois de Naverre vint 

A seint Jehan du Pie des Porz, 

Et a I'encontre lui vint lors 

De Lancastre li nobles dues, 

Et Chandos, qui moult par fu prus. 

Devers le Prince I'amenerent 

En un lieu ou il le troverent — 

Piere Forarde avoit a non 

De lieu, le ville et le maison. 

La fu li Rois Petro venuz, 

Et la fu sur le corps Jesus 

Lour sieremenz renovelez, 

Et la fu chescuns accordez 

De tout ce qu'il devoit avoir. 

Or voe je faire mon devoir 

De bouter avant ma matere, 

Car I'endemain, c'est chose clere, 

Li Roys et li dues et Chandos 

Se departirent, a bris moz. 

Car accorde ensi estoit 

Que I'avant garde passeroit 

Tout premier, ce lundy proschein ; 

Et cil, sanz faire long demain, 

Sont a seint Jehan arrive. 

Illoecques feurent hostelle, 




Line 223 1 ce omitted and superscript. 



.2235 Et lendemain fist home crier 
Qe chescun se voille appailler 
Pur passer le proschein lundy 
Voire cils qe feurent esly 
Pur passer ouescp lauant garde 

2240 Ore est droit qe ie preigne garde 
A lauant garde deuiser 
Beaux seigniours primers doi nomer 

Et I'endemain fist on crier 2235 

Que chescuns voeille apparaillier 

Pour passer le proschein lundy, 

Voire cil qui feurent esly 

Pour passer avoec I'avant garde. 

Or est drois que je preigne garde 2249 

A I'avant garde deviser. 

Biaux seigniours, premiers doi nomer 

Coment le Duk de Lancastre amesna lauant garde 
% de seignours % dautres festeantz en sa compaigni. 

Le due de Lancastre qui prus 
fifuist hardi | i corageus 

2245 Et si ot en sa compaignie 
Moult de noble Chiualrie 
La fuist le bon Thomas Dufibrt 
Qi li coer ot hardi t fort 
De Hastynges le bon Hugon 

2250 Et Beauchamp son compaignoh 
Guilliam qlii moult fuist gentils 
Au Count de Warrewyk filtz 
Le sire de Neofuyft auxi 
Et maint bon Chiualer hardi 

2255 Qui maintenant ne voiller nosmer 
Car aillours en vorray pier 
Apres vous doi nomer Chanudos 
Qui fuist Conestable del hos 
Qui menoit touz les compaignous 

2260 Des queux vous vorroi nosmer les nouns 
Tout primers le ^' de Rays 
Qui fuist bon % preus en ses faitz 
f. 32" Apres le seigniour danbeterre 

Qui voluntiers pursuoit la guerre 

2265 Monf Garsis de Castelle 
Qui ot le coer preu t loielle 
Et Gilbard de la Mote auxi 
Et de Rochewarde Ammery 
Et monf Rofet Camyyn 

Le due de Lancastre, qui preus, 

fifu et hardis et corageus, 

Et si ot en sa compaignie 2245 

Moult de noble chevalerie. 

La fu le bon Thomas d'Ufifort 

Qui le coer ot hardi et fort, 

De Hastynges le bon Hugon, 

Et de Beauchamp son cornpa'ignon, 2250 

Guilliaume, qui moult fu gentils, 

Au comte de Warrewyk filz, 

Le sire de Noefvylle auxi 

Et maint bon chevalier hardi, 

Qui, maintenant, ne voeil nomer, 2255 

Car aillours en vorray parler. 

Apres vous doi nomer Chandos, 

Qui fu Conestable del hos, 1 

Qui menoit touz les compaignons, , 

Desqueux vous voeil nomer les nons : : 2260 

Touz premiers le seignour de Rays 

Qui fu bons et preus en ses faiz, 

Apres le seigniour d'Aubeterre 

Qui volentiers poursuoit guerre, > 

Monseignour Garsis de Castel 1 2265 

Qui ot le coer preu et loiel, 

Et Gilbard de la Mote auxi 

Et de Rocheward Ammery 

Et monseignour Robert Camyn, , • 

Line 2258 Conestable del hos underlined in a later hand. 



3270 Cressewelt % Briket le fyn 
Et monp Richard Taunton 
Et Guilliam de ffelleton 
Et Willecok le Boteller 
Et Peuerelt qui ot coer fier 

2275 lohan Sandes home de renoun 
Et John Alein son compaignon 
Et puis apres Shakelt t Haulee 
Tout cil Peignoun sanz demoree 
fifeurent a Chaundos compaignon 

2280 Et mis p desoubz son peignon 

Apres feurent li Mareschalt % deuereux 
Qui feurent prodhomes i loialx 
Li vus fuist Estephen de Cosinton 
Qui moult estoit noble person 

2285 Et lautre le bon Guychard dangle 
Qui ne doit estre mis en langle 
Einz est bien droit qe home sen remorge 
Ouescj eux le peignon seint George 
Et moul dautre chiualrie 

2290 Auoient en lour compaignie 

Cressewell et Briket le fyn 2270 

Et monseignour Richard Taunton 

Et Guilliaume de ffelleton 

Et Willecok le Boteillier 

Et Peverell qui ot coer fier, 

Johan Sandes, home de renon, 2275 

Et Johan Alein, son compaignon, 

Puis apres Shakell et Haulee. 

Tout cil peignon, sanz demoree, 

ffeurent a Chandos compaignon, 

Et mis par desouz son peignon. 2280 

Apres feurent li Mareschal 

Qui feurent preudhome et loial : 

L' uns Estephene de Cosintone, 

Qui moult estoit noble persone, 

Et I'autres le bon Guychard d'Angle, 2285 

Qui ne doit estre mis en Tangle, 

Einz est bien droiz qu'on s'en remorge ; 

Avoec yaux le peignon seint George, 

Et moul d'autre chevalerie 

Avoient en lour compaignie. 


Coment lauant garde passa outre les port? 

portz I % la noumbre de x. Mill chiualx. 

oue graund peyne % duretee * les gentz 

se logerent dedeinz Nauarre. 

Seigniour ore vous ay deuisee 
Lauant garde % tout nomee 
Qui ne se sont pas alenty 
Mais passerent le lundy 

2295 Quatorsze iours en ffeuerer 
Mais puis qe dieux le droiter 
Suffri mort pur nous en la crois 
Ne fuist passage si estrois 
Car home veoit gentz t chiuaux 

2300 Qui moult y suffroient des maux 
f. 33' Trebbucher pmyla montaigne 

La ny auoit point de compaigne 
Li piere nattendoit lenfant 

Seigniour or vous ay devisee 
L'avant garde et toute nomee, 
Qui ne se sont pas alenty 
Mais passerent tout, le lundy, 
Quatorsze jours en feverier. 
Mais puis que Dieux le droiturier 
Soufifri mort pour nous en le crois, 
Ne fu passages si estrois ; 
Car on veoit genz et chevaux. 
Qui moult y souffroient des maux, 
Trebuchier parmy le montaigne. 
La n'y avoit point de compaigne ; 
Li pere n'attendoit I'enfant : 



Line 2281 deuereux underlinedin a later hand. 



La auoit froidure si grant 

La avoit froidure si grant 

3305 De Niege % de gielle auxi 

De neige et de gelee auxi 

Qe chescun estoit esbahy 

Que chescuns estoit esbahy ; 

Mais oues(5 la grace de dieu 

Mais avoec le grace de Dieu 

Tout passa en temps % en lieu 

Tout passa en tamps et en lieu, 

Bien .x. Milt Chiualx % pluis 

Bien x mille chevalx et plus, 

3310 Et les gentz qui furent desuis 

Et les genz qui furent desus ; 

Dedeinz Nauerre se logierent 

Dedenz Naverre se logierent. 

Et lendemain sappaille^nt 

Et I'endemain s'appareillierent 

Toutz ceux qui estoient sanz faille 

Tout cil, qui estoient, sanz faille. 

Oues(5 le Prince en sa bataille 

Avoec le Prince en sa bataille. 



Des seigniours qe furent oue le Pnce en sa 

bataille % dautres a la nombre de xx. MiH 

chiualx 1 coment ils passerent outre les portz 

% le Roy de Nauarre les conduist % amesnat. 

2315 Ore est bien droit qe vous nome 
De ses nobles Barons la some 
Tout primers li Prince % lui Roy 
Daun Petro qe bien nomer doy 
Et li Roy de Nauarre auxi 

2320 Cils troiz passerent sanz detri 
Mesf Lowyke de Harecourt 
Et monf Eustace Dabrichecourt 
Mesp Thomas de fifelleton 
Et de Pauteney le baron 

2325 Et toutz les ffreres de pomiers 

Qui moult estoient nobles Chiualers 
Et puis le seigniour de Clichon 
Et le bon seigniour de Curton 
Lui sire de la Waure y fui 

2330 Qui ot en li moult grant vertu 
Si fuist monp Robt de Knolles 
Qui neust mie trop des polles 
Lui Viscount de Rocheward 
Y fuist auxi | si dieux me gard 

2335 Et de Bourcier le droit seignour 
Et main bon chiualer donour 

Ore est bien droiz que je vous nome 
De ces nobles barons le some : 
Touz premiers le Prince et le Roy 
Dan Petro, que bien nomer doy, 
Et le Roy de Navarre auxi, — 
Cil trois passerent sanz detri — 
Monseignour Lowyk de Harcourt 
Et Eustace d'Abrichecourt, 
Monseignour Thomas de ffellton 
Et de Parteney le baron, 
Et touz les ffreres de Pomiers 
Qui estoient nobles chevaliers, 
Et puis le seigniour de Clichon 
Et le bon seigniour de Curton. 
Li sires de la Waure y fu. 
Qui ot en li moult grant vertu, 
S'i fu messires Roberz Knolles 
Qui n'eut mie trop de paroles ; 
Li visconte de Rocheward 
Y fu auxi, se Dieux me gart, 
Et de Bourcier li droit seignour 
Et main bon chevalier d'onour. 






Line 2312 sappaille^nt, re added in the margin. 

Line 2324 Pauteney, not clear : u might be a carelessly made rt. 

Line 2335 Bourcier underlined in a later hand. 



Et li Seneschal! daquitayne 
Qui estoit moult noble Capitaine 
f. 33" Cil de Paitoo % cil dauge mois 

2340 Cil de seint Onge a ceste foitz 
Cil de Peregos t de Cressyn 
Qui ot le coer hardi % fyn 
Et ce vous nomerai en coer 
Le grant Seneschal} de Pygor 

234s Ceux qe ie di feurent sanz faille 
Ouescj le Prince en sa bataille 
Et dautres bien quatre Milt 
Dount ie ne vous die pas lestilt 
Mais si dieux malegge mes maus 

2350 Bien feurent .xx. Milt chiualx 
Qui toutz passerent le Marsdi 
Et li Roy de Nauarre auxi 
Ouescj li Prince passa 
Et li conduist t lamesna 

2355 Outre le passage des portz 
Et dieux qui est misericors 
Consenti qils feurent passee 
Mais moul y suffrist de duretee 
A passer cest chose certeine 

2360 Lui noble Prince aquitaine 

Et li Seneschaux d'Aquitayne 
Qui estoit noble capitaine, 
Cil de Poitou, cil d'Angemois, 
Cil de Seintonge, a ceste fois, 
Cil de Pieregos et Cressyn, 
Qui ot le coer hardi et fyn, 
Et se vous nomerai encor 
Le grant seneschal de Pygor : 
Cil que je di feurent, sanz faille, 
Avoec le Prince en sa bataille, 
Et d'autres bien quatre mille, 
Dont je ne vous di pas I'estille ; 
Mais, se Dieux m'aliegge mes maus, 
Bien feurent xx mille chevalx 
Qui tout passerent le marsdi ; 
Et li Roys de Navarre auxi 
Avoecques le Prince passa, 
Et Ie conduist et I'amena 
Outre le passage des porz. 
Et Dieux, qui est misericors, 
Consenti qu'il feurent passe. 
Mais moult y souffri de durte 
A passer, c'est chose certaine, 
Li nobks Princes d'Aquitaine. 



Coment le Roy Maiogre le Counte 
Darminak t plusours altres yaillantz 
Seigniours % chiualers estoient en la re- 
regard % passerent outre le 
paas % se logerent en la 
Conke de Pampilon. 

Le Meskerdy si dieux me garde 
Passa auxi la rerSgarde 
De Maiogre lui noble Roys 
Et li vaillant Counte Curtoys 

2365 Darminak qi tant fuist gentils 
Berart de la Bret li hardis 
Et de Muscyden li seigniour 
Et des autres Chiualers donour 
Dont noblez estoit li renons 

2370 Et si auoit dautres peignons 

Le meskerdy, se Dieux me garde, 
Passa auxi I'arieregarde : 
De Maiogre li nobles Roys, 
Et li vaillanz conte courtoys 
D'Arminak qui tant fu gentils, 
Berarz de Labret, li hardis, 
Et de Muscyden li seigniour, * 
Et d'autres chevaliers d'onour 
Dont noblez estoit li renons ; 
Et si avoit d'autres peignons 








Mesp Bertrukat de la Bret 
Et auxi saches du fet 
Qe la fuist lui Bourt de Bertuls 
Et le Bourt camus dont les fees 
f. 34' le ne vpise pas entreoubleant 

2376 Si fuist Nandous de Baigerant 
Bernard de la Sale t lamy 
Toutz ceux estoient sanz nuli sy 
En la reregarde ordeignee 

2380 Et passerent pur verite 
Le Mescerdi outre le paas 
Ore ne vous menteray ie pas 
En la conke de Pampiloii 
Se logea cest gent chescun 

2385 La trouerent % vin t payn 

Tant qe" toutz enestoient playn 

Sire Bertrukaz de Labret ; 

Et auxi bien sachiez de fet 

Que la fu li Bourz de Bertues 

Et li Bourz Camus, dont les fes 

Je ne vols pas entr'oubliant ; 2375 

S'i fu Naudons de Baigerant, 

Bernarz de la Sale et Lamy : 

Tout cil estoient, sanz nul sy, 

En I'ariere garde ordene 

Et passerent, pour verite, 2380 

Le mescerdi outre le pas. 

Or ne vous menteray je pas. 

En le conke de Pampilune 

Se logea ceste gent chescune ; 

La troverent et vin et payn 2385 

Tant que tout en estoient playn. 

Coment en apres passerent le f^ de la 

Bret % le Captal oue ii. Centz combatantz 

% ly boost fuist contre ensemble t le 

Bastard Henf en eust nouelles. 

Apres sanz longe demoere 
De la Bret li noble seignioure 
Ouescp le noble Captal 

2390 Qui ot le coer pru i loial 
Chescun a CC. combatantz 
Des gentz darmes preus % vaillantz 
Ore fuist ly boost contre ensemble 
La npuelle ent fuist aportee 

2395 A Henri le Bastard despaigne 
Qui estoit li % sa compaigne 
A seint Domique logiez 
Ore ne fuist pas trop esmaiez 
Mais p le conseil qil auoit 

2400 Sest auisez qil manderoit 
Au Prince vn Ire tantostz 
II le fist endisant ces motz 

Apres passa, sanz lone demour, 

De Labret, li nobles seigniour, 

Avoecque le noble Captal 

Qui ot le coer preu et loial, 2390 

Chescuns a .CC. combatanz, 

Des genz d'armes preus et vaillanz. 

Or fu I'hos toute rassamblee. 

La novelle en fu aportee 

A Henri le Bastart d'Espaigne, 2395 

Qui estoit, li et sa compaigne, 

A Seint Dominique logiez. 

Or ne fu pas trop esmaiez, 

Mais par le conseil qu'il avoit 

S'est avisez qu'il manderoit 24°° 

Au Prince une lettre tantos. 

II le fist en disant ces moz 

Coment le Bastard Henf enuoia sez Ires 
au Prince pur sauoir qelle part il 




voilleit entrer en Espaigne % qil lui serroit 
a deuaunt pur ly doner la bataille. 

En la Ire come vous orrez 
A trespuissant % honez 

2405 Et noble Prince Daquitayne 
Chier sire ceste chose certeine 
Come nous a vous entendu 
Qe vous t voz gentz sont venu 
f.34^ Et passez p decea les portz 

2410 Et que vous aues fait acordz 
Et estez alliez aui 
Oues(5 le iTre enemy 
Dont nous donons grant merueille 
le ne say qui le vous conseille 

2415 Car vnqes rien ne vous mes fis 
Ne enuers vous rien ne mespris 
Pur quoy vous nous deussez heier 
Ne que vous nous deussez toller 
Tant poy qe dieux nous ad prestee 

2420 De terre p sa voluntee 

Mais pur ce qe nous sauons bien 
Quil niad seigniour terrien 
En cest monde ne creature 
Qui dieux ait donee auenture 

2425 Tant en armes come il ad a vous 
Et bien sauons qe vous % tons 
Les vres acquerez sanz faille 
fforscj pur auoir la bataille 
Vous proms amiablement 

2430 Qe vous nous voillez soulement 
Lesser sauoir p quelle partie 
Entrerez en fire seigniourie 
Et nous vous auons en couenant 
Qe nous vous serrom a deuant 

2435 Pur vous batailler del iuerer 
Lors fist ses Ires sealler 
Et les tramist p son heraud 
Qui chimina sanz null defaut 

En le lettre, com vous orrez : 
'Trespuissanz et tres honorez 
Et nobles Princes d'Aquitayne ! 
Chiers sire, c'est chose certeine, 
Come nous avons entendu, 
Que vous et voz genz sont venu 
Et passe par decea les porz, 
Et que vous aves fait acorz 
Et estez alliez auxi 
Avoecques le nostre enemy, 
Dont nous avons grande merveille. 
Je ne say qui le vous conseille. 
Car onques rien ne vous mesfis, 
Ne envers vous rien ne mespris 
Pour quoi vous nous doiiez hair, 
Ne que vous nous doiiez tolir 
Tant poy que Dieux nous a preste 
De terre par sa volente : 
Mais pour ce que nous savons bien 
Qu'il n'i a seigniour terrilen 
En cest monde ne creature, 
Qui Dieux ait donee aventure 
Tante en armes, come a a vous, 
Et bien savons que vous et tous 
Les vostres ne qucrez, sanz faille, 
ffors que pour avoir le bataille, 
Vous prions amiablement 
Que vous nous veuilliez soulement 
Lessier savoir par quel partie 
Entrerez en no seigniourie, 
Et nous vous avons en couvant 
Que nous vous serons au devant 
Pour vous bataille delivrer.' 
Lors fist ses lettres saieler 
Et les tramist par son heraut. 
Qui chemina sanz nul defaut 








Line 2420 sa, \ first written, hit corrected to s. 
Line 2422 terrien, i omitted and superscript. 



Tant come il le Prince troua 
2440 Tantost les Ires lui bailla 

Tant come il le Prince trova : 
Taritost les lettres lui bailla. 


f. as' 

Coment le prince receust les Ifes du 

Bastard % les moustra au Roy Petre % a 

sez Barons t ad appelle son conseil ^ estre 

auisez de la response de meismez les Ifes | % 

a ceo temps monf Thomas de ffelton demanda 

conge du Pnce pur aler espier loost du Bastard 

% auoit conge | % adonqes : sen chiuacha pmy 

Nauarre oue certeins chiualers esquiers t 

archiers | i passerent la Ryuere au Groygun 

% se logierent a Naueret t en le meisme temp 

le Roy de Nauarre fust pris p traison i 

monp Martyn de la Carre fuist fait gouernour 

du pais de Nauarre % sen ala countrer 

nouel au Prince de la prise du Roy de 

Nauarre % ly supplia a garder % gouerner 

la pais I % le Prince graunta de luy aider 

1 adonqes comaunda le Pnce qe loost se 

deust apparailer pur departer lendemain 

% lors passa loost le paas de Sarrys % 

chimina pmy Espuske iesqes a saue tre. 

Et li Prince si dieux manoie 
ffist de la li^ moult grant ioie 
Et la moustra a ses barons 
Et lour deuisa les raisons 

2445 La fuist li Roy Petro mandez 
Et tout le conseilt appellez 
Pur la response conseiller 
Coment le purroit renvoier 
Et respondre p deuers lui 

J4S0 Mais en ce temps qe ie vous di 
Monp Thomas de fifelleton 
Au Prince demanda vn doun 
Qil li plujst soulement 
De li grantier tout primerment 

Et li Princes, se Dieux m'avoie, 
ffist de le lettre moult grant joie 
Et le moustra a ses barons 
Et lour devisa les raisons. 
Lor fu li Roys Petro mandez 
Et tous li consiaux appellez 
Pour le response conseillier, 
Coment le pourroit renvoier 
Et respondre par devers li. 
Mais en ce tamps que je vous di 
Sire Thomas de ffelleton 
Au Prince demanda un don, 
Que il li pleiist soulement 
Li granter tout premierement 



Line 2453 pluist, marginal correction e. 



2455 Qil poist aler chiuacher 
Pur aler lour hoost espier 
Et li Prince lui accorda 
Et adonqes Thomas appella 
Les compaignons sachez pur voir 

2460 A tantz come il voillent auoir 
Thomas Dufford % ffelleton 
Guilliam qui ot coer de lyon 
Hugh de Stafford 1 Knolles 
Y feurent a curtois polles 

2465 Et la suruient a lassemblee 
Monp Simond de Burelee 
Bien feurent sicome iay oy dire 
Oept vintz lances sanz contredire 
Et si feurent .CCC. archiere 

2470 Lors se pristrent a chiuachere 
Pmy Nauarre iour % nuyt 
Guydes auoient t conduyt 
f. 35' A Groigu passerent la Riuere 
Dont leawe fuist radde t fiere 

245-s Et se logierent a Naueret 
Pur entendre % oier du feit 
Cement lour hoost se gouernoit 
En trewes qe la se fesoit 
ffuist li Roy de Nauarre pris 

2480 Par traison dont esbahis 

ffuist li Prince i ses consiaux 
Ore fuist Gouernour % Baus 
De tout la pais de Nauarre 
Mon^ Martyn de la Carre 

2485 Par le conseil de la Roygne 

Qe de toutz biens auoir est digne 
Vient au Prince | si li counta 
La prise ensement quele va 
Et li supplia a gardir 

2490 La pais % la gouernir 

Le Prince grant meruaile en ot 
Quant il oy de mot en mot 
Et respondi de bon guyse 

Qu'il peuist aler chevauchier 2455 

Pour aler lour host espier ; 

Et li Princes lui accorda. 

Et adonc Thomas appella 

Les compaignons, sachiez pour voir, 

Autant come il voloit avoir. 2460 

Thomas d'Ufford et ffelleton, 

Guilliaumes, o coer de lyon, 

Hughes de Stafford et Kanolles 

Y feurent, a courtes paroles ; 

Et la sourvint a I'assamblee 2465 

Messire Simon de Burlee. 

Bien feurent, sicom j'oy dire, 

Oet vint lances, sanz contredire, 

Et s'i feurent .ccc. archier. 

Lors se prisent a chevauchier 2470 

Parmy Navarre, jour et nuyt ; 

Guydes avoient et conduyt. 

Au Groign passerent le riviere, 

Dont I'eawe fu et rade et fiere, 

Et se logeoient a Naveret, 2475 

Pour entendre et o'l'r du fet, 

Coment lour hos se governoit. 

Entreus que ce la se fesoit, 

ffu li Roys de Navarre pris 

Par traison, dont esbahis 2480 

ffu li Princes et ses consiaux. 

Or fu governeres et baus 

De tout le pais de Navarre 

Messire Martyns de la Carre. 

Par le conseil de le Reine, . ,1 2485 

Qui de touz biens avoir est digne, 

Vint au Prince, si li conta ,, 

Le prise ensement qu'ele va, 

Et li supplia a garder 

Le pals et le governer. f 2490 

Li Princes grant mervaille en ot ■ 

Quant il oy de mot en mot, , 

Et respondi de bone guyse : 

Lm£ 2485 Roygne, marginal correction e. 



le sui moult dolantz de la prise 

2495 Ore ne le puisse pas reauoir 

Mais vous sauez bien tout pur voir 
Trestout les meultz qe ie puisse faire 
Cest qe me parte de sa terre 
Sibien mavint | ce serra pur luy 

3500 Si dieu plest a tant qe pur moy 
le ne sai pluis quel conseiUer 
Lors comanda a apparailler 
Loost pur partir le grant matyn 
Dont pria monp Martyn 

2505 Qil li feisist guydes auoir 
Et il le fist sachez pur voir 
Lors passa le paas de Sarris 
Qui mult fuist estroitz % petitz 
Moult y soeffri li boost de payne 

2510 Et puis ceste chose bien certaine 
Pmy Espuke chiniina 
Mais poi de vieures y troua 
Pur son boost tout pmy la terre 
Tant qil vint en sauue terre 

' Je sui moult dolanz de le prise. 
Ore ne le puis pas ravoir, 
Mais vous savez bien, tout pour voir, 
Trestout le mieulz que puisse faire 
Cest que me parte de sa terre. 
Se bien m'avient, sera pour ly, 
Se Dieu plest, autant que pour my. 
Je ne sai plus quoi conseillier,' 
Lors comanda a appareillier 
L'ost pour partir le grant matyn. 
Dont pria monseignour Martyn 
Qu'il li fesist guydes avoir ; 
Et il le fist, sachiez pour voir. 
Lors passa le pas de Sarris 
Qui moult fu estroiz et petiz — 
Moult y souffri li os de payne — 
Et puis, c'est chose bien certaine, 
Parmy Espuke chemina ; 
Mais poi de vivres y trova 
Pour son ost tout par my le terre, 
Tant que il vint en Sauveterre. 


f. 36' 

Coment le Prince oue son hoost est venuz en 

Espaigne % se logea es villages pres de sauue 

terre % quidoit auoir assaille la ville. 

mais se rendirent au Roy Petre | t illoeqes 

soiouma le Prince vi. iours % sez gentz feuret 

a Naueret | t espioient lost du Bastard % 

prierent le chiualer du gaite de meisme lost 

le quel fust prisoner a monf Simonde de 

Burelee | t altres deux ou trois furent 

pris queux lour disoient la veritee 

del hoost du Bastarde t eux ent 

manderent nouels au noble Prince. 



2515 Ore fiiist loost venuz en Espaigne 
Qui lespandi p la champaigne 
Pres de sauue terre es villages 
. Se logea lui noble baronages 
La ville quidoit assailler 

Or fu I'os venue en Espaigne, 
Qui s'espandi par le champaigne. 
Pres de Sauveterre es villages 
Se logea li nobles barnages ; 
Le ville quidoit assaillir, 

2.5' 5 



252° Mais bien sachez sanz alenter 

Qe au Roy daun Petro se rendirent 
Touz aux tost li choiserent 
Illoeqes soiourna .vi. iours 
Lui Prince oue pais entours 

2525 Entre ce iour % ce temps 
A Naueret feurent ses gents 
Qe bien sauoient hors chiuachoient 
Et loost du Bastard espioient 
Tant qil auient qe sur lour gait 

2530 Vn noet emprissent lour fait 
Tout a chiual en eux sefrirent 
Et le Chiualer de gait prirent 
Et des autres ou deux ou trois 
Lors prist a leuer lui esfrois 

2535 A monp Simond de Burelee 
ffuist prisoner celle iournee 
Le Chiualer qe ie vous di 
Lors se reuiendrent sanz detri 
A Nauaret ou se logeoient 

2540 Et p les prisoners qils auoient 
Sorent del boost la veritee 
Et erranment lout au Prince mande 

Mais bien sachiez, sanz alentir, 
Qu'au Roy dan Petro se rendirent 
Tout auxi tost que le choisirent. 
Illoecques sejourna vi jours 
Li Princes, ou paifs entours ; 
Et entre ce jour et ce temps 
A Naveret feurent ses gens, 
Qui bien sovent hors chevauchoient 
Et I'ost du Bastart espioient, 
Tant qu'il avint que sur lour gait 
Une noet emprissent lour fait : 
Tout a cheval en yaux se frirent 
Et le chevalier de gait prirent 
Et des autres ou deux ou trois. 
Lors prist a lever li esfrois. 
A monsiour Simon de Burlee 
ffu prisoniers celle journee 
Li chevaliers que je vous di. 
Lors se revinrent sanz detri 
A Navaret ou se logeoient, 
Et par les prisoniers qu'avoient 
Sorent del host le verite. 
Erraument au Prince ont mande. 



f. 36' 

Coment le Bastarde se deslogea i si vient 
encontre le Prince <h Thomas de ffelton 
t sez compaignouns se deslogierent de 

Nauereit % chiuacherent deuant lost 

du Bastarde pur espier pluis iustement 

de lour fait | * venoient deuaunt Vitoire 

t ent enuoierent noueUes au Prince t 

le Prince vint deuaunt Vitoire | t le 

Bastarde auxi vint | t se logea de lautre 

lees de la montaigne | t le Prince est 

venuz sur les champs | t illoeqes troua 

sez chiualers t lour fist moult bon chier. 

Et le Bastard sot dautre part 
Les nouelles de lautre part 
2545 Et dist qil se deslogeroit 

Et qe a lencontre lour viendroit 

Et li Bastarz sot d'autre part 
Les novelles de I'autre part, 
Et dist qu'il se deslogeroit 
Et qu'a I'encontre lour venroit. 







Et quant Thoma de ffelleton 
Le sot % tut son compaignon 
De Naueret se deslogierent 

2550 Toutz iours deuant loost chiuachirent 
Pur reportier plus iustement 
Les nouelles certeinement 
Tant firent de lors demoeree 
Qe les Espaniards sount passe 

2555 Et bien auoient en memoire 
Qils vindroient deuant Vitoire 
Au lees p decea la montaigne 
Deuant Vitoire sur la plain 
Sire Thomas de ffelleton 

2560 Se logea % son compaignon 
Au Prince manderent la fait 
Tout ensi qils auoient fait 
Quant li Prince ad entendu 
La chose tout ensi come el fu 

2565 Coment le Bastard vient tut droit 
A luy I qui combatre voilloit 
Lors dist si me aide Ihu Cris 
Moult pest cils Bastard hardys 
Aloms vers li seigniour pur dieu 

2570 Deuant Vitoire prendre lieu 
Lendemain vient deuant Vitoire 
La nestoit pas veus en core 
Lui Bastard ains fuist sur la playne 
De lautre lees de la mountayne 
f. 3T Quant li prince fuist sur les champs 

2576 Qui moult estoit prus % vaillantz 
Illoeqes troua ses chiualers 
Moult les ad veu voluntiers 
Et si lour dist beux seigniours duse 

2580 Plus de Cent foitz bien veignez vous 

Et quant Thomas de ffelleton 

Le sot et tout si compaignon, 

De Naveret se deslogierent. 

Touz jours devant I'ost chevauchierent 2550 

Pour raporter plus justement 

Les novelles certeinement. 

Tant furent dela demoure 

Que li Espaignai-t sont passe 

Et bien avoient en memore 2555 

Qu'il venroient devant Vitore, 

Au les par decea le montaigne. 

Devant Vitoire sur le plaine, 

Sire Thomas de ffelleton 

Se logea et si compaignon. 2560 

Au Prince manderent le fait 

Tout ensi qu'il avoient fait. 

Quant li Princes a entendu 

Le chose, tout ensi com fu, 

Coment li Bastarz vient tout droit 2565 

A luy, qui combatre voloit, 

Lors dist : ' Si m'aide Jesus Cris, 

Moult par est cils Bastarz hardys. 

Alons vers li, seigniour, pour Dieu, 

Devant Vitoire prendre lieu.' 2570 

L'endemain vint devant Vitore, 

La n'estoit pas veiis encore 

Li Bastarz, ains fu sur le playne 

De I'autre les de le montaigne. 

Quant li Princes fu sur les camps, 2575 

Qui moult estoit preus et vaillanz, 

Illoec trova ses chevaliers ; 

Moult les a veijz volentiers, 

Et se lour dist : ' Biaux seigniours dous, 

Plus de cent fois bien veigniez vous.' 2580 

Coment les courrours du Prince courroient 

% reporterent" le fait des enemis % le 

Prince fist sez gentz rangier % ordeigner 

sez batailles % fist les ordeigner pur 

Une 2556 Vitoire, ike second i omitted and stiperscript. 
Line 2561 la, marginal correction e. 



les baniers esploiter t plusours seigniours 
% altres feurent faitz chiualers. 

Ensement come ils se deuisoient 
Les courreurs p les champs croient 
Deuers le Prince resporterent 

25S5 Les courreurs des enemys 
Anoient veu ce lour fuist auis 
Adonqes est li hoost esmeue 
Et trestout li hoost venue 
A larme y oist home criere 

2.S90 Li Prince fist ses gentz rengiere 
Et ses batailles ordeignier 
La se poot home regarder 
Cil qi rien ne countoit dedure 
Car home y pooit veoir I'elure 

2595 Or I fyn | asure % argent 
Et goules % sable ensement 
Synnoble t purpre % hermyne 
La eust maint banier fyne 
De soie % de sendal auxi 

2600 Car puis le temps qe ie vous dy 
Si tresnoble chose a veoir 
Ne fuist a recorder le voir 
La fuist lauantgarde ordeigne 
Tresnoblement a eel iourne 

2605 La veist home chiualers faire 
Des esquiers de noble affaire 
Le Roy Daun Petro Chiualer 
ffist le Prince trestut primer 
Et Thomas de Holand apres 

2610 Qui defaire armes estoit pres 
Et puis Huon de Courtenay 
f. 37' Philipp t Peron qe bien say 
Johan Triuet Nicolas Bonde 
Et li dues oue toutz biens abonde 

2615 ffist Chiualer Raoul Cammois 
Qui fuist beux en faitz % curtois 
Et Gautier Vrsewik auxi 
Et puis Thomas Dauvirmetri 

Line 2584, fio blank space in the MS.; 

Come ensement se devisoient 

Li coureur par les champs couroient, 

Deuers le Prince raporterent 

Les coureeurs des enemys 2585 

Avoient veiiz, ce lour fu vis. 
Adonc est li hos esmeiie 
Et trestoute li hos venue. 
' A I'arme ! ' y oist on crier. 
Li Princes fist ses genz rengier 2590 

Et ses batailles ordener. 
La se pot on au regarder — 
Cils qui rien n'i contoit — dedure, 
Car on y pooit veoir relure 
Or fyn et asur et argent 2595 

Et goules et sable ensement, 
Synnoble et pourpre et hermyne ; 
La eut mainte baniere fyne 
De soie et de sendal auxi, 
Car, puis le tamps que je vous dy, 2600 

Si tres noble chose a veoir 
Ne fu, a recorder le voir ; 
La fu I'avantgarde ordenee 
Tres noblement cele journee ; 
La velst on chevaliers faire 2605 

Des escuiers de noble affaire. 
Le Roy dan Petro, chevalier, 
ffist li Princes trestout premier, 
Et Thomas de Holande apres. 
Qui de faire armes estoit pres, 2610 

Et puis Huon de Courtenay, 
Philippe et Peron, que bien say, 
Johan Trivet, Nicolas Bonde ; 
Et li dues, ou touz biens abonde, 
fifist chevalier Raoul Cammois, 2615 

Qui fu biaux en faiz et courtois, 
Et Gautier Ursewik auxi, 
Et puis Thomas d'Auvirmetri 
at line 2585 is a marginal note: defic. hie. 



Monf lohan de Grendon 
2620 La eustst XI L ou enuiron 
Ly noble dues % redoutez 
Qui bien doit estre renomez 
Et bien sachez tut entre fait 
La eust maint bon Chiualer fait 
2625 Dount ie nesay les nouns nosmer 
Mais a ceo qe iay oi countier 
Ly Prince ouescp ses gentz 
Enfist ce iour plus de deux Cents 

Et monseignour Johan de Grendon. 

La en fist xii. ou environ 

Ly nobles dues et redoutez, 

Qui bien doit estre renomez. 

Et bien sachiez, tout entresait, 

La eut maint bon chevalier fait 

Dont je ne say le non nomer ; 

Mais a ee que j'ol conter, 

Ly Princes avoecques ses genz 

En fist ce jour plus de deux cenz. 

Coment loost du noble Prince fuist 

rengie en attendant la bataille | 

tnais ne pleust a deu qe les enemys 

venissent mye celle iour | ca le rere- 

garde del hoost du dit Prince fuist 

derere p vii . leuges du pais | % a vespres 

loost du dit Prince se logea ] % fuist 

criez qe lendemain touz se retoumerent 

a ceste playne | % qe chescune sroit s sa garde. 

A quoi fair vous mentiroie 

2630 Et la matiere alongeroie 
Rengiez feurent la tout iour 
Et prest pur attendre lestour 
Mais ne plust pas au filtz marie 
Qe cely iour venissent mye 

2635 Les enemys | car p seint piere 
La reregarde fuist derere 
Pluis de vii leuges du pais 
Dount lui Prince fuist mtt maris 
A vespres salarent logier 

2640 Adonqes fist le Prince crier 
Qe chescun droit en cely playn 
Retournast droit a lendemain 
Et null se passast lauant garde 
Et qe chescun fuist sur son garde 
f. 38' Et se logeast oue sa baniere 

2646 Mais p la foi qe ie doi a seint piere 

A quoi faire vous mentiroie 
Et le matere alongeroie ? 
Rengie feurent la tout jour 
Et prest pour attendre I'estour ; 
Mais ne pleut pas au filz Marie 
Que cely jour venissent mye 
Li enemy, ear, par seint Piere, 
L'arieregarde fu deriere 
Plus de vii lieuwes du pais : 
Dont li Princes fu moult maris. 
A vespres s'alarent logier. 
Adone fist li Princes crier 
Que chescuns, droit en cely playn, 
Retournast, droit a I'endemain, 
Et nuls ne passast I'avant garde, 
Et que chescuns fust sur sa garde 
Et se logeast ou sa baniere ; 
Mais, par le foi que doi seint Piere, 


Lines 2643 and 2644 are transposed in the MS. 









Mon^ Thomas de ffelleton 

Sire Thomas de fifelleton 

Et Gwilliam son compaignon 

Et Guilliaumes ses compaignon 

Plus de II leuges du pais 

Plus de ii lieuwes du pais 

3650 Senala logier moy fuist auis 

Sen ala logier, moy fu vis. 


Co merit le Counte Dantille frere au 

Bastard demanda conge de chiuacher pur 

espier % reporter le fait del hoost du Prince 

le quel auoit conge % sen chiuacha sur celle 

fait % plusours seigniours t autres a le 

noumbre de vj • Milt • en sa compaignie. 

Ore est bien temps qe ie vous counte 
De Dantille le noble Counte 
Qui appella disant ensi 
Son frere le Bastard henri 

3655 Sire fit il ore mescoutez 

II est bien voir come vous sauez 
Tout de verray qe nre enemy 
Sont logez assez pres de cy 
Et pur ytant si vous voilliez 

2660 Et le conge vous men dourez 
Le matinent chiuacheray 
Et le verray vous reporteray 
Des enemis coment ils font 
Ly Bastard errantz li respont 

2665 Qe a ceo faire bien sacordoit 
Et qen sa compaignie irroit 
Saulez lequel estoit son frere 
Et si irroit cest chose clere 
Dodenhem le bon marchalt 

2670 A ■ vi • mitt homes a chiuati 
Serroit fait la Chiuachie 
Ensi fuist la chose establie 
Mesp Bartrem yfuist alez 
De Claykyn mais armez 

2675 Estoit celi iour ce dist horn 
Car tout droit venoit Daragon 
Ensi fuist compris lour atres 
Durement manacent les Engleis 

Ore est bien tamps que je vous conte 

De dan Title, le noble conte, 

Qui appella, disant ensi, 

Son frere le Bastart Henri : 

' Sire,' fit il, ' or m'escoutez. 2655 

II est bien voir, com vous savez 

Tout de vray, que nostre enemy 

Sont logic assez pres de cy, 

Et pour ytant, se vous volez, 

Et le congie vous m'en donez, 2660 

Le matinet chevaucheray 

Et le vrai vous raporteray 

Des enemis, coment il font.' 

Ly Bastarz errant li respont 

Qu'a ce faire bien s'acordoit 2665 

Et qu'en sa compaignie iroit 

Sanses, liqueux estoit ses frere, 

Et si iroit, c'est chose clere, 

D'Odenhem, le bon mareschal. 

A .vi. mille homes a cheval 2670 

Seroit faite le chevauchle : 

Ensi fu le chose establie. 

Sire Bartrems y fust alez, 

De Clayekyn ; miis arivez 

Estoit celi jour, ce dist on, 2675 

Car tout droit venoit d'Aragon. 

Ensi fu compris lour atres. 

Durement manacent Engleis, 



Dlsantz qe p lour grant outrage 
2680 Les ferroient morir a hountage 

f. 38» 

Disant que par lour grant outrage 
Les feroient morir a hontage. 


Cotnent le Counte Dantilles oue sez gents 

sen est approches al hoost du Prince % 

primerment encontra a monf Hugh de 

Caluelee % fist gnt damage as englois | t 

eussement fortement suppris.lauant garde 

si neust estee li noble due de Lancastre. 

Ore voille dieux eider le droit 
Et li Prince logiez estoit 
Deuant Vitoire t Enuiron 
Ne auoit borde ne maison 

2685 Qe tout ne fuist de sa gent plaine 
Mais ce est bien chose certeine 
Le Prince ne se gardoit mie 
Lendemain de la chiuachie 
Qe Dantilles li apprestoit 

2690 Car sachez qe pas ne dormoit 
A la my noet se leua 
Le pluis grant chimyn chiuacha 
Tut droit contremont la montaigne 
Tant qil amesna sa compaigne 

2695 Tut contrevale vn vallee 
Primer Huon de Caluelee 
Encontra | qi se deslogeoit 
Qui deuers le Prince venoit 
Ses somers 1 son coriage 

2700 ffirent les courreurs gnt damage 
Dont monta la noise t li cries 
Et les courreurs p les logiez 
Courroien aval % a mont 
En lour litz maintz tuez sont 

2705 La eust estee si dieux me garde 
iifortment supprise lauant garde 
Si neust estee li fifranks dues 
De Lancastre plein des vertuz 
Car si tost qil oy le cry 

2710 Hors de son logement sailly 
Et prist pas sur la montaigne 

Or voeille Dieux eidier le droit ! 
Et li Princes logiez estoit 
Devant Vitoire ; et environ 
N'y avoit borde ne maison 
Que tout ne fust de sa gent plaine. 
Mais, ce est bien chose certeine, 
Li Princes ne se gardoit mie 
L'endemain de le chevauchie 
Que dans Tilles li apprestoit ; 
Car sachiez que pas ne dormoit, 
A le mye noet se leva, 
Le plus grant chemyn chevaucha 
Tout droit contremont le montaigne, 
Tant qu'il amena sa compaigne 
Tout contreval une vallee. 
Premiers Huon de Calvelee 
Encontra, qui se deslogeoit, 
Qui devers le Prince venoit. 
Ses somiers et son cariage 
ffirent li coureur grant damage, 
Dont monta le noise et li cris ; 
Et li coureur par les logiz 
Couroient aval et amont ; 
Enz en lour liz maint tue sont. 
La eust este, se Dieux me garde, 
ffortment souprise I'avantgarde, 
Se n'eulst este li frans dues 
De Lancastre, pleins de vertuz ; 
Car si tost qu'il oy le cry, 
Hors de son logement sailly 
Et prist pas desur le montaigne. 







Lme 3702 courreurs, r before s omitted and stiperscript. 



La se relia sa compaigne 

Et toutz les autres qe meulz t meulz 

Et si dist home si meide dieux 

2715 Qe Espainardz se quidoient prendre 
Celle montaigne a voir entendre 
f. 39' Mais au due t a sa banier 
Sasemblerent a lye chier 
Toutz les baniers del hoos 

2720 La venoient le Prince % Chaundos 
Et la fuist lui boost ordeignee 
La veissez sanz demoeree 
Les courreurs rebater p force 
Chescun de bien faire senforce 

La se ralia sa compaigne 
Et tout li autre, que mieulz mieulz ; 
Et se dist on, se m'eide Dieux, 
Qu'Espaignart se quidoient prendre 
Celle montaigne, au voir entendre ; 
Mais au due et a sa baniere 
S'asamblerent a lye chiere 
Toutes les banieres del hos. 
La vint li Princes et Chandos 
Et la fu li hos ordenee ; 
La veissiez sanz demoeree 
Les coureurs rebatre par force. 
Chescuns de bien faire s'esforce. 



Coment le gnt bataille de Espaignardes 

cheuecha t encontrerent ffelton % plusours 

chiualers % altres esteantz sur vne mountaigne 

t monf Guillers de ffelton se fry entre les 

enemys come chiualer corageous | % si occist 

moult chiualrousement vn Espaignard t 

si combatist moult vaillantment | % les 

enemys iettoient launces t dartes tant 

qils tuerent son chiual desouth ly | % au 

derrein le tresnoble chiualer fuist occis. 

2725 Lors chiuacha le grant bataille 
Des Espaignardz sachez sanz faille 
Si ont encontrez ffelleton 
Et monp Richard Taunton 
Degory says Raoul de Hastynges 

2730 Qi la mort ne counte a ij. gynges 
Et monp Gaillard Beguer 
Et maint bon vaillant Chiualer 
Bien estoient Cent combatantz 
Ensemble quel petitz quel §ntz 

2735 Sur vne petit montaigne 
La aJlierent lour compaigne 
Mais monp Guillers H prus 
Moult hardis % moult corageus 
Se fri entre les enemys 

Lors chevaucha le grant bataille 2725 

Des Espaignarz, sachiez sanz faille ; 

Si ont encontre ffelleton 

Et monseignour Richard Taunton, 

Degorysays, Raoul de Hastynges 

Qui le mort ne conte a ii guignes, 2730 

Et monseignour Gaillard Beguer 

Et maint bon, vaillant chevalier : 

Bien estoient cent combatant 

Ensamble, que petit que grant. 

Sur une petite montaigne 3735 

La rallierent lour compaigne ; 

Mais sire Guilliaumes, li preus. 

Moult hardis et moult corageus, 

Se fri entre les enemys 


2740 Come home sanz sens t sanz auis 
A Chiuatt la lance baissie 
Amont sur la trage florie 
Vn Espaignard ala ferir 
Qe tout p my le coer sentier 

3745 Lui fist le feer trenchant dascier 
I us a la terre tresbuschier 
Le fist venant tut la gent 
Come home plein de grant hardiement 
f. £0' Lors curroit sus traite lespee 

3750 Et Castillains p lour poestee 
Lui suirent sur les tutes parz 
Et li iettoient launces % dartz 
Son chiual ont desoubz li mort 
Mais a pee se defendoit fort 

2755 Come home qui ot coer de lion 
Monp Guilles de ffeltoii 
Mais sa defence poy vailly 
Car mort fuist dieux en eit mercy 

Com hom sanz sens et sanz avis, 2740 

A cheval, le lance baissie. 

Amont sur le targe florie 

Un Espaignart ala ferir, 

Que tout par my le coer sentir 

Lui fist le fier trenchant d'acier ; 2745 

Jus a le terre tresbuchier 

Le fist, veiant toute le gent. 

Come hom plains de grant hardement 

Lor couroit sus, I'espee traite, 

Et Castillain par lour poeste 275° 

Le suirent sur toutes parz, 

Et li jettoient lances et darz. 

Son cheval ont desoubz li mort ; 

Mais a pie se defendoit fort. 

Come hom qui ot coer de lion, 2755 

Sire Guilliaumes de ffelton ; 

Mais sa defense poy valli. 

Car morz fu : Dieux en eit mercy ! 

Coment les Espaignardes entoure le nombre 

de vi. Mill assaillerent moult fortement les 

englois qe ne furent mye a le noumbre de C. 

esteauntz sur vne mountaigne | t les englois 

combatoient moult noblement 

Mais au derrein per graund 

force ils furent pris t amesnez 

deuers le Bastarde Henry. 

Et li autre ensamble se mirent 

Sur une montaigne qu'il prirent ; 2760 

La lour fesoient maint estour 

Li Espaignart, qui sanz sejour 

Moult durement les assailloient 

Et lances et dars lour lanchoient 

Et fors archigais esmeluz. 2765 

Et cil qui moult eurent vertus, 

Come genz de hardi corage. 

Lour moustroient lour vasselage ; 

Car plus de cent fois cell jour 

S'avalerent, sanz nul sejour, 2770 

Les glaives trenchans en lour mains, 

Et les autres ensemble se mirent 
2760 Sur vn montaigne qils prirent 
La lour fesoient maint estour 
Les Espaignardz qe sanz soiour 
Mult durement les assailloient 
Et lances % dartes lour lachoient 
2765 Et fors Archigais esmelluz 
Et cils qui mult eurent vertus 
Come gent de Hardi corage 
Lour moustroient lour vesselage 
Car pluis de Cent foitz cell iour 
2770 Saualerent sanz null soiour 

Les glaiues trenchantes en lour mains 



Et p fors soiez certeins 

Et par force, soiez certeins, 

lis les fesoient reculer 

11 les fesoient reculer ; 

Ne ia ne les poist greuer 

Ne ja ne les peussent grever 

277s Li Castelain si dieux me garde 

Li Castelain, se Dieux me gart, 

Ne p gettir de launce ne darte 

Par geter de lance ne dart, 

Ne feussent ffrancs t Breton 

Ne feussent ffrancois et Breton, 

Normand Pycard t Burguynon 

Normant, Pycart et Bourguygnon 

Qui y suruiendrent p vn val 

Qui y survinrent par un val 

2780 Et dondenham le Mareschalt 

Ou d'Oudenham le Mareschal 

Et monf lohan de Noefville 

Et monseignour Jehan de Noefville : 

Cils estoient ensemble Mille 

Cil estoient ensamble mille. 

f. 40"' Tout auxi tost come ils les virent 

Tout auxi tost come il les virent 

Tut a pee maintenant se mirent 

Tout a pie maintenant se mirent. 

2785 Englois t Gascoigne bien veoient 

Englois et Gascon bien veoient 

Qe la plus durer ne pooient 

Que la plus durer ne pooient, 

Car ils nauoient nuH socours 

Car il n'avoient nul socours. 

Et fifrancois plus tost qe le cours 

Et ffrancois plus tost que le cours 

Les viendrent a pee assailler 

Les vinrent a pie assaillir ; 

2790 Et les autres sanz alentier 

Et li autre sanz alentir 

Se defendoient fierment 

Se defendoient fierement : 

Mais ils ne furent my Cent 

Mais il ne furent mye cent 

Encontre pluis de vj. Milliers 

Encontre plus de vi milliers. 

Et la fesoient Chiualers 

Et la s'esprovoient chevaliers 

2795 Et la fesoient darmes tant 

Et la fesoient d'armes tant 

Qe vnqes Olyuer ne Roland 

Qu'onques Olyvier ne Rolant 

Ne pooient vnqes pluis darmes faire 

Ne pooient one plus d'armes faire, 

Ensi come iay oy retraire 

Ensi com j'ay oy retraire ; 

Mais lour defense poy vaille 

Mais lour defense poy valli, 

2800 Car par grant force il lour failly 

Car, par grant force, il lour failly 

Qils se rendissent prisoner 

Qu'il se rendissent prisonier. 

La furent pris a voir iuger 

La furent pris, au voir jugier, 

Hastynges % Degory says 

Hastynges et Degorysays, 

Gaillard Beguer qui fuist pfaitz 

Gaillarz Beguer, qui fu parfaiz, 

2805 Les trois freres de ffelleton 

Li troi frere de ffelleton ; 

Ouescj ly Richard Taunton 

Avoecques lor Richarz Taunton, 

Mitton % des autres assetz 

Mitton et des autres assez, 

Dount ie ne say pas les nouns nosmez 

Dont je n'ay pas les nons nomez. 

En ce point feurent ce iour pris 

En ce point feurent ce jour pris : 

2810 Dount moult fuist li Prince maris 

Dont moult fu li Princes maris. 

Mais ils quidoit certainement 

Mais il quidoit certainement 

Qe tut li boost jprement 

Que toute 11 hos proprement 











f. 40 

ffuist deuale outre le paas 
Et pur ce ne voilloit il paas 

2S15 Son host densemble departir 
Car il fiiist alez socourer 
Ses autres gentz si ceo ne feust 
Car mult bien faire le deust 
Mais il ne fuist my ensi fait 

2820 Et cils qe eurent fait lour fait 

Auxi tantost qe home lour counta 
Qe le Prince fuist pres de la 
Pluis tost qils purroient se partirent 
Et a eux retourner se mirent 
Les prisoners ouescj eux maynent 

2S26 Et mult durement les demaynent 

ffu devalee outre le pas, 

Et pour ce ne voloit il pas 

Son host d'ensamble departir ; 

Car il fust alez socourir 

Ses autres genz, se ce ne feust, 

Car moult bien faire le delist : 

Mais il ne fu mye ensi fait. 

Et cil qui eurent fait lour fait, 

Auxi tantost qu'on lour conta 

Que li Princes fu pres de la, 

Plus tost qu'il peurent se partirent 

Et a iaux retourner se mirent. 

Les prisoniers avoec iaux maynent 

Et moult durement les demaynent. 

Coment le Bastarde fist gnt ioie de la reuenue 

du Counte Dantilles | % de les autres % de la 

prise des englois t fortement manacea 

le Prince t sez gentz | % coment il 

feust conseUlez au Bastarde pur 

destruiere les englois l % le Prince 

oue sez gentes fuist deuaunt Vitoire 

tout dis en attendaunt la bataille. 

Au retourner lour fist grant ioie 
Li Bastard Henri si dieux mauoye 
Et lour dist bien soiez venuz 

2830 Beaux seigniours bie vous sui tenuz 
Et puis disoit p motz expres 
Toutz les autres viendront apres 
Mais me quide ma terre toller 
Li Prince % moy assailler 

2835 Pur ytant li ferray sauoir 
Qe grant couetise dauoir 
Li ad fait ceste voiage emprendre 
Qui prisoner li purroit prendre 
Tant li dourroie dargen t dor 

2840 Qe faire en purroit vn tresor 




Au retourner lour fist grant joie 

Li Roys Henri, se Dieux m'avoye, 

Et lour dist : ' Bien soiez venuz, 

Biaux seigniours, bien vous sui tenuz,' 2830 

Et puis disoit par moz expres : 

' Tout li autre venront apres. 

Mar quide ma terre tolir 

Li Princes et moy assaillir : 

Pour ytant li ferai savoir 2835 

Que grant coveitise d 'avoir 

Li a fait cest voiage emprendre. 

Qui prisonier le pourroit prendre 

Tant li dourroi d'argen et d'or 

Que faire en pourroit un tresor.' 2840 

Line 28 1 5 densemble, d omitted and superscript. 
Line 2817, fuist corrected into feust. 


Quant li mareschatt lentendi 
Moult doulcement li dist ensi 
Sire dist il quei ditz vous 
En coer nauez vous pas toutz 

2S45 Les bons Chiualers desconfitz 
Mais bien soiez certains % fis 
Quant a ceux vous combateretz 
Qe gentz darmes vous les troueretz 
Mais si bon conseift voillez croiere 

2850 Vous le purrez ceste chose voiere 
Bien desconfire sanz coup ferir 
Si vous voillez faire tenir 
Le paas | ou ils doient passer 
Et bien vre Hoost faire garder 

2S55 Si ne lour facez ia bataille 
Par grant faute de vitaille 
Le varrez despaigne partir 
Ou de fayme les verrez morir 
f. 41'' Ensi fust conseillez li Roys 

2860 Bastard | du conseil des ffrancois 
Et li Prince deuant Vitoire 
ffuist rengiez sur les champs encore 
Qui tutdis illoeqes attendoit 
Si le Bastard descenderoit 

2865 Ses batailles toutz rengiez 
Et ses baniers desploiez 
Sur les champs soi logea la nuyt 
La nauoit pas grant deduit 
Car maint y ot p seint Martyn 

2870 Qui nauoient ne pain ne vin 
Pas ne fuist trop bons li soiour 
Car souent y auoit estour 
Et escarmuches de geneteurs 
Et des Englois y ot plusours 

2875 Et des vns i des autres mortz 
Moult pfuyt le temps lays i hors 
Et de pluuie t de vent auxi 
Seigniour eel temps qe ie vous dy 

Quant li mareschaux I'entendi, 
Moult doulcement li dist ensi : 
' Sire,' dist il, ' quoi ditez vous ? 
Encore n'avez vous pas touz 
Les bons chevaliers desconfiz. 
Mais bien soiez certains et fis, 
Quant a ciaux vous combaterez, 
Que genz d'armes les troverez. 
Mais, se bon conseil volez croire, 
Vous les pourrez, c'est chose voire, 
Bien desconfir sanz coup ferir, 
Se vous volez faire tenir 
Le pas ou il doient passer 
Et bien vostre host faire garder ; 
Se ne lour faites ja bataille, 
Par grande faute de vitaille 
Les verrez d'Espaigne partir 
Ou de faym les verrez mourir.' 
Ensi fu conseilliez li Roys 
Bastarz, du conseil des ffrancois. 
Et li Princes devant Vitore 
ffu rengiez sur les camps encore. 
Qui touz dis illoec attendoit 
Se li Bastarz descenderoit, 
Ses batailles toutes rengiez 
Et ses banieres desploiiez. 
Sur les camps se logea le nuyt. 
La n'avoit pas trop grant deduit. 
Car mainz y ot, par seint Martyn, 
Qui n'avoient ne pain ne vin. 
Pas ne fu trop bons li sojours. 
Car sovent y avoit estours 
Et scarmouches de geneteurs ; 
Et des englois y ot pluseurs 
Et des uns et des autres morz. 
Moult par fu li tamps lays et ors 
Ou de plueve et de vent auxi. 
Seigniour, eel tamps que je vous dy, 










Du temps quant ces choses p deuant escriptz furent 

faitz. % coment le Pnce se deslogea t chimina pmye 

Nauarre % passa le paas de la garde <h vient a viane 

% illoeqes se logea % apres ce passa le pont de la 

Groygne ] % se logea deuant le Groygn es vergiers. 

Et le Bastarde retourna de seint Vincent % 

se logea sur la Ryuer deuaunt Naddres % 

le Prince trasmist au dit Bastarde vne letter. 

Ce fut en Marce ne doutez mye 

2880 Qe souent pluit vente % niuie 
Vnqes ne fut plus malueis temps 
Et le Prince fuist sur les champs 
Ou moult fauoit soeffrir des malx 
Pur gentz darmes % pur chiualx 

2885 Et le lunedi se dislogea 
Li Prince % sachimina 
Pmy Nauerre est retournez 
Vn paas passa qui appellez 
fifut p noun le paas de la garde 

2890 Tant chimina si dieux me garde 
Qa Viane logier se vient 
Et apres ce moult tost auyent 
f. 4i» Qil passa le pont de la Groyng 

Li Prince qui moult ad grant seyng 

289s Et desirer de la bataille 
Cell iour se logea sanz faille 
Deuant le Groyng eins es vergiers 
Et pdesoubz les Olyuiers 
Et le Roy Bastard p espie 

2900 Scieut qe loost du Prince est logie 
Deuant la Groyng eins es gardyns 
Lors naresta soirs ne matins 
De seint Vincent retourna arere 
Et se logea sur la Riuere 

2905 Desoubz Naddres, en vne Vyne noble 
Beal boost auoit puissant t noble 
Li Prince adonqes li tramist 
Vne Ire qui ensi dist 

Ce fu en Mars, n'en doutez mye, 

Que souvent pleut, vente et nivie — 2880 

Onques ne fu plus mauveis tamps — 

Et li Princes fu sur les camps 

Ou moult falloit souffrir des malx 

Pour genz d'armes et pour chevalx. 

Et le lundi se deslogea 2885 

Li Princes et s'achemina ; 

Parmy Naverre est retournez ; 

Un pas passa qui appellez 

fifu par non le pas de la Garde. 

Tant chemina, se Dieux me garde, 2890 

Qu'a Viane logier se vint ; 

Et apres ce moult tost avynt 

Que il passa le pont du Groyng. 

Li Princes, qui moult a grant soyng 

Et desirier de le bataille, 2895 

Cell jour se logea, sanz faille, 

Devant le Groyng ens es vergiers 

Et par desoubz les olyviers. 

Et li Rois Bastarz par espie 

Sceut que I'os du Prince est logie 2900 

Devant le Groyng ens es gardyns. 

Lors n'aresta soirs ne matins ; 

De Seint Vincent tourna ariere 

Et se logea sur le riviere 

Desoubz Naddres en un vignoble : 2903 

Bele host avoit puissant et noble. 

Li Princes adonc li tramist 

Une lettre qui ensi dist : — 





Coment le Prince tramist au Bastard sez 
Ires responsales sur la tenure cy ensuant 

Trespuissaiit t treshonez 

2910 Henry | qestes clamez 

Due de Tristemare | et autrement 
Sappelle pur le temps present 
En ses Ires | Roy de Castielle 
Bien auom oy la nouelle 

2915 De voz nobles Ires presentes 
Qe sount graciousez % gentz 
De queux le teno est pur voir 
Qe voluntiers vouldroiez sauoir 
Pur quoi nous sumes alliez 

2920 Et de iTre foy fiances 
Ouescg le vre enymy 
Quel nous tiegnons pur nre amy 
Sachez qe nous le denous faire 
Pur les alliances pfaire 

2925 Queux ont estee du temps passee 
Et pur amour % pur pitee 
Et pur droiture sustiner 
Car vous deueroiez bien senter 
En vre coer | qe ce nest pas droitz 

293° Qun Bastard deust estre Roys 
Pur vn droit heir desheriter 
NuH home ne se deit accorder 
f. 42'- Qui soit de loial mariage 

Dun autre point vous faceoms sage 

2935 Qe pur ce qe home vous prise tant 
Et qe home vous tient pur si vaillant 
Si accorder vous ambedeux purroie 
Moult voluntiers menpeneroye 
Et ferroi tant de ma part 

2940 Qen Castille auerez grant part 
Mais raison % droit si se donne 
Qe lesser vous faut la corone 
Et ensi se purroit nurrir 
Bon paix entre vous sanz mentir 

2945 Et quant del entre en Espaigne 

' Tres puissanz et tres honourez 

Henris, qui dues estes clamez 2910 

De Tristemare et autrement 

S'appelle pour le tamps present 

En ses lettres Roys de Castelle. 

Bien avons oy le novelle 

De voz nobles lettres presenz, 2915 

Qui sont gracieuses et genz, 

Des queux le tenour est pour voir 

Que volentiers vourriez savoir 

Pour quoi nous somes allie 

Et de nostre foy fiancie 2920 

Avoecques le vostre enemy, 

Que nous tenons pour nostre amy. 

Sachiez que nous le devons faire 

Pour les alliances parfaire, 

Qui ont este du tamps passe, 2935 

Et pour amour et pour pite 

Et pour droiture soustenir ; 

Car vous deveriez bien sentir 

En vo eoer que ce n'est pas droiz 

Qu'uns Bastarz deuist estre Roys 2930 

Pour un droit hoir desheriter : 

Nuls horn ne s'y doit accorder 

Qui soit de loial mariage. 

D'un autre point vous faisons sage, 

Que, pour ce qu'on vous prise tant 2935 

Et qu'on vous tient pour si vaillant, 

S'accorder vous ansdeux pooie, 

Moult volentiers m'en peneroye 

Et feroie tant de ma part 

Qu'en Castille averiez grant part ; 29^0 

Mais raisons et droiz si s'adonne 

Que lessier vous faut le corone, 

Et ensi se pourroit nourrir 

Bone pais entr'ous, sanz mentir. 

Et quant de I'entree en Espaigne 2945 



Sachez qe moy % ma compaigne 
Oues(5 I'eide de dieu 
Y entreroms p le quel lieu 
Qe nous y plerra a entrer 
2950 Sanz nuU conge demander 

Sachiez que moy et ma compaigne, 
Avoecques Tai'de de Dieu, 
Y entrerons par lequel lieu 
Que nous y plera a entrer, 
Sanz nuUi congle demander.' 


Coment vn haraud porta les Ires du Prince t 

les presenta au Bastarde | t le Bastarde sur ce 

demaunda son conseille t chescune ent disoit 

son auis % surce firent lo ordinance encontre le Pnce. 

Ensi fut la Ire dictee 
Et puis apres fut seallee 
Et la baillerent a vn heraud 
Qui ot le coer ioiant % baud 

2955 Et moult demenoit grantz reueaux 
Car home li dona beaux ioiaux 
Robes dermyn | manteaux furrez 
Et lors ne sest pluis arrestez 
Congie prist % sen depart! 

2960 Vers son Meistre le Roy henri 
Vient I % la Ire li dona 
Le Bastard quant il la regarda 
E auoit apperceu la voluntee 
Qe le Prince li ad mandee 

2965 Bien sciet qe moult ot de vaillance 
Et sanz plus faire demorance 
Appella son conseil ensemble 
Et demanda qei vous ent semble 
De tout ceo conseilt bon affaire 

2970 Chescun ent disoit son affaire 
f. 42' Monp Bartrem de Claykyn 
Qui ot le coer hardi % fin 
Li dit seigniour ne vous doutz 
Car temprement combaterez 

2975 Mais cognoissez le grant pooir 
Qe li Prince mayne pur voir 
La est floure de chiualrie 
La est floure de Bachelrie 
La sont les meillours combatantz 

2980 Qe soient en monde viuantz 

Ensi fut le lettre dictee 

Et puis apres fu saielee. 

Le baillierent a un heraut. 

Qui ot le coer joiant et baut, 

Et moult demenoit granz reviaux, 2955 

Car on li dona biaux joiaux. 

Robes d'ermyn, mantiaux fourrez ; 

Et lors ne s'est plus arestez. 

Congie prist et s'en depart! ; 

Vers son meistre, le Roy Henri, 20o 

Vint, et le lettre li dona. 

Li Bastarz quant il le garda 

Et apperceut le volente 

Que li Princes li a mande, 

Bien sceut que moult ot de vaillance ; 2965 

Et sanz plus faire demourance 

Appella son conseil ensamble 

Et demanda : ' Quoi vous en samble 

De tout ce conseil bon affaire ? ' 

Chescuns en disoit son affaire. 2970 

Messires Bartrems de Claykyn, 

Qui ot le coer hardi et fin, 

Li dit : ' Sire, ne vous doutez. 

Car temprement combaterez. 

Mai cognissiez le grant pooir 2575 

Que li Princes mayne, pour voir. 

La est flour de chevalerie, 

La est flour de bachelerie. 

La sont li meillour combatant 

Qui soient eu monde vivant, 2980 


Sicp vous auez bien mestier 
Qe vous facez apparailler 
Voz gentz | % mettre en ordinance 
Daun Bartrem ne aiez dotance 

2985 Respond! li Bastard Henris 
Car iauerai ie su tut fis 
Bien .iiii. milt chiualx armez 
Qui serront sur les deux costez 
Des deux eeles de ma bataille 

299° Et si verrez sachez sanz faille 
Bien quatre milt genetours 
Et des gentz darmes des meillours 
Qe home poet trouer p tut Espaigne 
Aueray deux mitt en ma compaigne 

2995 Et si puisse auoir si saches 
Cinquant mitt homes a peedz 
Et des arblastiers vj. mitt 
Entreci iesqes a ce vilt 
Ne demoere frank ne villeyn 

3000 Touz sont de moi aider certeyn 
Et si me ont |>mis p lour foi 
Qe touz iours me tiendront p Roi 
Sicg ie nay mie paour 
Qe ie nen ay Ie meliour 

3005 Ensi deuiserent la nuit 

En grant ioie % en grant deduit 

Sique vous avez bien mestier 

Que vous faciez apparaillier 

Voz genz et mettre en ordenance.' 

' Dan Bartrem, n'en aiez doutance,' 

Respondi li Bastarz Henris, 29S5 

' Car j'averai, j'en sui touz fis, 

Bien .iiii. mil chevalx armez 

Qui seront sur les deux costez 

Des deux eles de ma bataille, 

Et se verrez, sachiez sanz faille, 2990 

Bien quatre mille genetours ; 

Et des genz d'armes, des meillours 

Qu'on poet trouver par toute Espaigne, 

Avray deux mille en ma compaigne ; 

Et se puis avoir, si sachies, 2995 

Cinquante mille homes a piez 

Et des arbalastiers vi. mille. 

Entreci jusques a Seville, 

Ne demeurent franc ne villeyn. 

Tout sont de moi aidier certeyn, 3°°° 

Et se m'ont promis par lour foi 

Que touz jours me tenront pour roi, 

Sique je n'ay mie paour 

Que je n'en aye Ie meillour.' 

Ensi deviserent Ie nuit 3005 

f. 43' 

En grant joie et en grant deduit. 

Coment Ie Prince se deslogea deuant la 

Groigti vn matine % sez gentz rengiez eel 

iour chiuacha deux leuges | t qtiidoit bien 

celui iour auoir la bataille t enuoia 

sez courrours pur reportier la veritee 

del boost du Bastarde Henry qe fuist 

logiee a Naueret | % les deux hostes 

adonqes deux leuges d'ensemble. 

Et lui Prince naresta mye 
Lendemain a laube esclarie 
De deuant la Groign des logiez 
3010 Sest qe rien nest atargiez 

Et li Princes n'aresta mye ; 
L'endemain, a I'aube esclarie, 
De devant Ie Groign deslogiez 
S'est, que rien nest atargiez. 


Line 2990 omitted by the scribe and inserted after line 3C06 



En droit bataille ordeignee 

Chiuacha cell matinee 

Et rengist si ioliement 

Qe vnqes ne vist si noble gent 

3015 Nutt hoine puis qe itiu nasqui 
Celi iour fuist le vendredi 
Deux lenges chiuacha eel iour 
Le Prince sanz prendre soiour 
Et bien quidoit sachez pur voir 

30J0 Celi iour la bataille auoir 
Sez courreurs enuoia p tout 
Les queux se travaillerent moult 
Pur la verite reporter 
Mais au veritee recorder 

3025 De lautre boost vinrent la conuine 
Et pceurent qen ce termine 
ffuist logiez desur la Riuere 
Pres de Naddres en la biuere 
En les vei'giers t en les champs 

3030 Moult pestoit lour boost puissantz 
Et de rien semblant ne fesissent 
Qe eel iour chiuacher deussent 
Au Prince erraument reporterent 
De loost I ensi qils trouerent 

3035 Qi se logea a Naueret 
La ou home tout entre set 
Lordenance de la bataille 
Ore feurent si sachez sanz faille 
A deux lenges pres densemble 

3040 Les hoostz logiez come moi semble 
Cel noet chescon sur son garde 
Estoit I % de li se prent garde 
Et si coucherent tout armee 
Et deuant qil fut ad iourne 

3045 Tramist le Bastard Henri espies 
Vers les Englois en plusours parties 
f, 43^ Pur sauoir lour des logement 
Mais si lui estoire ne ment 
A plus matin se deslogierent 

3050 Et a chiuachier se chiminerent 

Line 3041 chascgn, 

En droite bataille ordenee 
Chevaucha celle matinee, 
Rengie si joliement 
Qu'onques ne vit si noble gent 
Nuls hom, puis que Jesus nasqui. 3015 

Celi jour fu le vendredi. 
Deux Heuwes chevaucha eel jour 
Li Princes, sanz prendre sojour, 
Et bien quidoit, sachiez pour voir, 
Celi jour le bataille avoir. 3°2o 

Ses coureurs envoia par tout, 
Liquel se travaillierent moult 
Pour le verite raporter ; 
Mais, a verite recorder, 
De I'autre host virent le couvine l°^h 

Et perceurent qu'en ce termine 
ffurent logie sur le riviere 
Pres de Naddres, en le bruiere, 
Enz es vergiers et enz es camps — 
Moult par estoit lour hos puissanz — 3°3o 
Et que de rien semblant ne fissent 
Que eel jour chevauchier deulssent. 
Au Prince erraument raporterent 
De I'ost ensi qu'il le troverent, 
Qui se logea a Naveret. 3°35 

La 01 on tout entreset 
L'ordenance de le bataille. 
Or feurent, si sachiez sanz faille, 
A deux lieuwes pres, ensamble 
Les oz logiez, com moi samble. 3°4° 

Cele noet chescuns sur sa garde 
Estoit et de li se prent garde, 
Et se couchierent tout arme ; 
Et devant qu'il fust ajorne 
Tramist li Rois Henris espies 3°45 

Vers Englois en plusours parties 
Pour savoir lour deslogement ; 
Mais, se li estoire ne ment, 
Au plus matin se deslogierent, 
Et a chevauchier comencierent ; 305° 

marginal correction u. 



Mais le Prince oue le coer fin 

Mais li Princes le coer fin 

Nala pas le plus droit chemyn 

N'ala pas le plus droit chemyn, 

Ancois prist sachez de certayn 

Aincois prist, sachiez de certayn. 

Le chimin a la droit main 

Le chemin a le droite main. 

3=55 Vn montaigne % vn grant val 

Une montaigne et un grant val 

Avallerent tout a chiual 

Avallerent tout a cheval, 

Si tresnoblement ordeignee 

Si tres noblement ordene 

Et si coyntement serree 

Et si tres coyntement serre 

Qe merueillouse fuist a veir 

Que merveilles fu a velr. 

3060 Et li Bastard sanz alentir 

Et li Bastarz, sanz alentir, 

Auoit tres a la mynuyt 

Avoit tres a le myenuyt 

Ordeigne sa bataille % droit 

Ordene sa bataille et duit. 

A pee estoit monf Bartrans 

A pie estoit sire Bertrans 

Et li bon mareschatt vaillantz 

Et li bons Mareschalx vaillanz 

3065 Dodreham qui tant fuist gentils 

D'Odreham, qui tant fu gentils, 

Et li Counte Sauses de pris 

Et li conte Sanses, de pris, 

Lui Counte de dene ensement 

Li conte de Dene ensement. 

Qui Daragon fuist pprement 

Qui d'Aragon fu proprement ; 

Si fuist li Beghes de Villaine 

S'i fu li Beghes de Villaines 

3070 Qui estoit bon chifteine 

Qui moult estoit bons capitaines, 

Monf Johan de Noef ville 

Messires Jehans de Noefville 

Et dautres plus de iiij. mille 

Et d'autres plus de iiij. mille, 

Dont ie ne say nomer les nouns 

Dont je ne say nomer le non, 

Qei Despaigne qei Daragons 

Que d'Espaigne, que d'Aragon, 

3075 Qei de ffrance qei de Picardie 

Que de ffrance, de Picardie, 

De Britayne t de Normandie 

De Bretaigne et de Normandie, 

De moultz dautrez pais lointain 

De maint autre pals lointain. 

Puis fuist a la senestre main 

Puis fu a le senestre main 

A chiual le Conte Dantille 

A cheval li conte dan Tille, 

3080 Qui auoit plus de xij. Mille 

Qui avoit plus de xii mille 

Geneteurs, homes a chiual 

Geneteurs, homes a cheval. 

Au destre les fuist le Roial 

A destre fu I'esle roial 







De la gnd bataille du Bastard qauoit 

ouesqe lui xv Mill homes darmes % gnt 

nombre des arblastres | t des chiualx armez 

iiii. Milt % Cent % le Priotir de seint 

Johan le Baptistr | t le Meistre de seint 

Jakes estoient en sa bataille. 

Lms 3070 chifteine, marginal addition e. 



f. 44'' Au Roy Bastard qe home dist Henri 
Le quel auoit ouesqe lui 

3085 Bien xv. Milt homes armez 
Et des gentz du pais assetz 
Arblastiers villayns seruantz 
A lances % a dartes trenchantz 
Et a fondes pur getter piers 

3090 Pur garder deuant les ffrontiers 
Vnqes eel meruaille ne feu 
Ne tiel plente de poeple veu 
Come il ot a eel iournee 
La ot maint banier oueree 

3095 Aux de Sendal % de Soy 
Si le corps ihu crist manoy 
Vn petit % sur le costee 
Estoient li chiual armee 
A nombre de iiij. Mitt % Centz 

3100 Vn Chiualer de grantz sens 

Les gouernoit mult fuist subtils 
Appelle fuist Gom Garilles 
Et le Priour de seint Jolian 
Quel disoit \ qil ferroit a han 

3105 Englois soeffrer celle iournee 
Et la estoit sanz demoree 
Le meistre de seint Jaques auxi 
Et vn bon Chiualer hardi 
Maistre de Calletraue ot noun 

31 10 Cil disot a haut raisoun 
Qe celi iour tant y ferroit 
Qe le bataille perceroit. 

Au Roy Bastart, qu'on dit Henri, 
Liqueus avoit avoecques li 
Bien xv. mille homes armez 
Et des genz du pals assez — 
Arbalastiers, villayns, servanz, 
A lances et a dars trenchanz, 
Et a fondes pour getter piei-es — 
Pour garder devant les frontieres. 
Onques tel mervaille ne fu 
Ne tel plente de poeple veu 
Come il ot a cele journee. 
La ot mainte baniere ouvree 
Auxi de sendal et de soye, 
Se li corps Jesu Crist m'avoye. 
Un petitet sur le coste 
Estoient li cheval arme 
Au nombre de iiij mille et cens. 
Uns chevaliers de moult grant sens 
Les governoit • — moult fu soubtils ; 
Appellez fu Gomes Garils — 
Et li Priours de Seint Jehan, 
Qui disoit qu'il feroit ahan 
Englois souffrir celle journee ; 
Et la estoit, sanz demouree, 
Le meistre de Seint Jaque auxi 
Et un bon chevalier hardi, 
Maistre de Calletrave ot non ; 
Cil disoit a haute raison 
Que celi jour tant y feroit 
Que le bataille perceroit. 







Coment le Prince descendi de la 

mountaigne | t monp lolm Chaundos adonqes 

fuist mis a Banier dount sez compaignons fesolet 

gnt ioie % eux taillerent de combatre. 

Ore fut la chose deuisee 
Et tut lour boost est ordeignee 
31 15 Et le Prince voet sanz attendre 
Jus de la montaigne descendre 
Quant lun boost lautre apceoit 

Or fu le chose devisee 

Et toute lour hos ordenee, 

Et li Princes veut sanz attendre 

Jus de le montaigne descendre. 

Quant I'une hos I'autre apercevoit 




Chescun sciet bien qil ny auoit 
ffors decombatre sont certain 

3120 NuH ne attendroit demain 
f. 44" Monp lohan de Chaundos 
Est venuz au Prince tantos 
Et la porta sa baniere 
Qui fut de soie riche t fiere 

3125 Moult doucement lui dist ensy 
Sire fait il pur dieu mercy 
Serui vous ay de temps passee 
Et tut quant dieux mad donee 
De biens ils me veignent de vous 

3130 Et bien sauez qe ie sui touz 
Le vre t sarray tout temps 
Et sil vous semble lieu t temps 
Qe ie puisse a Banier estre 
lai bien de quoi a mon maistir 

3 '35 Qe dieux mad done pur tenir 
Ore en faitz vre pleisir 
Veiez le cy ie vous present 
Adonqes le Prince sanz attent 
Et le Roy daun Petro sanz detri 

3140 Et le due de Lancastre auxi 
La banier li djsploierent 
Et p le haut li baillerent 
Et li disrent sanz plus retraire 
Dieux vous en laist vre preu faire 

3145 Et Chaundos sa banier prist 
Entre ses compaignons le mist 
Et lour ad dit a lee chiere 
Beaux seigniours Veiez ci ma baniere 
Gardez le bien come le vre 

3150 Car auxi bien est vre come nre 

Les compaignons ont fait grant ioie 
lis soulement ont pris lour voie 
Et ne voillent pluis attendre 
Au combatre voillent entendre 

Chescuns sceut bien qu'il n'y avoit 

ffors de combatre ; sont certain. 

Nulli n'attenderoit demain. 3120 

Messires Johans de Chandos 

Est venuz au Prince tantos 

Et li aporta sa baniere, 

Qui fu de soie riche et fiere. 

Moult doucement lui dist ensy : 3135 

' Sire,' fait il, ' pour Dieu mercy, 

Servi vous ay du tamps passe, 

Et tout, quant que Dieux m'a done 

De biens, il me vienent de vous ; 

Et bien savez que je sui touz 3130 

Li vostres et seray tout tamps ; 

Et s'il vous samble lieu et tamps 

Que je puisse a baniere estre, 

J'ai bien de quoi, du mien, mettre, 

Que Dieux m'a done pour tenir. 3135 

Ore en faites vostre pleisir. 

Vez le cy, je le vous presente.' 

Adonc li Princes, sanz attente, 

Li Roys dans Petro, sanz detri, 

Et li dues de Lancastre auxi, 3140 

Le baniere li desploierent 

Et par le hante li baillierent ; 

Et li disent sanz plus retraire : 

' Dieux vous en laist vostre preu faire.' 

Et Chandos sa baniere prist ; 3145 

Entre ses compaignons le mist 

Et lour a dit a lie chiere : — 

' Biaux seigniours, vez ci ma baniere. 

Gardez le bien com le vostre, 

Qu'auxi bien est vostre com nostra.' 3150 

Li compaignon ont fait grant joie. 

II soulement ont pris lour voie 

Et ne se voeillent plus attendre ; 

Au combatre voeillent entendre. 

Line 3133, Banier underlined in a late hand. 
Line 3134 maistir, marginal correction mestier. 
Line 3141 djsploierent, ma7-ginal correction e. 



3155 Celt banier qe ie vous dy 
Portoit Guilliam Alby 

Celle baniere, que vous dy, 
Portoit Guilliaumes Alby. 


Coment les Englois sont descenduz a pee 
% le Prince fist sez priers a deu tout 

puissant t parla Roy Petre certeins poles 
% adonqes lauant garde passa auant. 

Englois sont a pee descendu 
Qui moult ont le coer esmou 
f. 45' De gaigner % conquerere honour 

3160 Et le Prince lour dist ce iour 
Seigniours ni ad autre termine 
Vous sauez bien qe de famine 
Par defaute de vitaille sumes pres pris 
Et veez ci t la les noz enemys 

3165 Qui de vitaille ont assetz 
Pain % vin % des pissons fales 
Et frees de doulce eawe t de meer 
Mais il les nous faut conquester 
Au ferer de glayue % des«pee 

3170 Ore faceons tant ceste iournee 
Qe partir puissons a honour 
Adonqes le Prince de valour 
Deuers li ciel ioindi ses mains 
Et dist verray pier souerayns 

3175 Qui nous auez fait % treez 

Si verrayment come vous sauez 
Qe ie ne sui pas cy venuz 
flfors pur droit estre sustenuz 
Et pesce % pur franchise 

3180 Qe mon coer semonte % attise 
De conquestre vie de honour 
Je vous supplie qen cesti iour 
Voilliez garder moy % ma gent 
Et quant le Prince a corps gent 

3185 Eust vers dieu fait sa priere 
Adonqes ad dit auant baniere 
Dieux nous aid a iife droit 
Et lors li Prince la endroit 
Le Roy daun Petro p la main 

Englois sont a pie descendu, 
Qui moult ont le coer esmeii 
De gaignier et conquerre honour ; 
Et li Princes lour dist ce jour : 
' Seigniour, n'i a autre termine. 
Vous savez bien que de famine, 
Faute de vivres, soms pres pris, 
Et veiez la noz enemys 
Qui de vitailles ont assez. 
Pain et vin et pissons sales 
Et fres, de doulce eawe et de mer, 
Mais il les nous faut conquester 
Au ferir de glayve et d'espee. 
Or faceons tant ceste journee 
Que partir puissons a honour.' 
A done li Princes de valour 
Devers le ciel joindi ses mains 
Et dist : ' Vrais peres soverayns, 
Qui nous avez faiz et creez. 
Si vrayement com vous savez, 
Que je ne sui pas cy venuz 
ffors pour droit estre soustenuz 
Et pour prouece et pour franchise, 
Qui mon coer semont et attise 
De conquester vie d'honour, 
Je vous suppli qu'en cesti jour 
Voeilliez garder moy et ma gent.' 
Et quant li Princes a corps gent 
Eut vers Dieu faite sa priere, 
Adonc a dit : ' Avant, baniere ! 
Dieux nous ait a nostre droit 1 ' 
Et lors li Princes la endroit 
Le Roy dan Petro par le main 






3' 85 




3190 Ad pris I 1; lui dist pur certain 
Sire Roy a iour de huy sauerez 
Si iames Castille reaueretz 
Aiez en dieu ferme creance 
Ensement disoit sanz doutance 

3195 Ly Prince a coer sufficiant 
Et lauant garde va deuant 

A pris et lui dist, pour certain : 
' Sire Roys, aujourd'huy savrez 
Se James Castille ravrez. 
Aiez en Dieu ferme creance.' 
Ensement disoit, sanz doutance, 
Ly Princes a coer soufifissant. 
En I'avant garde va devant 


Coment le Due de Lancastre t monf 

lolin Chaimdos passerent en lauant 

garde t la furent fait chiualers % le 

due conforta tres noblement sez gentz 

f. 45' 

De Lancastre lui noble dues 
Qui moult eust en lui des vertus 
Et Chandos le bon Chiualer 

3200 fifist la Chiualers sans targer 
Curson Priour % Eliton 
Et Monf Guilliam de ffaryndon 
Et ammori de Rocheward 
Cely de la Mote Gaillard 

3205 Et monp Robt Briket 

La eust il maint chiualer fa 

Qui feurent plain de vessellage 

E noble e de puissant linage 

Li due de Lancastre deinz le chainp 

3210 Dist a Guilliam de Beaucharnp 
Veiez la fit il noz enemys 
Mais ensi maide ihu cris 
Hui me vorrez bon Chiualer 
Si mortz ne me fait encombrer 

3215 Puis dist banier auant auant 

Preignoms dampne dieu a garant 
Et face chescun son bono 
Et lors li ffrancs dues de valour 
Deuant toutz ses homes se mist 

3220 Plus de Cent deuenir enfist 
De lour corages plus hardis 
Qe deuant ne feurent ce mest auis 

Line 3200, Chiualers sans 
Line 3206 fa, marginal cor 

De Lancastre li nobles dues, 
Qui moult eut en lui de vertus ; 
Et Chandos, li bon chevalier, 
ffist la chevaliers sanz targier : 
Curson, Priour et Eliton, 
Et Guilliaume de ffaryndon, 
Et Ainmeri de Rocheward, 
Cely de la Mote Gaillard, 
Et monseignour Robert Briket. 
La eut il maint chevalier fet 
Qui feurent plain de vassellage 
E de noble e puissant linage. 
Li dues de Lancastre enz eu champ 
Dist a Guilliaume de Beauchamp : 
' Vez la,' fist il, ' noz enemys ; 
Mais, ensi m'aide Jesus Cris, 
Hui me verrez bon chevalier, 
Se morz ne me fait encombrier.' 
Puis dist : ' Baniere, avant, avant ! 
Preignons Dampnedieu a garant, 
Et face chescuns son honour.' 
Et lors li frans dues de valour 
Devant touz ses homes se mist ; 
Plus de cent devenir en fist 
De lour corage plus hardis 
Que devant ne feurent, m'est vis. 

targer underlined in a later hand, 
rection eet. 









En celle heure fist Chiualer 
Ly ducz lohn dipre a coer fier 

En celle heure fist chevalier 

Ly dues, Jehan d'Ipre a coer fier. 

Du commencement de la gnt 

bataille % de sez seigniours qui 

feurent a la bataille oue le due de 

Lancastre | % de I'assemble a la bataille 

de monp Bertrem % coment maint 
bon chiualer fuist tresbusshe a terre. 

3225 Ore comence bataille fier 
Et prist a leuer le power 
Archiers traient a la volee 
Plus drue qe plume nest volee 
Li ducz de Lancastre deuant 

3330 Sen va come home vaillant 
Apres li va Thomas de Vfford 
Et Hugh de Hastynges fort 
f. 46' Chescun banier desploie 

Chescun tenoit launce basie 

3235 Sur la main destre fuist Chaundos 
Qui celi iour acquist grant los 
Et Estephenes de Cossyngtone 
Monp JoRn Deuereux noble psone 
Et la fut ly bon Guichard dangle 

3240 Qui ne se tenoit pas en lagle 
Ouescj li ot ses deux filtz 
Et dautres chiualers de pris 
Qui bien fesoient lour deuoir 
Et la estoit sachez de voir 

3245 Li tresnoble sires de Rees 
La veist home venir toutz pres 
Apres Baniers l peignons 
Ensemble touz les compaignons 
Chescun tient la lance en pugnie 

3350 Et fesoient grant envaie 
Pur courrer sur lour enemys 
Et les Archiers traioient toutdiz 
Et Arblastiers d' autre part 

Or comencea bataille fiere 
Et prist a lever le pourriere. 
Archier traient a le volee 
Plus drut que plueve n'est volee. 
Li dues de Lancastre devant 
S'en va, come home vaillant ; 
Apres li va Thomas d'Ufford, 
Et Hugh de Hastynges, le fort, 
Chescuns baniere desploiie : 
Chescuns tenoit lance baissie. 
Sur le main destre fu Chandos, 
Qui celi jour acquist grant los, 
Et Estiephenes de Cossyngtone, 
Jehans Devereux, noble persone ; 
Et la fut ly bons Guicharz d' Angle, 
Qui ne se tenoit pas en Tangle ; 
Avoecques li ot ses deux filz 
Et d'autres chevaliers de pris. 
Qui bien fesoient lour devoir ; 
Et la estoit, sachiez de voir, 
Li tres nobles sires de Res. 
La vefst on venir touz pres 
A pres, banieres et peignons, 
Ensamble touz les compaignons. 
Chescuns tint le lance en poignie 
Et fesoient grant envaie 
Pour courir sur lour enemys ; 
Et archier traioient touz dis 
Et arbalastier d'autre part, 







Line 3238, Deuereux underlined in a later hand. 



Qui feurent ouesqj le Bastard 
3255 Mais tout a pee tant chiminerent 

Qe tout ensemble sen contrerent 

A la batail de Bertran 

Qui moult lour fist soeffrer a hau 

La veissez a lassembler 
3260 Ensemble de Glaynes bonter 

Chescun de bien faire se payn 

La ne fut ceste chose certayne 

Null coer en monde si hardis 

Qe ne puist estre esbahis 
3265 Pur les grantz cops qils se denoient 

Des grantz bachez qils portoient 

Et des espees t cotiaux 

Ce ne fuist mie grantz reuiaux 

Car vous veissez tresbouchier 
3270 A terre maint bon chiualer 

Qui feurent avoec le Bastart ; 

Mais tout a pie tant cheminerent 3255 

Que tout ensamble s'encontrerent 

A le bataille de Bertran, 

Qui moult lour fist soufifrir ahan. 

La velssiez a I'assambler 

Ensamble de glayves bouter : 3260 

Chescuns de bien faire se payne. 

La ne fut, c'est chose certayne, 

Nuls coers eu monde si hardis 

Que ne peulst estre esbahis 

Pour les granz cops qu'il se denoient 3265 

Des grandes haches qu'il portoient, 

Et des espees et cotiaux. 

Ce ne fu mie granz reviaux, 

Car vous veissiez tresbuchier 

A terre maint bon chevalier. 3^7° 

t. 46' 

Coment maint banier fut versee a 

tre t monp lolin Chaundos fut abatuz a 

tre t vn Castillayn cheuz s ly % lui plaia 

mais p la grace de dieu il recoui % occist le 

Castillayn t apres ceo refiert en la 

mellee * combatist moult fortment. 

Grant fust la noise t le fimiere 
La ny ot peignon ne baniere 
Qe ne fut a terre versee 
Tiel foitz fut celle iournee 

3275 Chaundos fut a terre abatuz 
Par desus li estoit cheuz 
Vn Castillain qui moult fuist grantz 
Appellez fut Martins fferantz 
Le qel durement se paynoit 

3280 Coment occire le purroit 
Et li plaia p la Visiere 
Chaundos a treshardichiere 
Vn cotelt prist a son costee 
Le Castillain en ad frappee 

3285 Qen son corps lui ad embatu 
Per force le cotell agu 

Grant fu le noise et le fumiere. 
La n'y ot peignon ne baniere 
Que ne fust a terre versee. 
Tele fois fut, celle journee, 
Chandos fut a terre abatuz ; 
Par desus li estoit cheiiz 
Uns Castillains, qui moult fu granz 
Appellez fu Martins fferanz — 
Liqueus durement se paynoit 
Coment occire le pourroit, 
Et le plaia par le visiere. 
Chandos a tres bardie chiere 
Un cotel prist a son coste ; 
Le Castillain en a frappe 
Qu'en son corps lui a embatu 
Par force le cotel agu. 






Le Castillain mort sestendi 
Et Chaundos sur ses pees sailli 
Entre ses poignes ad pris lespee 
3390 Et se refiert en la melle 

Qe moult estoit dure % cremeuse 
Et au regarder merueilliouse 
Gil qui de ly estoit atayns 
De la mort pjust estre certains 

Li Castillains mort s'estendi, 
Et Chandos sur ses pies sailli. 
Entre ses poins a pris I'espee 
Et se refiert en la mellee. 
Qui moult estoit dure et cremeuse 
Et au regarder merveilleuse. 
Cil qui de luy estoit atayns 
De le mort peut estre certains. 

Coment le Due de Lancastre tschiualrousemet 
combatoit | t se mist en tresgraunt auenture. 

3395 Et dautre part li noble ducz 
De lancastre plein de vertuz 
Si noblement se combatoit 
Qe chescun s'en merueilloit 
En regardant sa grant puesce 

3300 Coment p sa noble hautesse 
Mettoit son corps en auenture 
Car ieo croy qe vnqes creature 
Poeure ne riches ne se mist 
Celle iour si auant come il fist 

3305 Et ly Prince nattendoit pas 
A lestour plus tost qe le pas 
Sen venoit | si sachez sanz faille 
Du las adestre de sa bataille 

Et d'autre part li nobles dues 
De Lancastre, pleins de vertuz, 
Si noblement se combatoit 
Que chescuns s'en esmerveilloit, 
En regardant sa grant prouece, 
Coment par sa noble hautece 
Mettoit son corps en aventure ; 
Car je croy qu'onques creature, 
Povre ne riche, ne se mist 
Cel jour si avant come il fist. 
Et ly Princes n'attendoit pas. 
A I'estour plus tost que le pas 
S'en venoit, si sachiez sanz faille. 
Du les destre de sa bataille 

f. 47' 

Coment le Banier au Roy de Nauarre % 

monf Martyn de la Carre se partirent 

oue le Captalt oue • ij ■ Milles combatauntz 

pur combatre au Counte Dantin % 

deuant qils purroient assembler le 

Counte DantiH sen departist. 

Le banier au Roy de Nauarre 
3310 Et monp Martin de la Carre 
Se partirent oue le Captalt 
Qui ot le coer preu % loiaH: 
Et le droit seigniour de la Bret 

Le baniere au Roy de Navarre 
Et sire Martins de la Carre 
Se partirent ou le Captal, 
Qui ot le coer preu et loial, 
Et le droit seigniour de Labret, 

Line 3292 merueilli9use, marginal correction 1 
Line 3294 piust, e superscript. 







Qui de bien faire sentrement 

Qui de bien faire s'entremet — 

3315 Ensemble furent bien .ij. Milt 

Ensamble furent bien .ij. mille — 

Pur combatre au Count dantitt 

Pour combatre au comte dan Tille, 

Qui fuist sur la senestre main 

Qui fu sur le senestre main 

De dan Bertrans au coer certain 

De dan Bertran au coer certain ; 

Mais ie vous puisse bien recorder 

Mais je vous puis bien recorder 

3320 Qe deuant qiis purroient assembler 

Qu'avant qu'il peurent assambler 

Dantilt s'en prist a partir 

Dan Tilles s'en prist a partir, 

Et le Captaft sanz alentir 

Et li Captaus sanz alentir 

Sur ceux a pee prist son retour 

Sur ciaux a pie prist son retour. 

Moult les traueillerent ceo iour 

Moult les traveillierent ce jour. 

3325 Come gent de hardi corage 

Come gent de hardi corage 

Se defendoient p vasselage 

Se defendoient par vasselage. 

A senestre dautre costee 

A senestre, d'autre coste 

Du Prince | ceste veritee 

Du Prince, ce est verite, 

Pcy le seigniour de Clisceon 

Percy, li seignour de Clisceon, 

3330 Et monf Thomas de ffelleton 

Messires Thomas de ffellton 

Et monp Gautier Hewet 

Et messires Gau tiers Hewet, 

Qui souent pier de ly fait 

Qui sovent parler de ly fait, 

Cils venoient pur visiter 

Cil venoient pour visiter 

Lauant garde % pur conforter 

L'avant garde et pour conforter. 

Coment lui tsnoble Prince venoit oue 

sa graunt bataille pur combatre t la 

reregarde fuist comaundee destre a vn 

petit mountaigne p deuers les chiualx 

armez | % la fuist le Roy de Mayogre % 

plusours seigniours % la bataille comence 

de tous partiez % combatirent tanqe 

les Espaignardes sen fiiirent. 

3335 Lors senforce li ferreis 
Et fors fuit lui abatis 
f- 47' Car lui frank Prince daquitaine 
Tout sa grant bataille amayne 
Na nauoit cely qui se faine. 

3340 Vn bien petit montaigne 

Auoit desoubz le main senestre 
La ot home comandee a yestre 

Lors s'enforce li fereis 
Et fors fu li abateis, 
Car li frans Princes d'Aquitaine 
Toute sa grant bataille amayne : 
La n'avoit cely qui se faigne. 
Une bien petite montaigne 
Avoit desus le main senestre ; 
La ot on comande a yestre 


Line 3331, Hewet underlined in a later hand. 
Line 3339 Na, marginal correction la. 








La reregarde sur le les 

Par deuers les chiualx armez 

3345 La Maiogre le Roy 
Qe pas oblier ie ne doie 
Et le preu conte darmynak 
Et le seigniour de Sauerak 
Monf Berard de la Bret 

3350 Et Bertrukat qui fu en het 
De combatre | t entalentes 
Et ce ne vous ay pas nomez 
Monf Hugh de Caluerlee 
Pur quoy vous serroit destobee 

3355 La matier | % plus alongiee 
Moult fui la b^taille enforcie 
Qui comence de toutz partz 
Archigairs % launces % dartz 
Lanceoient Espaignardz p force 

3360 Chescun de bien faire senforce 
Car plus drut traioient archier 
Qe ne soit pluine en temps dyuer 
Chiualx % hoines lour blisceoient 
Et les Espaignardz bien pceoient 

3365 Qe plus ne purroient endurer 
Les chiualx prirent a tourner 
Et la fuite de sont mys 
Quant les vist li bastard Henris 
En ly nauoit qe coreucier 

3370 P trois foitz les fist realer 

Endisant seigniours aidez moy 
Pur dieu car vous maicez fait Roy 
Et si mauez fait seurement 
De moy aider loialment 

3375 Mais sa pole rien ne vaut 

Car toutz iours reenforce lassaut. 

L'arieregarde sur le les, 

Par devers les chevalx armez ; 

La fu de Maiogre le Roy 3343 

Que pas oublier je ne doi, 

Et li preus comte d'Armynak 

Et li seigniour de Saverak, 

Messires Berarz de Labret 

Et Bertrukaz qui fu en het 3350 

De combatre et entalente ; 

Et se ne vous ay pas nome 

Monsiour Hughe de Calverlee. 

Pour quoy vous seroit destobee 

Le matere et plus alongie ? 3355 

Moult fu le bataille enforcie, 

Qui comencea de toutes parz. 

Archigaies, lances et darz 

Lanceoient Espaignart par force. 

Chescuns de bien faire s'enforce, 3360 

Car plus drut traioient archier 

Que ne soit plueve eu tamps d'yvier. 

Chevalx et homes lour bliceoient, 

Et Espaignart bien percevoient 

Que plus ne peurent endurer ; 3365 

Les chevalx prirent a tourner 

Et en le fuite se sont mys. 

Quant les vit li bastarz Henris, 

En ly n'avoit que corecier. 

Par trois fois les fist ralier 3370 

En disant : ' Seigniours, aidiez moy 

Pour Dieu, car vous m'avez fait Roy, 

Et se m'avez fait sierement 

De moy aidier loialement.' 

Mais sa parole rien ne vaut, 3375 

Car touz jours renforce I'assaut. 

t 48' 

Coment le Bastard sen fui % les Espaignaldes 

furent descomfitz j % apres ce les ffrancois 

se combatirent * furent auxi descomfitz | % monp 

Bartrem % plusours seigniours % chiualers furent 

pris % gentz darmes mortz 1 1 des englois le p' 

de fferers fuist occis amesme eel bataille. 



Qei voillez vous qe ie vous dye 

II nauoit en la compaignie 

Du Prince home tant fuist petitz 

3380 Qui ne fut bien auxi hardiz 
Et auxi fiers come vn lion 
Hoiiie ne poet comparison 
fifaire de Olyuer t Rolant 
Espaignardz se tournoient fuyant 

3385 Chescun ses fraines abandonez 
Dolantz en fuy % moult yrez 
Luy Bastard quant il les veoit 
Mais fuyer il les couenoit 
Ou ils fuissent toutz pris t mortz 

3390 Lors comence lui esfortz 
Et la veissez le pee taillie 
Occire destoch t detaillie 
Luy Bastard sen fuit tut vn val 
Mais en coer sent en estal 

3395 ffrancois | Bretons | % Normandz 
Mais petit dura lour beaubantz 
Car moult tost feurent disconfit 
Et si sachez trestouz de fit 
Et home crioit la a haute gorge 

3400 En maint lieu Guyane seint George 
Illoeqes fut pris monp Bertrans 
Et la Mareschalt sufficiantz 
Dodrehem qui tant fuit hardiz 
Et vn Counte qui eust grant pris 

3405 Counte de Dene fuit nosmez 
Li Counte Sauses nen doutes 
Y fut pris I qui fut chieftayne 
Oues(5 le Beghe de Vellaine 
Monp Jotin de Neofville 

3410 Et des autres plus de ij. Mille 
Et pur faire iuste report 
Luy Beghes de Villiers fut mort 
Et plusours autres dont de noun 
Je ne say faire mencioune 

Ouoi voeilliez vous que je vous dye? 

II n'avoit en le compaignie 

Du Prince home, tant fust petiz, 

Qui ne fust bien auxi hardiz 3380 

Et auxi fiers come un lion : 

On ne poet pas comparison 

ffaire d'Olyvier et Rolant, 

Espaignart se tournoient fuyant, 

Chescuns ses frains abandonez. 3385 

Dolanz en fu et moult yrez 

Li Bastarz quant il les ve5it ; 

Mais fulr il les covenoit 

Ou il fuissent tout pris et morz. 

Lores comencea li esforz, 3390 

Et la veissiez le pietaille 

Occire d'estoch et de taille. 

Li Bastarz s'en fuit tout un val. 

Mais encore sont en estal 

ffrancois et Bretons et Normanz ; 3395 

Mais petit dura lour beubanz, 

Car moult tost feurent desconfi ; 

Et se sachiez, trestout de fi, 

Qu'on crioit la a haute gorge 

En maint lieu 'Guyane! seint George!' 3400 

Illoec fu pris sires Bertrans 

Et li Mareschaux souffissans, 

D'Odrehem, qui tant fu hardiz, 

Et uns conte qui eut grant pris, 

Conte de Dene fu nomez. 3405 

Li conte Sanses, n'en doutes, 

Y fu pris, qui fu capitaines, 

Avoec le Beghe de Vellaines, 

Monseignour Jehan de Noefville 

Et des autres plus de ij mille. 3410 

Et pour faire juste report 

Li Beghes de Villiers fu mort 

Et plusours autres, dont de non 

Je ne say faire mencion. 

Line 3402 1^, marginal correction i. 

Line 3412, Villiers underlined in a later hand. 



f. 48' Mais li reporte y fuist tenuz 

3416 Cink Centz homes darmes ou plus 
Morirent en la piece de la terre 
Ou home eust mayn % mayn a feare 
Auxi de la pte des Englois 
3420 Morust vn chiualer pfees 

Ce fut le droit seigniour de fferriers 
Li glorious dieux % seint piers 
Eit les almes des trespasses 
Seigniour pur dieu ore entendes 

Mais li raporz y fu tenuz, 
Cink cent home d'armes ou plus 
Morurent eu piece de terre, 
Ou on eut mayn a mayn a fere. 
Auxi de le part des Englois 
Morut uns chevaliers parfes : 
Ce fut li seignours de fferrieres. 
Li glorious Dieux et seinz Pieres 
Eit les ames des trespasses ! 
Seigniour, pour Dieu, ore entendes. 



De la place ou la §nt bataille estoit t de 

la chase apres la bataille % coment les 

Espaignardes plus de deux Milt se noieret 

en vne Riuere enuiron vii • M • * vii • C • furet 

mortz I issint qe leawe ent fut vermaille | % 

les englois entrerent en la viUe | t la fiirent 

psoners pris | % le Pnce qui se tenoit oue sa 

baniere leue fuist moult reioiouse. 

3435 La place ou home combati 
Estoit sur vn beal palnie ioly 
Ou il neust arbre ne buysson 
Dune grant lenge environ 
Solonc vn beal Riuere 

3430 Que moult estoit * radde % fiere 
Le quel fist ceo iour de maus 
Sur Castillains car li enchaus 
Dus(5 a la Riuere dura 
Plus de deux Milt en ynoia 

3435 Deuant Nazareth sur le pont 
Vous face assauoir qe mont 
ffut li enchace pillouse % fiers 
La veissez vous Chiualers 
De paour en leawe fallir 

3440 Et lun sur lautre morir 

Et si dist horn p grant meruaille 
Qe la Riuere en fut vermeille 
Du sank qe issoit hors de corps 
Des homes t des Chiualx mortz 

Le place ou on combati 
Estoit sur un bel plain joly, 
Ou il n'eut arbre ne buysson 
D'une grande lieuwe environ, 
Selonc une bele riviere, 
Qui moult estoit et rade et fiere, 
Lequele fist ce jour de maus 
Sur Castillains, car li enchaus 
Dusqu'a le riviere dura. 
Plus de deux mille en y noia. 
Devant Nazares sur le pont 
Vous fac assavoir que fu mont 
Li enchauz perilleus et fiers. 
La veissiez vous chevaliers 
De paour en I'eawe saillir 
Et li uns sur I'autre mourir ; 
Et se dist on par grant merveille 
Que la riviere en fu vermeille 
Du sank qui issoit hors des corps 
Des homes et des chevalx morz. 


Line 3440 lautre, 1 omitted and superscript. 







3445 Tant fut grantz la disconfiture 
Qe ieo croy qe vnqes creature 
Ne pooit vnqes auoir vewe 
Le pil, si dieux mauoye 
f. 49' Tant fui gros la mortalite 

345° La nombre ent fuy reporte 
Enuiron vii • Milt t vii • Centz 
Et si vous die bien qe les gentz 
Du prince entrerent in la ville 
La en eust des mortz plus de Mille 

3455 Et la fut pris en vne Caue 

Lui grant mestre de Calletraue 
Et le Priour de seint Jotin 
Qui moult lour fist soeffur dahan, 
Le mestre de seint Jake auxi 

3460 Cils deux estoient sanz destri 

Retrait p deux costees vn haut mure 
La ne furent pas asseure 
Car gentz darmes sus se mentoient 
Qui a lassailler le voloient 

3465 Mais humblement se viendrent rendre 
Car ne les oserent attendre 
Ensi feurent ils mortz % pris 
Dont tres fortement fut reioiz 
Lui tresnoble Prince vaillantz 

347° Le quel se tenoit sur les champs 
Et ot sa banier leuee 
Ou sa gent se fut reassemble 

Tant fu granz la desconfiture 

Que je croy qu'onques creature 

Ne pooit one avoir vetiwe 

Le pareille, se Dieux m'aiuwe : 

Tant fu gries le mortalitez, 

Li nombres en fu raportez 

Environ vii. mille et vii. cenz ; 

Et se vous di bien que les genz 

Du Prince entrerent en le ville. 

La en eut de morz plus de mille ; 

Et la fu pris en une cave 

Li granz mestres de Calletrave, 

Et li Priours de Seint Jehan, 

Qui moult lour fist souffrir d'ahan, 

Li mestres de seint Jake auxi. 

Cil doi estoient sanz detri 

Retrait par d'encoste un haut mur ; 

La ne furent pas asseiir, 

Car genz d'armes sus se mettoient 

Qui la assaillir les voloient, 

Mais humblement se vinrent rendre, 

Car ne les oserent attendre. 

Ensi feurent il mort et pris, 

Dont tres fortment fu resjo'fz 

Li tres nobles Princes vaillanz, 

Liqueus se tenoit sur les camps 

Et ot sa baniere levee 

Ou sa gent se fut rassamblee. 


Du temps ^nt ceste bataille estoit. 

Seigniour le temps qe ie vous dy 
Ce fut droit p vn samady 

3475 Trois iours droit en moys dauerilt 
Qe tiel doulce oisselet gentilt 
Preignent a refaire lour chantz 
Per prees % bois t p champs 
En celluy temps fut tout sanz faille 

3480 Deuant Nazarz le grant bataille 






Seigniour le tamps que je vous dy 

Ce fut droit par un samedy 

Trois jours droit eu moys d'averil 3475 

Que cil doulc oisselet gentil 

Prendent a refaire lour chanz 

Par prees, par bois et par champs. 

En celuy tamps fut, tout sanz faille, 

Devant Nazres le grant bataille 3480 

Line 3453, a ofVi. in rasura. 



Coment le Prince se logea a noet oue sez 

gentz oue le Bastarde fuist logie la noet 

deuant % la menerent fnt deduit * |cioient 

dieu 1, la trouerent vitailles assetz 

t grant pleintee de richesse. 

f. 48 

Tout ensi fui come oy auez 
En eel noet fut hostellez 
Lui Prince droit en logement 
Ou lui Roy Henri pprement 
Auoit este logiez la nuyt 

3486 lUoeqes menoient grant deduyt 
Et gracioient dieu le pier 
Le filtz I % la benoite mier 
De la grace qil lour ad fait 

349° Car bien sachez tout entrefeat 
Qe la trouerent vin % pain 
Toutz les loges ent furent plain 
Cofres vessel or t argent 
Dont il pleust bien t maint gent. 

Tout ensi come oy avez. 
En cele noet fut hostellez 
Li Princes droit eu logement 
Ou li Roys Henris proprement 
Avoit este logiez le nuyt. 
Illoec menoient grant deduyt 
Et gracioient Dieu le Pere, 
Le Filz et sa benoite mere 
De le grace qu'il lour a fait ; 
Car bien sachiez, tout entreset, 
Que la troverent vin et pain — 
Tout li logis en furent plain — 
Cofres, vessele, or et argent 
Dont il pleut bien a mainte gent. 

Coment le RoyDaunPetre est venuz au Prince 
t ly enmercia de ce qil auoit fait pur luy 

% disoit au Prince coment il voloit 

prendre vengeaxmce de ceux qui auoient 

estee contre ly % le noble Prince a ce 

respoxmdi t lui disoit son sage auis. 

349S Luy Roy daun Petre est venuz 
Au Prince qui moult fui ses durez 
Et lui ad dit fire cosin chier 
Je vous doy bien remercier 
Car a iour de buy mauez fait tant 

3500 Qe lames iour de mon Viuant 
Je ne le purray deseruir 
Sire fit il vre pleisir 
Merciez dieu % noun pas moy 

Li Roys dans Petro est venuz 
Au Prince, qui moult fu ses druz, 
Et lui a dit : ' No cousin chier, 
Je vous doy bien remercier, 
Car au jour d'huy m'avez fait tant 
Que James jour de mon vivant 
Je ne le pourray deservir.' 
' Sire,' fit il, ' vostre pleisir, 
Merciez Dieu et non pas moy, 

Line 3482, UiUr erased after 1 ^cel. 
Line 3495, e erased after n of daun. 






Car p la foy qe vous doy 

Car, par le foy que je vous doy, 

3505 Dieux lad fait % noun mie nous 

Dieux I'a fait et non mie nous. 

Sicj nous denous estre touz 

Si que nous devons estre touz 

En volunte de li prier 

En volente de li prier 

Merci % de lui regracier 

Merci et H regracier.' 

Daun Petre dist qil disoit voir 

Dans Petro dist qu'il disoit voir, 

3510 Et de ce auoit bon voilloir 

Et de ce avoit bon voloir. 

Mais il voilleit prendre vengeance 

Mais il voloit prendre vengeance 

Des traitoures qui p puissance 

Des traftours qui par puissance 

Lui ont fait tant de mal sentier 

Lui ont fait tant de mal sentir. 

Lors dist le Prince sanz mentier 

Lors dist li Princes, sanz mentir : 



Coment le Prince conceilla le Roy Petre 

de pardoner as ceux qui auoient estee 

encontre lui | t le Roy Daun Petre luy 

gnta forspris vn qui auoit a noun 

Gome Garilles | le quel fuist trayne 

pmy loost % la goule trenche. 

t- 50' Sire Roy donez moi vn don 

3516 le vous pri si vous semble bon 
Dist lui Roy Petro las pur quoy 
Sire demandez vous a moy 
Tout est vre qe ie ay 

3520 Lors dist li Prince sanz delay 
Sire de vre ne voille rien 
Mais ie vous conseille pur bien 
Si estre voillez Roi de Castelle 
Qe p tout mandez la nouelle 

3525 Qe ottroie auez le doun 

De doner a touz ceux pdoun 
Qui ont encontre vous estee 
Et ce p mal voluntee 
Et p malueis conseil auxi 

3530 Ont este oue le Bastard Henry 
De ore en auant lour pdonez 
Mais qe de bon volunteez 
lis beignent a vous merci priere 
Lui Roy daun Petro ottroiere 

3535 Le voit mais ce est a grant payne 

' Sire Roy, donez moi un don, 3515 

Je vous pri, se vous samble bon.' 

Dist li Roys Petro : ' Las ! pour quoy, 

Sire, demandez vous a moy ? 

Tout est vostre ce que je ay ' 

Lors dist li Princes sanz delay : 3520 

' Sire, du vostre ne voeil rien. 

Mais je vous conseille pour bien, 

S'estre volez Rois de Castelle, 

Que par tout mandez le novelle 

Que ottroie avez le don 3525 

De doner a touz ciaux pardon 

Qui ont encontre vous este ; 

Et se par male volente 

Et par mauveis conseil auxi 

Ont este o le Roi Henry 353° 

D'ore en avant lour pardonez, 

Mais que de bones volentez 

II veignent merci vous prier.' 

Li Rois dans Petro ottroier 

Le voet mais ce est a grant 'payne. 3535 



Puis dist au Prince Daquitayne 
Beau cosin ie le vous ottroie 
ffors<5 dun | mais ne ne vorroie 
Dauoir trestont Ie de Siuylle 

3540 Pur deporter Gomes Garille 
Car certes ce est Ie traitour 
Qui plus mad fait de deshonour 
Et li Prince li dist ensi 
ffaitez vre voiller de luy 

3545 Et les autres touz pdonez 

Seuches frere au Bastard fut amesnez 
Et plusours autres prisoners 
Qui il pdona voluntiers 
Pur Ie Prince % pur sa priere 

3550 Et lors se retourna arere 

Tout droit | ou il estoit logiez 

Et illoeqes fut apparaillez 

Gome Garilles % Trayn li fist home 

Et trencher la goule desoubz le menton 

3555 Adonqes deuant tout la gent 
Pur quoy ferroy ie vn parlement 
1 50' De la matire plus lontayne 
Le Prince Ie lundi .pschayne 

Puis dist au Prince d'Aquitayne : 

' Biau cosin, je le vous ottroie 

fiforsque d'un, mais ne me vorroie 

Avoir trestout I'or de Sevylle 

Pour deporter Gomes Garille, 354° 

Car, certes, c'est li traitour 

Qui plus m'a fait de deshonour.' 

Et li Princes li dist ensi : — 

' ffaites vostre voloir de ly 

Et as autres touz pardonez.' 3545 

Ses frere Bastarz fu menez 

Et plusours autres prisoniers. 

Qui il pardona volentiers 

Pour Ie Prince et pour sa priere. 

Et lors se retourna ariere 3550 

Tout droit ou il estoit logiez ; 

Et illoec fu apparailliez 

Gomes et trainer Ie fist on 

Et trenchier goule soubz menton 

Adonc devant toute le gent. 3565 

Pour quoy feroi je parlement 

De le matere plus lointayn ? 

Li Princes le lundi proschayn 

Coment le Prince <t le Roi Petre sen depar- 

tirent de Naddres pdoners Burghes % les 

noueH sen alerent a touz parties. 

De deuant Naddres se party 
3560 Et le Roi daun Petro auxi 
Per deuers Burhes chiminerent 
Et lors les nouelles alerent 
Per Espaigne de touz partz 
Qe disconfitz fut li Bastardz 

De devant Naddres se party 
Et li Rois dans Petro auxi. 
Par devers Burghes cheminerent ; 
Et lors les novelles alerent 
Par Espaigne de toutes parz 
Que desconfiz fu li Bastarz. 


Coment la feme du Bastarde estoit 

a Burghes % quant ele auoit oy les 

noueUes ele s'en fui moult dolent 

en Aragon % fist sez |ntz t dolorousez 

Line 3561 Burhes, g added in the margin. 



compleintes de la fortune ] % apres ce 
comenda le Prince moult noblement 
t le Pnce sevint loger a Bernesques. 

3565 A Burghes estoit sa moullier 
Qe neust mye temps detergier 
Si tost qelle la nouelle sa noit 
Sen ala plus tost qele pooit 
Et ce qelle pooit porter 

3570 De bien que elle pooit trusser 
Tant chimina t iour nuit 
Ouescj ceux qui li font conduit 
Qen Arragon est venue 
Moult durement fut esper due 

3575 Come dolante t esploree 

Disoit I las pur quoy sui ie nee 
De Castille estoi Reigne 
De corone dor riche % fine 
Mais poi ad duree la fortune 

3580 He mort que estes a touz commune 
Qei attendes tu ore morir vorroie 
Car iammes auoir ne purroie 
Ne esbatement ne solas 
Toute foitz qe home dirra las 

3585 Veiez la la Roigne despaigne 
Qe corona la grant compaigne 
He Prince ta puissance fiere 
Mad de haut en has mis a rere 
f. 51' Moult est bien la dame honee 

359° Q^ au ton corps est assenee 
Car dire poet qele ad le flour 
De tout le monde % le meillour 
Et qe tout le monde meistrie 
Ensi dist la dame ioHe 

3695 Que se compleindoit en ses ditz 
Et li tresnoble Prince de pris 
Sent vint a Benesques logier 
Et le Roy Petro a chiuacher 

A Burghes estoit sa moullier 3565 

Qui n'eut mye tamps d'atergier. 

Si tost que le novelle sot, 

S'en ala plus tost qu'elle pot 

Ou ce qu'elle pooit porter 

Du bien qu'elle pooit trousser. 357° 

Tant chemina et jour et nuit 

Avoec ciaux qui li font conduit 

Que en Arragon est venue. 

Moult durement fut esperdue. 

Come dolante et esploree 3575 

Disoit : ' Las ! pour quoy sui je nee ? 

De Castille estoie Rei'ne, 

A corone d'or riche et fine, 

Mais poi a dure le fortune. 

He ! morz, qui es a touz commune, 3580 

Qu'attens tu ? or mourir vorroie, 

Car jammes avoir ne pourroie 

Ne esbatement ne solas, 

Toutes fois que on dira, las ! 

" Vez la le Roine d'Espaigne 35^5 

Que corona le Grant Compaigne." 

He ! Princes, ta puissance fiere 

M'a de haut en bas mise ariere. 

Moult est bien la dame honouree 

Qui a ton corps est assenee, 359° 

Car dire poet qu'ele a le flour 

De tout le monde et le meillour, 

Et que tout le monde meistrie.' 

Ensi dist le dame jolie 

Qui se compleindoit en ses diz. 3595 

Et li nobles Princes de pris 

S'en vint a Benesques logier, 

Et li Roys Petre a chevauchier 


T] I 

Coment le Roi Petre sen chiuacha 

deuaunt Burghes % les Burgeises 

venoient encontre lui | * ly receiuerent 

moult belement * apres ceo le Prince 

venoit a Burghes t la demorra per 

vn moys | * le Roi Petre manda p tout 

Espaigne | t lours sount venuz les gentz 

de touz partiez | % lui prierent incy % illes pdona. 

Se prist deuant Burghes tut droit 

3600 Enconte de li la endroit 
Vindrent li riche Burgeois 
Qui lui disoient bien veignez Rois 
Lors fust a Burghes receuz 
Et ly Prince y est venuz 

3605 Apres le terme de vi. iours 
Et a Burghes fut ly soiours 
Bien le terme dun Mois passee 
Per tout Espaigne ad home d 
Si qil niad Cite ne ville 

3610 Et a Toilette % Seuille 
A Cordevalle t a Lion 
Per tout le Roialme enuiron 
Qe chescun venist sanz detry 
Au Roy Petro prier mercy 

3615 Lors sont de touz partz venu 
Lui estranges t lui conu 
Et li Roy touz lour pdona 
Seigniour ne vous menteray ia 

Se prist devant Burghes tout droit. 

Encontre de li, la endroit, 3600 

S'en vinrent li riche bourgeois. 

Qui lui disoient: ' Bien veigniez, Roisl' 

Lors fu a Burghes receuz, 

Et ly Princes y est venuz 

Apres le terme de vi jours ; 360S 

Et a Burghes fut ly sojours 

Bien le terme d'un mois passe. 

Par tout Espaigne a on mande, 

Si qu'il n'i a cite ne ville, 

Et a Toulete et a Seville, 3610 

A Cordeval et a Lion, 

Par tout le roialme environ, 

Que chescuns venist sanz detry 

Au Roi Petro prier mercy. 

Lors sont de toutes parz venu 3615 

Li estrange et li coneii, 

Et li Roys touz lour pardona. 

Seigniour, ne vous menteray ja. 


Coment le Prince tenoit son iugement deuant 
Burghes | % tout Espaigne fust a sa ordinance I i la 

vint fferantes de Castres | % le Prince ly fist gnt 

honour % le festoia moult noblement | t la soiourna 

le Prince vii • mois % plus % illoeqes 

furent les serementes renouelles. 

Luy Prince tient certainement 
3620 Deuant Burghes son Iugement 

Li Princes tint certainement 
Devant Burghes son jugement 




Et tient son gage de bataille 
Sicj home pooit dire sanz faille 
Qen Espaigne ot tiel puissance 
Qe tut fut a son ordinance 

3625 La vint de Castres dan ffarrantz 
Qui moult estoit preu t vaillantz 
Lui Prince mouit le festoia 
Et moult grant honour li porta 
A Burghes la Cite garnie 

3630 Ly Prince I sa baronie 

Soiournerent vij. mois ou plus 
Et la fut lour conseilt tenuz 
Et la feurent renouellee 
Les serement qils eussent iuree 

Et tint son gage de bataille, 
Si qu'on pooit dire sanz faille 
Que en Espaigne ot tel puissance 
Que tout fut a son ordenance. 
La vint de Castres dans ffarranz, 
Qui moult estoit preus et vaillanz. 
Li Princes moult le festoia 
Et moult grant honour li porta. 
A Burghes, la cite garnie, 
Ly Princes et sa baronie 
Sojournerent vij. mois ou plus ; 
Et la fu lour consiaux tenuz 
Et la feurent renovelle 
Li serement qu'eurent jure. 

Coment le Roy Petre sen ala deuers 

Seuille pur purchacer or % argent pur 

paier au noble Prince t a sez gentz 

% le noble Prince lattendi entour la 

vale Dolif | p vi mois * sez gentz soeffrent 

gnt duretee per defaute de vitaille. 

3635 Et qe le Roy daun Petro droit 
Deuers sa ville sen irroit 
Pur purchaser or % argent 
Pur paier le Prince t sa gent 
Et li Prince deuoit attendre 

3640 Le Roy daun Petro auoir entendre 
Au Vale Dolif t la entour 
Et ordeignia vn certain iour 
Qil deuoit a ly retourner 
Mais a verite recorder 

3645 Ly Prince latendi vj. mois 

Dont moult endura de destrois 
Son boost de soif <i de ffarin 
Per defaute de vin % pain 
Vn puerbe ai oy noncier 

3650 Qe home doit pur sa feme tender 
Et pur sa viande combatre 
Seigniour il ne fait nult esbatre 

Line 3627 festoia. 



Et que li Roys dans Petro droit 

Devers Seville s'en iroit 

Pour pourchacier or et argent 

Pour paier le Prince et sa gent ; 

Et li Princes devoit attendre, 

Le Roy dan Petre, au voir entendre, 

Au Val d'Olif t la entour, 

Et ordena un certain jour 

Qu'il devoit a ly retourner. 

Mais a verite recorder 

Ly Princes I'atendi vj. mois, 

Dont moult endura de destrois 

Son OS, et de soif et de fain, 

Par defaute de vin et pain. 

Un proverbe ay oy noncier, 

Qu'on doit pour sa femme tencier, 

Et pour sa viande combatre. 

Seigniour, il ne fait nul esbatre, 

f omitted and superscript. 







f. 52' 

Qui niad ben t mangez assetz 
Dont il yauoit assetz 

3655 Qui ne mageoient pas de pain 
Touz foitz qils anoient faim 
Et si noisoient sanz mentir 
Villes ne Chastelx assailler 
Car le Prince lauoit defendu 

3660 Mais si home les deust auoir pendu 
Lour faloit il faire p force 
Car grant fayme les enforce 
Et li Prince meisment 
Prist haumousque primerment 

3665 Et fut a Medismes de camp 
Et deifia tant sur le camp 
Qe de la Ville ot la vitaille 
Ou liueree lour eust la bataille 
Auxi tout la gnde compaignie 

3670 Plusours en prisent en Espaigne 
Mais nepquant pur veritee 
Moult ils soeffrerent de duretee 
Toutdiz le Roy Petro attendant 
Quant ils eurent demee tant 

3675 Et le iour estoit ia passez 
Qil deuoit estre retournez 

Qui n'a beu et mangle assez : 
Adont il y avoit assez 
Qui ne mangeoient pas de pain 
Toutes fois qu'il avoient faim, 
Et se n'osoient, sanz mentir, 
Villes ne chastiaux assaillir. 
Car li Princes I'eut defendu ; 
Mais s'on les deust avoir pendu 
Lour faloit il faire par force, 
Car grant famine les enforce. 
Et li Princes melsmement 
Prist Haumousque premierement 
Et fu a Medismes de Camp, 
Et demoura tant sur le camp 
Que de le ville ot le vitaille, 
Ou livre lour euist bataille : 
Auxi toute le Grant Compaigne 
Plusours en prisent en Espaigne. 
Mais nepourquant pour verite 
Moult il souffrirent de durte 
Touz dis le Roy Petre attendant. 
Quant il eurent demoure tant 
Et li jours estoit ja passez 
Qu'il devoit estre retournez, 

Coment le Roi Petre enuoia sez 

Ires au Prince t ly rendist grantz 

mercies | t lui excusa de sa paimet 

% le noble Prince ly enuoia vne Ife. 

Vne lie au Prince manda 
De quele le tenour deuisa 
Quil li rendoit moultz des mercys 

3680 De ce qils lui anoient seruis 
Car Roy fut de tut Castielle 
Et chescun son seigniour li appelle 
Mais sa gent lui ont respondu 
Sachez li grant % li menu 

3685 Qil ne purroit auoir argent 
Sil ne fesoit voider sagent 
Et pur tant le Prince prioit 






Une lettre au Prince manda, 

De qui le tenour devisa 

Qu'il li rendoit moult de mercy 

De ce qu'il I'avoient servi, 

Car Roys fut de toute Castelle, 

Et chescuns son seigniour I'appelle ; 

Mais sa gent lui ont respondu 

Sachiez, li grant et li menu, 

Qu'il ne pourroit avoir argent 

S'il ne fesoit voidier sa gent ; 

Et pour tant le Prince prioit, 





A plus amiablement qil pooit 

Plus amiablement qu'il pooit 

Qil li plust a repairer 

Qu'il li pleiist a repairier, 

3690 Car plus nauoit de li mestier 

Car plus n'avoit de li mestier, 

52'' Et qil vousist ordeigner gent 

Et qu'il vousist ordener gent, 

Pur resceyure son paiment 

Pour receyvre son paiement. 

Li Prince moult senmueilla 

Li Princes moult s'esmerveilla 

Sitost qe la Ire escouta 

Sitost que le lettre escouta. 

3695 Deux Chiualers vers ly tramist 

Deux chevaliers vers ly tramist 

Et per Ires sauoir li fist 

Et par lettres savoir li fist 

Qil nauoit tenuz les ditz 

Que il n'avoit tenuz les diz 

Queux il auoit iuree t pmis 

Qu'il avoit jurez et promis. 



Coment le Prince prist son purpois de 

retourner en Acquitaigne car plusors disoient 

qe le Bastard yestoit entrez % fist fnt damage 

* le Prince tant chiuacha qil vint a la 

vale de Sorie | t en cell temps Chaundos 

conceilla oue le conceil Daragoune. 

A quoy faire vous conteroie 

3700 La matiere % alongeroie 
Tant vous en purroy center 
Qe bien vous purroy tasner 
Luy Prince ad bien apceu 
Qe le Roy Petro ne fui 

3705 Pas I si foiaux come il quidoit 
Lors dist qil sen retourneroit 
Car plusours disoient ensi 
Auxi qe le Bastard Henri 
Estoit entrez en Aquitaine 

3710 Et moult fesoit soeffrir de paine 
A comune poeple du pais 
Dent le Prince fut moult maris 
Lors prist le Prince son retour 
De Mandregay sanz null soio 

3715 Tant iour t noet ad chiuache 
Qil vient en vale de Sorye 
Ou il soiourna bien vn mois 
Et Chaundos conseilla en trois 

A quoy faire vous conteroie 

Le matere et alongeroie ? 3700 

Tant vous en pourroye confer 

Que bien vous pourroye taner. 

Li Princes a bien aperceu 

Que li Roys dans Petro ne fu 

Pas si foiaux come il quidoit. 3705 

Lors dist qu'il s'en retourneroit, 

Car plusours disoient ensi 

Auxi, que le Bastart Henri 

Estoit entrez en Aquitaine, 

Et moult fesoit souffrir de paine 37i° 

Au comun poeple du pais, 

Dont li Princes fut moult maris. 

Lors prist li Princes son retour 

De Madregay sanz nul sejour. 

Tant jour et noet a chevauchie 3715 

Que il vint eu val de Sorye 

Ou il sojourna bien un mois. 

Et Chandos conseilla entroes 

Line 3707 Car, c corrected mit of o^ ; t ly disoient almost erased. 



Oues^ le conseil daragon 
3720 Du conseil ne say si poi non 

Avoec le conseil d'Aragon. 
Du conseil ne say se poi non. 


f. 53' 

Coment Chaundos % mon(j Martin de la 

Carre venoit au Roy de Nauarre % purcha- 

Cerent le passage du Prince | % le Prince 

se pti de la vale de Sorie % prist sa voie 

pmy Nauarre t le Roy de Nauarre 

ly conduist outre le paas % la prirent congie 

conge I * le Pnce vient a Bayone t la fuist p 

V- iours en grauntz reueaux t les Burgeises 

festoient moult graund * noblement. 

Mais pur la matiere abreggier 
Chaundos se vint sanz atargier 
Per deuers le Roy de Nauarre 
II % daun Martin de la Carre 

3725 Purchacerent tant qe le Roys 
De Nauerre qui fut curtoys 
Lessa le Prince passer 
Et li Prince sanz arester 
Septi de vale de sorie 

3730 Pmy Nauarre ad quillie 

Sa voie | sanz prendre soiour 
Lui Roi qui moult fui plain dono 
Ly Prince grant honour fesoit 
Car toutz les iours li enuoioit 

3735 Vin t vitaille agnt plentee 
Pmy Nauarre li ad amesnee 
Si conduist tut outre le paas 
Apres ne vous menteray pas 
A seint lohn du pee des portz 

3740 ffestierent p grantz desportz 

Dilloeqes ensemble congie prirent 
Doucement % se deptirent 
Lor vient le Prince a Baione 
Dont grant ioie ot mainte psone, 

3745 Noblement les nobles Burgeois 

Mais pour le matere abregier 
Chandos s'en vint sanz atargier 
Par devers le Roy de Navarre. 
II et dans Martins de la Carre 
Pourchacierent tant que li Roys 
De Naverre, qui fut courtoys, 
Lessa le Prince repasser. 
Et li Princes sanz arester 
Se parti du val de Sorie ; 
Parmy Navarre a acoeilHe 
Sa voie sanz prendre sojour. 
Li Roys, qui moult fu plains d'onour 
Au Prince grant honour fesoit, 
Car touz les jours li envoioit 
Vin et vitaille a grant plente. 
Parmy Navarre I'a mene, 
Sil conduist tout outre le pas. 
Apres, ne vous menteray pas, 
A Seint Jehan du Pie des Porz 
ffestierent par granz deporz. 
Illoec ensamble congie prirent 
Doucement et se departirent. 
Lor vint li Princes a Baione, 
Dont grant joie ot mainte persone. 
Noblement li noble bourgeois 






Line 3727 passer, re added in the 7nargin. 
Line 3736 omitted and inserted after line 3752. 



Li festoient % ce fut droitz, 
Et la congie dona a sa gent 
Et lour dist qe lour paiment 
Venissent querere a Burdeaux 
375° La fut V • iours en grant reueaux 

Le festioient et ce fut droiz. 
Et la congie dona sa gent, 
Et lour dist que lour paiement 
Venissent querir a Bourdiaux. 
La fut V • jours en granz reviaux, 

Coment le Prince sen est partiz de Bayon 

% est venuz a Burdeaux t fut retenuz moult 

noblement a croys % a pcessions t la Princesse 

oue Edward son filtz vint encontre 

ly oue plusours dames % Chiualers 

t demenoient moult graund ioie. 


De Baione sest deptiz 
Lui Prince plus nest alentiz 
Tancj il est a Burdeux venuz 
Noblement y fui resceuz 
A croys % a pcessious 

3756 Et touz les religious 
A lencontre li venoient 
Moult noblement le festoient 
En loeant t graciant dieu 

3760 Lors descendi a saint Andrev 
La Princesse vient encontre ly 
Qe fist aporter ouescj luy 
Edward son filtz le primiers, 
Les dames t les chiualers 

3765 Pur li festoier y venoient 

Et moult grant ioie demenoient 
Moult doulcement se entre coUerent 
Ensemble quant ils sencontrerent 
Ly Prince qui ot coer gentil 

3770 Baissa sa moullier % son fil 

Duscj alostielt a pe sen venirent 
Ensemble p les mains se tenirent 

De Baione s'est departiz 

Li Princes, plus n'est alentiz, 

Tanqu'il est a Bourdiaux venuz. 

Noblement y fu receiiz 

A croys et a processions, 

Et trestout li religious 

A I'encontre de li venoient. 

Moult noblement le festoioient 

En loant et graciant Dieu. 

Lors descendi a Seint Andrieu. 

La Princesse vint contre ly, 

Qui fist aporter avoec ly 

Edouwart son filz, le premier. 

Les dames et li chevalier 

Pour li festoier y venoient, 

Et moult grant joie demenoient. 

Moult doulcement s'entrecollerent, 

Ensamble quant il s'encontrerent. 

Ly Princes, qui ot coer gentil, 

Baisa sa moullier et son fil. 

Dusqu'a I'ostel a pie s'en vinrent 

Ensamble par les mains se tinrent. 

Coment le Prince dema a Burdeaux 

en gnt ioie % deduit % chescun sen 

resioie de sa venue per tout le pais daqtaigne 

t chescune festoia moult noblement a son amy. 

Ltfie 3749 Burdeaux, a omitted and superscript. 







A quoi faire vous mentiroye 

A quoi faire vous mentiroye ? 

A Burdeaux fesoit home tiel ioie 

A Bourdiaux fesoit on tel joye 

3775 Qe chescun se reioissoit 

Que chescuns se resjoissoit 

De Prince qi venuz estoit 

Du Prince, qui venuz estoit, 

Et cils qe furent ouescj \y 

Et ciaux qui furent avoec ly. 

Chescon festoit son amy 

Chescuns festioit son amy. 

Home pooit sauoir qe ceH: nuit 

On poet savoir que celle nuit 

3780 ffist home en maint heu grant deduit 

ffist on en maint lieu grant deduit 

Par tout le pais daquitaine 

Par tout le pa'fs d'Aquitaine, 

De ce est bien chose cetaine 

De ce est bien chose certaine. 

Pur venier a conclusione 

Pour venir a conclusion, 

Ore vous ai ie fet mencion 

Or vous ai je fet mencion. 

3785 Du Prince | % de son gra voiage 

Du Prince et de son grant voiage, 

Et de son tresnoble baronage 

Et de son tresnoble barnage, 

Pdones moy si mal iai dit 

Pardones moy se mal j'ai dit 

Car de rien ne vous ay mentit 

Car de rien ne vous ay mentit. 




f. 54' 

Coment le Prince apres ce qil auoit 

demee vn temps a Burdeaux fist 

assembler a seint Milion touz les 

nobles de tout la principaltee moult 

debonairement si bien ceux qui auoient 

estee ouesqe sa compaigne en sa absence 

com ceux qi auoient estee ouesqe ly en 

Espaigne 1 les festoia moult noble- 

ment % grauntz douns lour dona t 

lors chescun se parti vs soun hosteille. 

A Burdeux dema vn temps 
3790 Et bien se tenoit pur contemps 
De ses gentz % de son pais 
Car moult li auoit reesoiez 
Puis fist en bien centre faison 
Assembler a seint Milion 
3795 De tout sa principaltee 
Les nobles I ce fut veritee 
Countes | Barons | Euesqes platz 
La viendrent ils a grant solas 
Et ly Prince debonairment 
3800 Les mercia moult humblement 

A Bourdiaux demoura un temps 

Et bien se tenoit pour contens 3790 

De ses genz et de son pal's, 

Car moult s'i estoit resjoiz. 

Puis fist en bien courte saison 

Assambler a Seint Milion 

De toute sa principaute 3795 

Les nobles, ce fut verite, 

Contes, barons, vesques, prelaz. 

La vinrent il a grant solas. 

Ly Princes debonairement 

Les mercia moult humblement : 3800 



Ceux qi ouescp sa compaigne 
ifurent t ouescg ly en Espaigne, 
Et ceux qui demore estoient 
Quils la pais gardes auoient 

3S06 Et lour dist beaux seigniours p foi 
De tout mon coer aymer vous doi 
Car vous mauez tres bien serui 
De bon coer vous enmerci 
Moult noblement les estoia 

3810 Et moult beal doner lour dona 
Or t argent t riches loiaux 
Et cils en fesoient grantz reueaux 
De noble Prince se ptirent 
Vers lours hostelx lour chimin prirent. 

Ciaux qui avoecque sa compaigne 

fifurent, avoec ly en Espaigne, 

Et ciaux qui demore estoient, 

Qui le pals garde avoient ; 

Et lour dist : ' Blaux seigniours, par foi, 3805 

De tout mon coer aymer vous doi. 

Car vous m'avez tres bien servi. 

De bon coer vous en remerci.' 

Moult noblement les festoia 

Et moult de biaux dons lour dona, 3810 

Or, argent, et riches joiaux, 

Et cil en fesoient granz reviaux. 

Du noble Prince se partirent ; 

Vers lours hostelx lour chemin prirent. 

Coment le Prince se vint a 

Anguleme % la luy survint 

sa maladie | % adonqes 

comencerent fauxetees % traisons 

entre les seigniours du pais car ils sacor- 

deret entre eux de comencer guerre cont le Pnce. 

3815 Assetz tost apres ce auint 
Qe a Anguyleme logier vient 
Lui noble Prince daquitaine 
Et la cest bien chose certaine 
f. 54' Li comencea la maladie 

3S20 Qe puis dura tout sa vie 
Dont fut damage i pitee 
Adonqes comencea fauxetee 
Et traison a gouerner 
Ceux qui le denoient aymer 

3825 Car cils qil tenoit pur amis 
Adonqes feurent ses enemis 
Mais ce nest mie grant merueille 
Car lenemy qui touz iours veille 
Pluis tost greuera vn pdhome 

3830 Qe vn manneis cest la some 

Et pur ce, si tost qe home sanoit 
Qe li noble Prince estoit 

Assez tost apres ce avint 
Qu'a Angouleme logier vint 
Ly nobles Princes d'Aquitaine ; 
Et la, c'est bien chose certaine 
Li comencea la maladie 
Qui puis dura toute sa vie, 
Dont fut damages et pites. 
Adonc comencea fauxetes 
Et traisons a governer 
Ciaux qui le devoient a3'mer. 
Car cil qu'il tenoit pour amis 
Adonc feurent ses enemis ; 
Mais ce n'est mie grant merveille. 
Car I'enemis, qui touz jours veille. 
Plus tost grevera un preudhome 
Que un mauveis, ce est le some ; 
Et pour ce, si tost qu'on savoit 
Que li nobles Princes estoit 





Line 3S25 qil, 1 omitted and superscript. 



Malades en pil de mort, 

Malades, en peril de mort, 

Ses enemis furent dacort 

Si enemi furent d'acort 

De la guerre recomencier 

De le guerre recomencier ; 

Si comencerent a traitier 

Si comencierent a traitier 

A ceux qils sauoient de fit 

A ciaux qu'il savoient, de fi, 

Qils estoient si enemit 

Qu'il estoient si enemi. 

Coment la guerre fut recomencee 

entre ffraunce t Engletre % adonqes 

villas % Citees t plusours seigniours 

du pais se tournerent encontre le Pnce [ 

1 se trahierent vers le Roy de ffraunce 

come a lour seigniour souaine pur 

appeller le Prince en sa Court endisantz 

qil lour auoit fait gnt tort. 

Adonqes recomencea la guerre 

3840 Entre ffrance t Engleterre 
Et lors villes * Citees 
Se tournerent cest veritees 
Et plusours Countees t Barons 
Dont ie ne doi celer les nouns 

3845 Arminak | Lisle | % Peregos 
Labret Corages de briefs motz 
Toutz relinquerent a vn iour 
Le Prince lour liege seigniour 
Pur ce qe malades estoit 

3850 Et qe aider plus ne se pooit 
Adonqes feurent ils tut dacord 
Sicome ie oy em mon record 
f. 55' Qe du Prince sexpelleroient 
Et qe gurre comenceroient 

3855 Ly Count Darminak primers 
Et plente dautres chiualers 
Se trahierent vers le Roy de ffrance 
Et ly dirent sanz demorance 
Qils voilloient appeller 

3860 En sa court | % eux retourner 
Endisantz qe le Prince tort 


Adonc recomencea le guerre 
Entre ffrance et Engleterre, 
Et lores villes et cites 
Se tournerent, c'est verites, 
Et plusours contes et barons, 
Dont je ne doi celer les nons : 
Arminak, Lisle et Pieregos, 
Labret, Corages de bries moz. 
Tout relinquirent a un jour 
Le Prince, lour lige seignour, 
Pour ce que malades estoit, 
Et qu'aidier plus ne se pooit. 
Adonc feurent il tout d'acort, 
Si come j'oy em mon recort, 
Que du Prince s'apelleroient 
Et que guerre comenceroient. 
Ly conte d'Arminak premiers 
Et plente d'autres chevaliers 
Se traissent vers le Roy de ffrance, 
Et ly dirent sanz demorance 
Que il voloient appeller 
En sa court et yaux retourner, 
En disant que li Princes tort 
Lour fesoit et travailloit fort. 






Lour fesoit % trauailloit fort 

Line 3843 plusours, r omitted and superscript. 



Pur ce venoient de cetain 
Vers ly come seignour souerain 

Pour ce venoient, de certain, 
Vers ly com seignour soverain. 

Coment le Roy de ffraunce appella 

son gnd conseil | % lour moustra 

lentent du Counte Darmynak t s ce 

le Roy de ffraunce enuoia p le Pnce 

de venir % respondre en son parlement 

dount le noble Prince fuist corucez. 

3865 Luy Roy de ffrance en appella 
Son grant conseille i assembia 
Et lour moustra tout lentente 
Coment sil Darminak le tempte 
De la guerre comencier 

3870 Dont se pristrent a conseiller 
Et le conseille fut sur ce point 
De ce ne vous menterai point 
Qils firent le Prince mander 
Qil venist sanz arestier 

3875 Respondre en son plein parlement 
Et contre celle appellement 
Ly Prince qui malades fui 
Quant il ot le fait entendu 
Moult durement fut coroucez 

3880 Adonqes cest de son lit diescez 
Et ad dit beau seigniour p foi 
Avis mest a ce qe ie voi 
Qe ffarncois me teignont pur mort 
Mais si dieux me doint verrai confort 

3885 Si de ce lit leuir me puis 

En coer lour ferrai moult daunys 
Car dieu sciet bieu qe sanz bon droit 
Se pleindent de moy ore en droit 

Ly Rois de ffrance en appella 3865 

Son grant conseil et assambla, 

Et lour moustra toute I'entente 

Coment cil d'Arminak le tempte 

De la guerre recomencier : 

Dont se prisent a conseillier. 3870 

Et li consiauz fut sur ce point, 

De ce ne vous menteray point, 

Qu'il firent le Prince mander 

Que il venist, sanz arester, 

Respondre en son plein parlement 3875 

Encontre eel appellement. 

Ly Princes, qui malades fu, 

Quant il ot le fait entendu, 

Moult durement fut corouciez. 

Adonc s'est de son lit dreciez 3880 

Et a dit : ' Biau seigniour, par foi, 

Avis m'est, a ce que je voi, 

Que ffrancois me tienent pour mort ; 

Mais, se Dieux me doint vrai confort, 

Se de ce lit lever me puis 3885 

Encor lour ferai moult d'anuys, 

Car Dieux scet bien que sanz bon droit 

Se pleindent de moy ore en droit.' 

f. 55" 

Coment le Prince remanda au Roy de ffraunce 
% aps ce comencea guerre en Aquitaigne. 

Lors remanda au Roy de ffrance 
3890 De volunte hardi t france 
Qe voluntiers certeynement 


Lors remanda au Roy de ffrance, 
De volente hardie et france, 
Que volentiers certeynement 

I beau, a omitted and stiperscript. 




II irroit a son mandement 

Si dieux li donast saunte % vie 

II % tout sa compaignie 

3895 Le bacinet armee au chief 
Pur li defendre de meschief 
Ensi ceste bien chose certaine 
Comencea guerre en Acquitaine 
Et lors fist touz les compaignous 

3900 Mettre en touz les garisons 
La veissez guerre mortele 
Et en plusours lieux moult cruele 
Les freres furent contre le frere 
Et le filtz contre le piere 

3905 Chescun de eux se ptie tenoit 
A quel part qe meultz li plesoit 
Mais en temps qe ie vous die 
Ly noble Prince moult pdi 
Car traisons % fauxetees 

3910 Regnoient la de touz costeez 
Home ne sauoit en qi fiance 
Auoir si le verray dieux mauance 
Mais ne pur quant se confortoit 
Lui Prince au mulz qil pooit 

II iroit a son mandement, 

Se Dieux li doint sante et vie, 

II et toute sa compaignie, 

Le bacinet arme au chief, 3895 

Pour li defendre de meschief. 

Ensi, c'est bien chose certaine, 

Comencea guerre en Acquitaine ; 

Et lors fist touz les compaignons 

Mettre en toutes les garnisons. 39°° 

La velssiez guerre mortele 

Et en plusours lieux moult cruele : 

Li freres fu contre le frere 

Et li filz encontre le pere ; 

Chescuns d'yaux son parti tenoit 39°S 

A quel part que mieuiz li plesoit. 

Mais en ce tamps que je vous di 

Ly nobles Princes moult perdi, 

Car traisons et fauxetes 

Regnoient la de touz costez. 39'° 

On ne savoit en qui fiance 

Avoir, se li vrays Dieux m'avance. 

Mais nepourquant se confortoit 

Li Princes au mieuiz qu'il pooit. 

Coment le Prince enuoia en Engleire 

pur socour auoir de son pier | % il ly 

enuoia Esmond Counte de Cantebrigge 

son filtz I % le Counte de Pembrolc od moult 

noble chiualrie les queux pristrent 

BourdreH per assaut * le Counte de 

Penbrok fuist fait Chiualer | * apres 

ce mistrent siege a Roche Suryon. 

3915 En Engleterre fist mander 
Socours I pur li reconforter 
Et li tresnoble Roy son pier 
Li enuoia Esmond son frere 
Conte de Cantebrigge de renon 

3920 Qui eust le coer fier come lion 
f. 66' Cil de Pembrok auxi 

En Engleterre fist mander 3915 

Socours pour li reconforter, 

Et li tresnobles Roys, ses pere, 

Li envoia Esmond son frere, 

Conte de Cantbrigge de non, 

Qui eut le coer fier com lion, 39=° 

Et cil de Pennebrok auxi 





Qui eust le coer preu % hardi 

Qui eut le coer preu et hardi, 

Et auoient en lour compaignie 

Et avoient en lour compaignie 

Moult de noble chiualrie 

Moult de noble chevalerie. 

3925 Cils deux viendrent en le frontier 

Cil doi s'en vinrent en frontier 

Et moult fesoient eux chier 

Et moult fesoient yaux chier : 

Bourdielle prirent p assaut 

Bourdeille prirent par assaut, 

Dont eurent le coer leez t baut 

Dont eurent le coer lie et baut ; 

Et la fut Chiualer le Counte 

Et la fu chevaliers li conte 

3930 De Pembrok dont home fist counte 

De Pennebrok, dont on fist conte. 

Puis mistrent en court faison 

Puis misent en courte saison 

Siege a la Roche Surion 

Siege a la Roche sur Ion ; 

Et Chaundos fut a Mont AubeiT 

Et Chandos fut a Montauben 

Qui illoeqes se meintenoit bien 

Qui illoec se meintenoit bien. 

Coment la Roche 
Counte de Cantebrigge t 

3935 Que vous purroi ie recorder 
Pur la matier destourber 
De toutz partz fust la fortune 
En Acquitaine horrible % frune 
La Roche Surion fut pris 

394° De Cantebrigge % son empris 
Mais ensi qil pleust a celly 
Verrai dieux qui vnqes ne menty 
Monp James de Audelee 
Qui moult fui de grant renomee 

3945 Morust illoqes de maladie 

Dont dolantz fui nendoutez mye 
Li tresnoble Prince de pris 
Car moult li fui Jamys amys 
Et puis gaires ne demora 

3950 Et Chaundos auxi trespassa 
Au pont de Lusak bien sauez 
Dont fui damage l piteez 
Car moult en estoit esmays 
Ly Prince qui moult fui maris 

3955 Mais home voit souent auenir 
Qe quant il doit mys a venir 
Li meschief apres lautre vient 
Beau cop des foitz ensi auyent 

Suryon fuist pris p le 
Audel t Chaundos tspassent. 

Que vous pourroi je recorder 
Pour le matere destourber ? 
De toutes parz fu le fortune 
En Acquitaine horrible et frune. 
La Roche sur Ion fut prise 
De Cantebrigge et son emprise ; 
Mais ensi qu'il pleut a cely 
Vrai Dieu, qui onques ne menty, 
Messires James d' Audelee, 
Qui moult fu de grant renommee, 
Morut illoec de maladie : 
Dont dolanz fu, n'en doutez mye, 
Li tresnobles Princes de pris, 
Car moult li fu Jamys amis. 
Et puis gaires ne demora, 
Et Chandos auxi trespassa 
Au pont de Lusak, bien savez : 
Dont fu damages et pitez. 
Car moult en estoit esmays 
Ly Princes, qui moult fu maris. 
Mais on voit souvent avenir 
Que, quant il doit mesavenir, 
L'uns meschies apres I'autre vient. 
Biau cop des fois ensi avyent. 










Toutz les meschiefs ensi sourdoient 
3960 Lun apres lautre venoient 
f. 56* A noble Prince qui gisoit 
En lit ou malades estoit 
Mais de tout ce gracioit dieu 
Et disoit I tout auera son lieu 
3965 Et si de ci leuer me purroye 
Bien la vengeance en prenderoye 

Tout li meschief ensi sourdoient, 
L'uns apres I'autre, il venoient 
Au noble Prince, qui gisoit 
En lit ou malades estoit. 
Mais de tout ce gracioit Dieu 
Et disoit : ' Tout avra son lieu ; 
Se de ci lever me pooye, 
Bien la vengeance en prenderoye.' 



Coment les ffrancois se reioissent moult 

de la malaie du Prince 1. de la mort de 

Chaundos % Audele | % adonqes le Roy de ffnce 

ent manda nouelles a monp Bartrem de 

Claykyn en Espeyne % qil deust 

retoumer | % il se vint a Tholohouse. 

Quant ffrancois sauoient qe Chaundos 
ffut mort qui auoit grant los 
Moult grant ioie firent p tout 

3970 Et se reioissent moult 
Et disoient tout serra nre 
Auxi verray come le paternoster 
Lors fist le Roy Charles de ffrance 
Mander sanz point de demorance 

3975 A monp Bartrem de Claykyn 
Qui ot le coer hardi t fyn 
En Espaigne leure il estoit 
La ou le Roy Bastard seruoit 
Et manda qe Chaundos fui mort 

3980 Voluntiers oy le recort 

Bartrem en ffrance retourna 
Bien tost | gaires ne demora 
A tholouse sen est venuz 
La fui Danioo li riche ducz 

3985 Qui le festoia doulcement 
Et moult tresameablement 
Et dist Dan Bartrem bien trouez 
Soiez vous | % bien ariuez 
Nous auons grant mestier de vous 

3990 Car si vous estez ouesc^ vous 

Quant ffrancois savoient que Chandos 

ffut morz, qui tant avoit grant los, 

Moult grant joie firent par tout 

Et se resjoYssoient moult, 

Et disoient : ' Tout sera nostre, 

Auxi vray com le paternostre.' 

Lors fist li Roys Charles de ffrance 

Mander sanz point de demorance 

A monsiour Bartrem de Claykyn, 

Qui ot le coer hardi et fyn, 

En Espaigne, leur il estoit, 

La ou le Roy Bastart servoit, 

Et manda que Chandos fu mort. 

Volentiers oy le recort. 

Bartrem en ffrance retourna 

Bien tost, gaires ne demora. 

A Tholouse s'en est venuz ; 

La fu d'Anjou li riches dues 

Qui le festoia doulcement 

Et moult tresamiablement 

Li dist : ' Dan Bertrem, bien trovez 

Soiez vous et bien arivez. 

Nous avons grant mestier de vous, 

Car se vous estez avoec nous, 






Line 3990 vous, marginal correction n. 



Nous conquestrons Acquitanie 
Car ce est bien chose certaine 
Audelee t Chaundos sont mortz 
Qui nous ont fait tant de discordz 
3995 Et li Prince gist en son lit 
Malades qui poy ad de delit 
f. s?' Si ($ vous le conseillez 

Nous sumes touz appaillez 
De chiuachier pmy la terre 


Nous conquesterons Acquitaine ; 
Car ce est bien chose certaine, 
Audelee et Chandos sont mort, 
Qui nous ont fait tant de descort, 
Et li Princes gist en son lit 
Malades, qui poy a delit, 
Si que, se vous le conseilliez, 
Nous somes touz appareilliez 
De chevauchier parmy le terre/ 

Coment monp Bartrem sacorda de 

faire la guerre encontre le Prince ( 1 

adonqes les fincois firent assembler lour 

grant poer. t le Due Danioo entra pmy 

Crescyn t le Due de Barry [ % le Due de 

Burbon ehiuacherent pmy lymosyn t 

furent en purpose dassieger le Prinee | 

I lors le Prince se leua % fist son poair. 

A ce faire bien sacorda 
Daun Bartrem | qe le conseilla 
Et la feurent ils tut daccord 
Sicome ioy en mon record 

4005 Qe a deux costes chiuacheroient 
Et qe le Prince assegeroient 
Lors fesoient assembler lour gentz 
Assez p Milliers t p Centz 
Le Due Danioo pmy Cressin 

4010 Chiuacha | a moult grant trahin 
Cil de Barry | % cil de Burbon 
Ouescj des gentz grant fuison 
Parmy Hmosyn ehiuacherent 
Tantcj a Lymoges se longierent 

4015 Et quidoient au voir iugier 
Venir ] droit le Prince assegier 
En Anguileme ou il estoit 
Si malades qil se gisoit 
Et ly Prince fui en son lit 

A ce faire bien s'acorda 
Dans Bartrems, qui le conseilla ; 
Et lor feurent il tout d'accort, 
Sicome j'oy en mon recort, 
Qu'a deux costes chevaucheroient 
Et que le Prince assegeroient. 
Lors fisent assambler lour genz 
Assez par milliers et par cenz. 
Li Dues d'Anjou par my Cressin 
Chevaucha a moult grant trahin ; 
Cil de Barry, cil de Bourbon, 
Avoecque des genz grant fuison, 
Parmy Limosyn chevauchierent 
Tant qu'a Lymoges se logierent, 
Et quidoient, au voir jugier, 
Venir droit le Prince assegier 
En Angouleme, ou il estoit, 
Si malades qu'il se gisoit. 
Et ly Princes fu en son lit. 

Line 4000 /e/i blank in the MS. 

Line 4016 omitted and inserted after line 4024. 








4oao Qui pas nauoit trop grant delit. 
Si tost qil en oy nouelles 
Ly semblerent bons t beles 
De son lit tantost se leua 
Et tout son poair assembla. 

Qui pas n'avoit trop grant delit. 
Si tost qu'il en oy novelles, 
Ly semblerent bones et beles ; 
De son lit tantost se leva 
Et tout son pooir assambla. 



Coment en eel temps le Due de Lancastre 

oue moult noble chiualrie fuist arriuez 

en la pais % voiUiot aler pur combatre les 

enemys | t quant ils ent sauoient | % qe le 

Prince auoit assemblee son poair les enemys 

se retournerent % noiserent paas attendre 

% en eel temps Lymoges fust rendu p 

fauxtee | % le Prince y mist assegee 

% le regaigna per assaut | % la furent 

plusours gentz darmes % Burgeises pis % mortz. 

4025 A ceo temps fut ly riche ducz 

De Lancastre en qui feurent vertuz 
Armes dedeinz son pais 
Et moultz des chiualers de pris 
Et les voilloit aler combatre 

4030 Pur son noble pais debatre 
Mais si tost qil orent dire 
Qe li Prince sanz contredire 
Auoit assemblee son poair 
lis sen retournent pur voir 

4035 Et ne loiserent pas attendre 

Mais en ce temps a voir entendre 

Limoges la bone Citee 

ffut rendu p fauxtee 

Et li Prince celle part vint 

4040 Qui p devant lassiege tient 
Tan^ il le gaigna p assaut 
Dont moult ot le Coer haut 
Qar la fui Rogier de Beaufofd 
Qui de tenir se fesoit fort 

404s Et monp lohn de Villemer 
Qui dist qil garderoit le mure 
Et des gentz darmes bien iij. Centz 

A ce tamps fu ly riches dues 
De Lancastre, en qui fu vertuz, 
Arives dedenz son paifs, 
Ou moult de chevaliers de pris, 
Et les voloit aler combatre 
Pour son noble paVs debatre ; 
Mais si tost qu'il o'frent dire 
Que li Princes, sanz contredire, 
Avoit assamble son pooir, 
II s'en retournerent, pour voir, 
Et ne I'oserent pas attendre. 
Mais en ce tamps, au voir entendre, 
Limoges, le bone cite, 
ffut rendue par fauxete, 
Et li Princes celle part vint. 
Qui par devant le siege tint, 
Tant qu'il le gaigna par assaut : 
Dont moult ot le coer lie et baut, 
Car la fu Rogiers de Beaufort, 
Qui de tenir se fesoit fort, 
Messires Jehans de Villemur, 
Qui dist qu'il garderoit le mur, 
Et des genz d'armes bien iii. cenz, 








Sanz les Burgeises dep dedeinz 

Sanz les bourgeois de par dedenz. 

Mais touz y furent mortz ou pris 

Mais tout y furent mort ou pris 

4050 P le noble Prince de pris 

Par le noble Prince de pris, 

Dont auoient grant ioie entour \y 

Dont avoient grant joie entour 1} 

Toutz ceux qe li furent amy 

Tout cil qui li furent amy ; 

Et les enemis en auoient 

Et li enemi en avoient 

Grant paour | 1 se repentoient 

Grant paour et se repentoient 

4055 Qe la guerre recomencee 

Que le guerre recomencie 

Auoient vers ly ie vous affie 

Avoient vers ly, je vous affie. 

Coment apres ceo qe Lymoges fuist pris le 

Pnce se revint a Anguyleme | % troua Edward 

son filtz trespasse | dount il fat moult dolentz 

% apres ceo se vint en Engletre | <i ouesqe 

luy sa femme t son filtz Richard 

<i moult plusours autres de sez gentz. 



t. 58' Apres qe limoge fust pris 

Ly noble Prince de haut empris 
En Anguileme sen reuynt 

4060 Dont autre ensegne ly auient 
Car adonqes troua trespassee 
Son filtz Edward primer nee 
Dont bien fut dolantz en son coer 
Mais nuH poet la mort fuyer 

4065 Tout ly couenoit prendre en gre 
Ce qe dieux ly auoit done 
Apres gaires ne demora 
Qe tout son arrai apresta 
Et en Engleterre se vient 

4070 Pur la maledie qe ly tient 
Oues(5 li sa feme t son fitz 
Et multz des Chiualers du pris 

Apres que Limoges fu prise, 

Ly Princes de haute emprise 

En Angouleme s'en revynt ; 

Dont autre enseigne ly avint, 4060 

Car adonc trova trespasse 

Son filz Edouwart, premier ne, 

Dont bien fu dolanz en son coer : 

Mais nuls ne poet le mort fuyer. 

Tout ly covenoit prendre en gre 4065 

Ce que Dieux ly avoit done. 

Apres gaires ne demora 

Que tout son arroi apresta 

Et en Engleterre s'en vint 

Pour maladie qui le tint, 4076 

Avoec li sa femme et ses fiz 

Et moult de chevaliers de pris. 

Coment la nouelle vint en Engleterre 

qe la RocheU fuist perdu | <t le Count de 

Penbrok pris ] i sur ceo le Roy Dengletre 

fist vn tresgraunt armee en quelle 

fuist ly tresnoble Prince | t maint 

vaillant seigniour % chiualer de renoun 



queux fiiret sur la meer entour -ix- sema- 
ignes % ne ^roient auoir vent pur passer. 

Qe puis fut nouel venu 
Qe la Rochelt fust pdu 

4075 Et si fut pris lui noble Counte 
De Penbrok dont home fist counte 
Done fist li Roy faire vne arriuee 
Qe moult fui de grant renome 
Et la furent tout li baron 

4080 Et toutz les Chiualers de noun 
Ly noble Prince y estoit 
Qui en grant paine se mettoit 
Qe arriuer peust % prendre terre 
Pur aler socourer sa terre 

4085 Mais a ceo qe iay oi countier 
Noef semaignes estoient sur meer 
Qe vnqes ne purroient auoir vent 
Eins les failli tout varrayment 
Retourner % vener ariere 

4090 Dont moult fesoient matechiere 
f. 58' Lui Roi % le Prince auxi 

Et touz les Chiualers hardi 

Depuis fut novelle venue 
Que la Rochelle fu perdue, 
Et se fu pris li nobles conte 
De Pennebrok, dont on fist conte. 
Done fist li Roys faire une armee, 
Qui moult fu de grant renommee ; 
Et la furent tout li baron 
Et tout li chevalier de non : 
Ly nobles Princes y estoit 
Qui en grant paine se mettoit 
Qu'arriver peust et prendre terre, 
Pour aler socourir sa terre. 
Mais a ce que j'o'l conter 
Noef semaines estoient sur mer, 
Qu'onques ne peurent avoir vent, 
Eins les failli tout vrayement 
Retourner et venir ariere : 
Dont moult fesoient mate chiere 
Li Rois et li Princes auxi 
Et tout li chevalier hardi. 

.Coment le Prince se compleindoit en sez 
gntz maladies i pria sez gentz prier f> ly. 

Ore vous ay tout countee 
La vie du Prince % rimee 

4095 Pdones moy si vn poy briefment 
Je lay passee legierment 
Mais il faut qe ie men deliuere 
Car hoine en purroit faire vn liuere 
Bien auxi grant come Dartus 

4100 Dalisandre ou de Claruz 

Mais pur doner en remembrance 
De sont fait 1 reconissance 
Et de sa treshaute pesse 
Et de sa tresnoble largesse 

4105 Et auxi de la pdhome 

Ore vous ay toute contee 
La vie du Prince et rimee 
Pardones moy s'un poy briefment 
Je I'ay passe legierement, 
Mais il faut que je m'en delivre ; 
Car on en pourroit faire un livre 
Bien auxi grant come d'Artus, 
D'Alisandre ou de Clarus, 
Neis pour doner la remambrance 
Des siens faiz et reconissance, 
Et de sa treshaute prouece 
Et de sa tresnoble largece 
Et auxi de sa preudhomye. 








Line 4105 pdhome, d omitted and superscript; e marginal correction ye. 



Coment il fui tout sa vie 

Coment il fu toute sa vie, 

i*dh6me | loialx t Catholiqs 

Preudhom, loialx et catholiques 

Et en touz biens faire publiqs 

Et en tout bien faire publiques ; 

Et si ot si tresnoble fin 

Et si ot si tresnoble fin 

4110 En reconissance de coer fyn 

En reconissant de coer fin 

Son dieu % son verrai creature 

Son Dieu et son vrai creatour ; 

Et disoit as senes beau seigniour 

Et disoit as siens : ' Biau seignour, 

Regardez ci pur dieu merci 

Regardez ci pour Dieu merci, 

Nous ne sumes pas seigniour cy 

Nous ne somes pas seignour cy. 

41 1 5 Tout couiendra p ci passer 

Touz covenra par ci passer, 

Nutt home ne sen poet destourner 

Nuls horn ne s'en poet destourner. 

Pur ce treshumblement vous pri 

Pour ce treshumblement vous pri 

Qe vous voillez prier pur my 

Que vous voeilliez prier pour my.' 

Coment le Prince fist ouerer sa chaumbre 

t trestoutz sez homes fist vener deuaunt 

luy I t les regracioit moiilt noblement | 

de lour seruice a luy fait | t eux reco- 

menda son filtz qui estoit moult ioefiie 

* ils plorerent moult tendrement. 

:f. 59 

Lors fist le Prince sa chambre ouuer 

4120 Et trestouz ses homes venir 
Qui en son temps serui lanoient 
Et qui voluntiers le sernoient 
Seigniour fait il pdonez moy 
Car p la foy qe ie vous doy 
Vous mauez loialment serui 

4126 Si ne puisse de droit de my 
Rendre a chescun son guerdon 
Mais dieux 4? son seintisme noun 
Et seintz cils [ vous le rendera 

4130 La chescun de coer larmoia 
Et plorerent moult dendrement 
Touz ceux qi furent en present 
Conte I Baron t Bacheler 
Et disoit au touz haut % cler 

413s Je moy recomande mon fitz 

Lors fist il sa chambre ouvrir 
Et trestouz ses homes venir, 
Qui en son tamps servi I'avoient 
Et qui volentiers le servoient. 
' Seigniour,' fait il, ' pardonez moy. 
Car par le foy que je vous doy 
Vous m'avez loialment servi ; 
Si ne puis je de droit demy 
Rendre a chescun son gueredon, 
Mais Dieux par son seintisme non 
Es seinz cieus vous le rendera.' 
Lor chescuns de coer larmoia 
Et plorerent moult tendrement 
Tout cil qui furent en present, 
Conte, baron et bacheler. 
Et disoit a touz haut et cler : 
' Je vous recomande mon fiz. 

Line 41 31 dendrement, marginal correction t. 
Line 4133, Bacheler underlined in a later hand. 
Line 4135 ippy, marginal correction vos. 

41 10 








Qui moult est ioefne % petitz 
Et vous pri si serui manez 
Qe vous de bon coer ly seruez 

Qui moult est joenes et petiz, 
Et vous pri, se servi m'avez, 
Que vous de bon coer le servez.' 

Coment le Prince appella le Roy son pier 
1 le Due de Lancastre son frere | <h a eux 

recomenda sa feme % son filz a eux 

en suppliauntz de les confortier % 

maintener % trestouz ly promistrent de ce 

fair % tresgnt dolour fuist entre eux. 

Lors appella le Roy son pier 

4140 Et le due de Lancastre son frere 
Sa feme lour recomenda 
Et son filtz qui fortment ama 
Et lour supplia la endroit 
Et chescun les aider voilloit 

4145 Chescun li iura sur le Here 
Et ly pmistrent a deliure 
Qe son enfant conforteroient 
Et en son droit le maintiendroient 
Tout li Prince % tout li baron 

4150 La iurent tout enuiron 
Et li noble Prince de pris 
Lour rendi Cent Mitt mercys 
Mais vnqes si dieux maniwe 
Si tresdure dolour ne fut viewe 

415s Come fui a le deptie 
Ly tresnoble Prince iolie 
Tiel dolour a son coer sentoit 
Qe a poi son coer partoit 
la de pleindre % de suspire 

4160 De haut crier % dolousere 
f. 59' Auoit vn mois si grant 

Qeu monde ne fuit home viuant 
Qui eust le doel regarde 
Qil nen eust en coer pite 

Lors appella le Roy, son pere, 

Le due de Lancastre, son frere ; 414° 

Sa feme lour recomenda 

Et son filz, qui fortment ama, 

Et lour supplia la endroit 

Que chescuns les aidier vorroit. 

Chescuns le jura sur le livre 414S 

Et ly promisent a delivre 

Que son enfant conforteroient 

Et en son droit le maintenroient : 

Tout li prince et tout li baron 

Le jurerent tout environ. 415° 

Et li nobles Princes de pris 

Lour rendi cent mille mercys ; 

Mais one, se li vrais Dieux m'aiuwe. 

Si dure dolour ne fut veuwe, 

Come fu a sa departie. 4155 

Ly noble Princesse jolie 

Tel dolour a son coer sentoit 

Que a poi ses coers ne partoit. 

Ja de pleindre et de souspirer 

De haut crier et dolouser 4»6o 

Avoit une noise si grant 

Qu'eu monde ne fut horn vivant, 

Qui eulst le doel regarde, 

Qui n'en eulst eu coer pite. 

Line 4145 Here, marginal correction liure. 




De la noble i deuoute repentance du 

Prince | t coment | at en quele lieu | % a 

quel temps il trespassa t yci fine ceste liure 

qui retrahist Chaundos le haraude. 

4165 La auoit si noble repentance 
Qe dieux p sa haute puissance 
Auera de salme mercy 
Car il pria dieu mercy 
Et pdon de touz ses mesfaites 

4170 Qen yceste monde mortel eust faitz 
Et lor li Prince trespassa 
De cest siecle | t si deuia 
Lan Milt CCC. sesze t sessante 
Et du regne le Roy son pier lan ciqnte 

4175 A Londres la noble Citee 
Le haute iour de la Trinitee 
Dont il fesoit tout sa vie 
ffeste de bon coer cue melodic 
Ore prioms dieu le Roy des Roys 

4180 Qui pur nous morist en la croys 
Qil eit de salme pdon 
. Et li ottroie de son doun 
La glorie de son paradis 
Amen | * ci fyn lui ditz 

4185 Du tresnoble Prince Edward 

Qui nauoit vnqes coer de Coward 
Qe retrahist li heraud Chaundos 
Qui voluntiers recordoit motz 

La avoit si noble repentance, 4165 

Que Dieux par sa haute puissance 

Avera de s'ame mercy ; 

Car il pria a Dieu mercy 

Et pardon de touz ces mesfais 

Qu'en ycest mont mortel eut faiz. 417° 

Et lor li Princes trespassa 

De cest siecle et se devia 

L'an mil ccc. sesze et sissante, 

Et du regne le Roy cinquante, 

A Londres, le noble cite, 4175 

Le haut jour de le Trinite, 

Dont il fesoit toute sa vie, 

De bon coer, feste ou melodic. 

Or prions Dieu le Roy des Roys, 

Qui pour nous morut en le croys, 4'8o 

Que il eit de s'ame pardon, 

Et li otroie de son don 

Le glore de son paradis. 

Amen. Et ci fyne li diz 

Du tresnoble Prince Edouwart, 4185 

Qui n' avoit one coer de couwart, 

Que retraist li herauz Chandos, 

Qui volentiers recordoit moz. 

Line 4187, heraud Chaundos underlined in a later hand. 


Cy ensement les nouns de ceux 

qui feurent les hautez officers 

du trenoble Prince p ly faitz 

en son temps en Acquitaigne. 

Seigniours vous airez oy de certaine ^- ^o' 

Du trenoble Prince daquitaine 4' 9° 

Ore vous dirray briefment 

Sanz plus longe parlement 

De ses hautes officers 

Queux li furent moult chiers 

En Acquitaine en son temps 4>95 

Des queux il se tenoit bien contens 

Primerment loKn Chaundos fust conestable 

Et apres sa mort le Captawe sanz fable 

Monp Gwichard dangle fut Mareschalt 

Et Estephen de Cosinton qui ot coer loiatt 4200 

Et monf Thomas de fifelleton auoir iugier 

ffiiist Seneschalt Dacquitaine sauz mentir 

Et monp Guilliam de ffelleton 

ffuist Seneschalt de Paytoo p noun 

Et apres sa mort come dist lestille 4205 

Monp Baudewyn ffreville 

Et apres de monp Baudewyn departir 

En Engleterre a voir contir 

Monp Thomas de Percy li vaillant 

Y fuist oue bono moult grant 4210 

Et de seint Onge fuist Seneschalt 

Monp lohn Harpeden oue coer loialt 

Et monp Henri del hay 

ffuist Seneschalt danguymois bien say 

Monp Thomas de Roos oue coer fyn 4215 

ffuist Senseschalt de Lymosyn 

Et apres son departir en Engleterre 

Monf Richard Abberbury avoir retrere 

Et monp Thomas Wetenale en verite 

ffuist Seneschalt de Roarge le Counte 4220 


Et si ne vous ai nomee vnqore 
Le Seneschal de Cressy t Peregore 
Qui fuist monp Thomas Walkfare 
Bon chiualer vous declare 

4225 Et du Counte de Agenoys 

ffust Seneschal} a celle foitz 
Monp Richard Baskerville 
Et apres sa mort come dit lestille 
Monp Guilliam le Moigne 

4230 Car ce nest pas mencoigne 

^- ®°^ Et de monp Guilliam apres le departir 

En Engleterre a voir lugir 
Si fuist vn bon Chiualer 
Monp Richard Walkfare oue coer frer 

4235 Et de Bigore fut Seneschalt 

Monp lohn Roche oue coer preu % loialt 
Et le sire de Pyan fuist Seneschaux 
Dez Laundes de Burdeaux 
Et plusours autres tresuaillantz 

424° Qui furent adonqes viuantz 

ffurent oue loure Prince a voir luger 
Les queux ie ne sai nomer 
Mais ie pri a treshaute Trinitee 
Qe del alme du Prince auant nomee 

4245 Et de touz les autres qi mortz sont 

Et qen apres morir deueront 
Et merci a son iugement 
Et ie pri auxi verrayment 
Qe as viuantz li plese doner 

425° Longe vie t bon fin acheuer 

Amen | Amen | p seint charite 
De chescun en son degre. Amen. 

Line 4233 Chiualer, i omitted and superscript. 


Cy ensement lescripture fait sur la 
Tumbe du noble Prince deuat nome. 

Tout qe passez de bouche close 

Par la ou ce corps repose 

Entendez ce qe te dirray 4^55 

Sicome ie dire le say 

Tiel come tu es % tiel ie fu 

Tu serras tiel come ie su 

De la mort ne pensa ie mye 

Tant come ianoi la vie 4^6° 

En terre anoi ie gunde richesse 

Dount ie yfis giinde noblesse 

Terre maisons % funde tresor 

Draps Chiualx argent t or 

Mais ie sui ore poeures % cheitifs 4^65 

Parfond en la terre gis * 

Ma graunde beautee est tout allee 

Ma char est tout gastee 

Moult est estroit ma maison 

Oue moy nad si veruyn noun 4270 

Et si ore me veissez ^- ^^' 

Ie ne quide pas qe vous deissez 

Qe ie eusse vnqes home estee 

Si su ie tut chaungee 

Pur dieu priez au celestien Roy 4275 

Qil merci eit de salme de moy 

Tut cil qe pur moy prieront 

Ou a dieu macorderont 

Dieux las mette en son paris 

Ou null ne poet estre cheitifs. 4280 

Line 4270 nad, siro&e erased before n. 



In times of yore it was seen that they who fashioned fair poems were in sooth r 
esteemed as authors or in some sort recorders to show knowledge of the good, in order 
to draw remembrance of good from their hearts and to receive honour (?). But it is 
said, and truly, that there is naught that does not dry up, and that there is no tree 
that does not wither, excepting one only, the tree of life : and this tree, moreover, 
buds and flowers in this life in all parts. On this I will dwell no longer, for although 
such writers are held of no account, and a chatterer, a liar, a juggler, or a buffoon 
who, to raise a laugh, would grimace and make antics, is more esteemed than 
one who had skill to indite — for, without gainsaying, such a one is ill received 
at court nowadays — but albeit they who set forth the good are held in no 
estimation, yet ought men not to refrain from making and remembering fair 
poems — all such as have skill thereto ; rather they should enter them in a book, 
that after their death true records may be kept ; for to relate the good is verily 
alms and charity, for good was never lost without return at some time. Where- 
fore, incited by my desire, I wish to set my intent on making and recording fair 
poems of present and past times. 

Now it is high time to begin my matter and address myself to the purpose 43 
which I am minded to fulfil. Now, may God let me attain to it, for I wish to set my 
intent on writing and recording the life of the most valiant prince of this world, 
throughout its compass, that ever was since the days of Claris, Julius Caesar, 
or Arthur, as you shall hear, if so be that you listen with good will : it is of a noble 
Prince of Aquitaine, who was son of the noble and valorous King Edward and of 
Queen Philippa, who was the perfect root of all honour and nobleness, of wisdom, 
valour, and bounty. 

This noble Prince of whom I speak, from the day of his birth cherished no 63 
thought but loyalty, nobleness, valour, and goodness, and was endued with 
prowess. Of such nobleness was the Prince that he wished all the days of his life 
to set his whole intent on maintaining justice and right, and therein was he nurtured 
from his childhood up ; from his generous and noble disposition he drew the 
doctrine of bounty, for gaiety and nobleness were in his heart perfectly from the 
first beginnings of his life and youth. Now, is it full time that I address myself to 
carrying forward my matter, how he was so noble, bold, and valiant, so courteous 
and so sage, and how he loved so well the holy Church with his whole heart, and, 
above all, the most lofty Trinity ; its festival and solemnity he began to celebrate 
from the first days of his youth and upheld it all his life zealously, without evil 

Now I have wished to record his youth, and now it is right that I should relate 93 


to you that which all should hold in esteem — that is, chivalry : this was upheld in 
his person, in whom it held sway thirty years (?). Nobly he spent his life (?), for I 
would dare to say this, that since the time that God was born there was none 
more valiant than he, as you shall hear in my records if you will hearken and give 
ear to the matter to which I am coming. 

107 You know well that the noble King his father, with very great array, of his 
high and noble puissance made war on the realm of France, saying that he ought 
to have the crown ; wherefore, in maintaining the quarrel, he kept up right cruel 
war which lasted long. Now it befell that just at this time he crossed the sea to 
Normandy. With right noble following, barons, bannerets, and earls ... he landed 
in the Cotentin. There was many a good and true knight, the noble Earl of 
Warwick, of high esteem, and the right noble Earl of Northampton, the Earl of 
Suffolk, and the Earl of Stafford, of the stout and bold heart, and the Earls of 
Salisbury and Oxford ; and John de Beauchamp was there, the valiant Reginald 
de Cobham, Sir Bartholomew de Burghersh, bold in deed, the good Guy de Brian, 
the good Richard de la Vache, and the good Richard Talbot, of great prowess. 
And Chandos and Audeley were there, who smote mightily with the sword, and the 
good Thomas de Holland, of great prowess, and a great number of others, whose 
names I cannot tell. 

145 The English army arrived, and when he was about to disembark the King 

knighted the Prince, the Earl of March also, and the Earl of Salisbury, John of 
Montagu, his brother, and others, more than I could tell you. And know well, the 
Marshal Bertrand, who was of great valour and hardihood, was there, and thought 
right easily to keep them from landing. But the English power landed by force. 
There were achieved so many feats of arms that one might have compared Roland, 
and Oliver, and the very courteous Ogier the Dane. There might one behold men 
of prowess, valour, and hardihood. There was the fair and noble Prince, who made 
a right goodly beginning. All the Cotentin he overrode and wholly burnt and laid 
waste. La Hogue, Barfleur, Carentan, Saint-Lo, Bayeux, and up to Caen, where 
they conquered the bridge ; and there they fought mightily ; by force they took the 
town, and the Count of Tancarville and the Count of Eu were taken there. There 
the noble Prince gained renown, for he was eager to acquit himself well, and was but 
eighteen years old. And the Marshal rode away, nor stopped before Paris ; he told 
the King the news that was in no wise pleasing to him. Such marvel he had that 
scarcely could he believe it, for he thought not that such folk would have had such 
hardihood. Then he assembled his power; throughout France there remained 
neither duke nor earl of account, nor baron, banneret, nor squire, that he did not 
cause to assemble. 

195 He sent to the King of Bohemia, whom he heartily loved, who brought in his 

company his son, who was King of Germany, and the good John de Beaumont of 
Hainault, of high renown. Well did he think to defend his land against the English 
king, and very little did he esteem him, and right sorely did he threaten him. But 
afterwards, meseems, the King and the Prince together rode through Normandy, 
and laid waste all the country. Many a great affray did they have, and many a good 


and valiant man did they take, and they came to the bridge of Poissy ; but the 
story says that the bridge there was broicen, yet they did so much that with great 
logs they remade the bridge by force, whereat the French marvelled, and crossed 
one morning. They took their way through Caux, burning, laying waste, harrying ; 
whereat the French were sore grieved and cried aloud : ' Where is Philip our 

He was at Paris, to speak the truth, for at this time he made ready and collected 325 
his great power. And there he assembled his men and said that he would esteem 
himself but little if he did not take great vengeance, for he thought to have shut 
in the English, as I think, between the Seine and the Somme, and right there 
he thought lightly to give them battle. But the English to disport themselves 
put everything to fire and flame. There they made many a widowed lady and 
many a poor child orphan. They rode, day and night, until they came to the 
water of the Somme; on the other side was many a man, for there were the 
forces of the communes of Picardy and also Sir Godemar du Fay. Very wide was 
the river, swift and fierce with the tide, wherefore the English marvelled sore how 
they should cross over. But the Prince made choice of a hundred knights, of the 
best of his vanguard, and sent them to see how they might pass. And they who 
were worthy of praise rode abroad until they found a fellow who showed them the 
passage of the Somme, and all the hundred with one accord dashed into the water 
on their chargers, lance couched — very valiant knights were they — and the Prince 
came after, keeping ever close behind them. Sore strife was there at the passage 
of the Somme, and stoutly did the knights fight ; and there on both sides they were 
at pains to shoot and cast ; but the men of Picardy were speedily scattered and put 
to flight, together with Messire Godemar, and with the help of God all passed in 
due time. 

When King Philip heard the tidings he was sore grieved and angry at heart, 377 
and said : ' By St. Paul, the valiant, I mistrust me of treason ; ' but nevertheless he 
hasted greatly. He passed through Abbeville. Very rich was his array, for he 
was there with three other kings : the Kings of Majorca and Bohemia and the 
King of Germany ; there were many dukes and earls, so that it was a goodly 
number. They rode on until they pitched their camp right near Cressy, in 
Ponthieu. There King Edward was camped, and the Prince, who that day led the 
vanguard. There they had made but brief stay, when on either side they were told 
that both were so close that each one could see the array and the order of the 
other. Then they raised a loud cry and began to order and draw up their divisions. 

That day was there battle so horrible that never was there man so bold that 305 
would not be abashed thereby. Whoso saw coming the puissance and power of the 
King of France, great marvel would he have to relate ! Inflamed with ill-will and 
anger they set forth to encounter together, bearing themselves in such true knightly 
fashion that never since Christ's coming did one behold fiercer battle. There was 
seen many a banner embroidered in fine gold and silk, and there the English were 
all afoot like men ready and eager to fight. There was the good Prince who led 
the vanguard ; so valiantly he bore himself that it was a marvel to behold. Hardly 



did he suffer any one to attack, however bold or strong he might be. They 
fought that day until the English had the advantage. And there was slain the 
noble and courteous King of Bohemia, and the good Duke of Lorraine, who was 
a very noble leader, and the noble and renowned Count of Flanders and the good 
Count of Alenjon, brother to King Philip, the Counts of Joii and Harcourt. What 
should I say in brief word ? One king, one duke, and seven counts, and, as the 
account says, more than sixty bannerets were there stark dead, and three kings, who 
left the field, and divers others fled, of whom I know not the number, nor is it right 
that I should enumerate them. But well I know that that day the brave and noble 
Prince led the vanguard of the army, as one should take note, for by him and his 
courage was the field gained and won. 

357 King Philip betook himself to Paris, sore grieved ; he mourned in his heart for 

his men whom he had lost. And the noble King of England, who was worthy to 
hold land, lodged that night in the field, for he gained very great honour. He had 
the dead sought out to know and recognize them, and found the King of Bohemia, 
who lay dead on the field. He had him put into a coffin and placed on a litter 
covered with rich cloth of gold. He sent him back and then moved from the place 
and rode towards Calais. That I may not lie, this right noble expedition, of which 
I here speak, was in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred forty and 
six, and, as the record says, 'twas on the eve of St. Bartholomew that by the grace 
of God the King fought this battle wherein he acquired such honour. 

385 Afterwards they came before Calais; there was many a fair deed of arms 

achieved ; to it the noble King, who was there with his whole army, laid siege 
eighteen months without intermission. Here they abode until the town was starved 
out, and King Philip came to raise the siege, as I heard tell. But the army was 
lodged in such wise and the town so beset that King Philip durst not raise the 
siege, but turned back, and the noble King of England held there the field. Many 
an encounter and many an assault was there made by men of low and high degree 
until the town yielded, beseeching the King, for God's sake, that he would take 
them to mercy. And thus was Calais conquered by force, by the power and 
enterprise of the noble King and of his son, the Prince. 

411 Hereafter, with scant delay, they returned to England, the King and the 

Prince also, and all the bold knights. On account of a truce that was made they 
stayed in their country until it befell that by treaty, by treason and sin, Calais was 
about to be sold, given up by a Lord of Beaujeu (?) to Sir Geffroi de Charny, through 
a Lombard, who was called Aimery of Pavia; and there were all the barons of 
Picardy and France, at least the most part. But there was the noble King to save it ; 
and the noble Prince his son, very bold and valiant, there fought so valiantly that in 
sooth he rescued the King, his father, by force. There the men of France and 
Picardy were brought to confusion that night, whereat divers English made great joy 
at their return, for there were all the best of the noble country of England, who to 
win great praise and renown acquitted themselves valiantly. There were taken, of 
a truth, the noblest lords of France, and deceived outright ; nor ever was the King 
of England so hard bested in any hour as he was in that hour then, for many people. 


have recorded that the King would have been taken had it not been for the Prince 
his son ; but his puissance, his noblesse, and his very perfect prowess rescued there 
the King, his father. And this matter ought in no wise to be forgotten ; so it is 
very right that I tell it you. 

They returned to England and made very merry. Their friends and all the 457 
ladies also made great joy. The Queen, who loved her lord with her whole heart, 
welcomed them. Then said the King to his wife: ' Lady, now welcome your son, 
for I had been taken had it not been for his great valour, but by him was I succoured.' 
' Sire,' says she, ' welcome be he and you also. Methinks I should say : " In a 
good hour was he born." ' There were the knights and barons right well received ; 
there was seen dancing and junketing, feasting and revelling ; and right pleasantly 
was time passed among them, and there was love and noblesse, gaiety and prowess. 
Thus they abode a long space, until it befell, just at that time, that Spanish ships 
were assembled at Sluys that boasted they would pass in defiance of the King, 
despite him and his array, wherefore the King, of his great valour, assembled his 
great power and made an expedition by sea that was of great renown. There 
were the Prince his son and many good and famous knights, all the earls, and all 
the knights of repute. There was fierce and sore battle ; there God gave him 
fortune, for by him and his power and right lofty valiance the Spaniards were all 
discomfited and slain. And there was knighted his very valiant brother John, who 
afterwards was Duke of Lancaster — very great was his courage. There likewise 
did the noble barons acquit themselves valiantly ; there was many a ship conquered, 
many a one taken, many a one sunk, and there was many a good man slain, as I 
hear in my record ; and know that this encounter was before Winchelsea. 

After this noble battle, that of a surety was right fell, they returned to land. 511 
They brought the goodly store of goods that they had gained and conquered, 
whereat every one rejoiced. Soon after, the Queen of England brought forth a son, 
the last she bore, and this son was called Thomas. Great joy and great feast were 
made, and great joustings cried then through the country. And at that time there 
came from Gascony the doughty and valiant Captal, who was right brave and 
courageous and greatly beloved of everybody. He was welcomed right nobly. 
The Prince, who rejoiced greatly at his coming, took fresh courage. One day he 
said to the King his father and to the Queen his mother : ' Sire,' quoth he, ' for 
God's sake, you know well that thus it is, that in Gascony the noble and valiant 
knights cherish you so greatly that they suffer great pain for your war and to gain 
you honour, and yet they have no leader of your blood. Therefore if you were 
so advised as to send one of your sons they would be the bolder.' And every one 
said that he spoke truly. Then the King let summon his great parliament. Al. 
were of accord likewise to send the Prince into Gascony, because he was of such 
renown, and ordained forthwith that with him should go the noble Earl of Warwick, 
of high esteem, and the Earl of Salisbury, of great valiance, the gallant Earl of 
Suffolk, Ufford was his name, and the Earl of Oxford, the good Earl of Stafford, 
Sir Bartholomew de Burghersh, bold in deed, Sir John of Montagu, proud and 
impetuous, the Lord the Despenser, and Basset of high renown ; and there was 


also the Lord of Mohun, and likewise, meseems, the good Reginald Cobham, who 
had been at many an assault ; there were also Chandos and Audeley : these two 
were of great renown and were appointed chief advisers. 

S7? When the matter was settled and the ordinance wholly performed, they sent 

to Plymouth to assemble all their ships, men-at-arms, and archers also, and their 
provisions : very rich was their array. After the term of two months he took leave 
of the King his father, of the Queen his mother and of all his brothers and sisters. 
Right sore grieved were they at heart when it came to his departing, for there you 
might see lady and damsel weep and make moan in complaints; the one wept for 
her husband, the other lamented for her lover. 

S94 Thus the Prince took leave, blithe and glad at heart. He took his way 

to Plymouth. He rode night and morning until he reached Plymouth and 
abode there until his great array was ready. And it befell right speedily 
afterward that he had all his vessels loaded with victuals and jewels, hauberks, 
helmets, lances, shields, bows, arrows, and yet more ; he let ship all his horses 
and anon embarked, and all the noble knights. There might one see the flower 
of chivalry and of right noble bachelry, who were very eager and desirous to 
acquit themselves well. Then they set sail. They sailed over the sea until they 
arrived at Bordeaux, whereat the noble barons of the country made high revel. 
There you might see great and small come straight to the Prince, who courteously 
welcomed them. To him came incontinent the noble Prince d'Albret and the valiant 
and doughty Lord of Montferrant, Mussidan, Roson, Curton and Amenieu de 
Fossard, and the great Lord of Pommiers and many noble knights, and the rightful 
Lord of Lesparre. Thither came all the barons of Gascony, and right well did the 
Prince know how to entertain them. At Bordeaux he sojourned a short space 
until he had made his preparations and well rested his horses. Right speedily 
after, he was ready and took the field with more than six thousand fighting-men* 
He rode towards Toulouse ; not a town remained that he did not utterly lay waste ; 
he took Carcassonne and B^ziers and Narbonne, and all the country was ravaged 
and harried by him, and divers towns and castles, whereat the enemies in Gascony 
made no great rejoicing. More than four and a half months he remained in the 
field this time and did much damage then. 
657 Thereafter the Prince turned back towards Bordeaux and abode there until 

the whole winter was passed. He and his noble knights were there in great joy 
and solace. There was gaiety, noblesse, courtesy, goodness, and largesse; and 
he quartered his men, as I think, in his castles round about, and there they 
took up their abode. Warwick was at La Reole, Salisbury at Sainte-Foy, and 
Suffolk, as I think, at Saint-Emilion ; at Libourne and all round his men were 
disposed. When all were thus lodged, the good Chandos and Audeley, with the 
noble Captal, went to camp in the open. There they remained a long time. 
Many a fair encounter they had, and many a time they fought to conquer them a 
lodging. Up to Cahors and towards Agen they undertook their expedition and took 
Port-Sainte- Marie. Thereafter they returned all up the river and went to take 
P6rigueux, a city of great fame. There they camped a great part of the winten 


Right noble was their sojourn, for many an assault and many an attack they made 
against the castle, for there was naught but a little meadow between the castle and 
the town. There were the Count de L'Isle and the Count de P^rigord. 

In such wise did the Prince make stay in Gascony, and abode there the space 7°3 
of eight months or more. Very great was his valour. When it came towards 
summer then he assembled his forces, and rode again into Saintonge, Pdrigord and 
Quercy, and came as far as Romorantin. There he took the tower by assault, and the 
Lord Bouciquaut also, and the great Lord of Craon and a goodly number of others; 
more than two hundred were taken there, all men-at-arms of high renown, fifteen 
days before the battle of Poitiers. Thereafter he rode into Berry, and through 
Gascony also, and up to Tours in Tourayne. Then the tidings came to King John, 
whereat he made great lamentation, and said that he would lightly esteem himself 
if he did not take great vengeance. 

Then he assembled his forces from all the realm of France. There remained 7^9 
neither duke nor earl, nor baron of account, that he did not have summoned, and, as 
I have heard tell, the muster was held at Chartres. A noble host was there gathered 
together, and according to the number in the list there were more than ten thousand. 
From Chartres they departed and rode right so towards Tours. Very noble was 
their array. The Prince heard the tidings that seemed to him good and fair. He 
took his way towards Poitiers, bringing with him much booty, for they had wrought 
much damage in France by their great valour. And know that the Saturday the 
Prince took the noble Count of Joigny, together with the Count of Auxerre ; and the 
French fought valiantly at their encampment, but they were all taken and slain, as 
the record says, whereat the English made great joy throughout their army. And 
King John rode until he outstripped the Prince, and till one army beheld the other ; 
and, by what I heard, they camped one in front of the other, and were lodged so 
close that they watered their horses at the same river. 

Right there, however, came the Cardinal of Pdrigord, who brought with him 767 
many a clerk, and many a man of law also. Thereupon he spoke gently to the 
King of France, in all meekness : ' Sire,' quoth he, ' for the love of God, a sound 
word is timely. May it please you to let me ride to the Prince to advise if you might 
be accorded, for, certes, this great battle will be without fail so horrible that it will 
be loss and pity and great pride and presumption that so many a fair creature needs 
must die a sure and grievous death, and yet there is no avoidance but die he must 
at the encountering, whereof for sure he who is in the wrong must needs render 
account before God at the day of doom, if the Scripture lie not.' Then King John 
answered : ' Cardinal, you are very wise. We are well pleased that you should go, 
but know and understand well, never in all our life will we make peace unless we get 
into our keeping the castles and all the land that he has wasted and ravaged, wrong- 
fully and sinfully, since he came from England, and are also quit of the quarrel for 
which the war is renewed.' ' Sire,' said the Cardinal, ' I will do in such wise that you 
shall be safe and satisfied with regard to your right.' Thereupon he departed thence. 

He rode towards the Prince's army ; as soon as he came up to him he saluted 807 
him full sweetly, weeping for pity. ' Sire,' quoth he, ' for God's mercy now have 


pity to-day on so many a noble person who this day might here perish in this great 
conflict. Act so that you may not be in the wrong. If you could be brought to 
accord, God and the Holy Trinity would be gracious unto you.' 

821 Sorrowfully the Prince said : ' Truly, fair sweet father in God, we know well 

that what you say is true, it is so in Holy Writ. But we would maintain that our 
quarrel, in truth, is just, true, and veritable. You know well that it is no idle tale 
that my father, King Edward, was assuredly the most rightful heir to hold and 
possess France, rightly beloved of every one, at the time that King Philip of Valois 
was crowned king there ; but natheless it is not my desire that it be said that so 
many a fair youth here perishes through my pride. Nor is it my intent to set my- 
self against peace, if it could be made ; rather will I further it with all my power : 
but know that, in very truth, I cannot bring this matter to conclusion without the 
King, my father, but respite I can grant to my men to treat more at length of 
peace. If they wish no accord this time, I am here, all ready, to abide the grace 
of God, for our quarrel is so just that I fear not to engage ; but to avert the damage 
and sin of death I will agree to it, at your pleasure, if so be that my father assent.' 

857 The Cardinal, in tears, departed from him straightway and rode without delay 

towards King John of France, and told him of his reception. The King, to prolong 
the matter and to put off the battle, assembled and brought together all the barons of 
both sides. Of speech there he made no stint. There came the Count of Tancarville, 
and, as the list says, the Archbishop of Sens was there, he of Taurus, of great 
discretion, Charny, Bouciquaut, and Clermont ; all these went there for the council of 

874 the King of France. | On the other side there came gladly the Earl of Warwick, and, 
as the account says, the hoary-headed Earl of Suffolk was there, and Bartholomew 
de Burghersh, most privy to the Prince, and Audeley and Chandos, who at that 
time were of great repute. There they held their parliament, and each one spoke 
his mind. But their counsel I cannot relate (?), yet I know well, in very truth, as 
I hear in my record, that they could not be agreed, wherefore each one of them 
departed. Then said Geffroi de Charny : ' Lords,' quoth he, ' since so it is that 
this treaty pleases you no more, I make offer that we fight you, a hundred 
against a hundred, choosing each one from his own side ; and know well, whichever 
hundred be discomfited, all the others, know for sure, shall quit this field and let the 
quarrel be. I think that it will be best so, and that God will be gracious to us if the 
battle be avoided in which so many valiant men will be slain.' 

9°5 Then the Earl of Warwick made answer to him thus: 'Lords,' quoth he, 'what do 

you wish to gain by this against us ? You know well that you have four times more 
of men-at-arms clad in armour than we, and that it is your land we are overriding. 
Behold the plain and the place, let each one who can do his best. No other option 
do I know, no other will I accord. May God support the right, where He sees it 
the stronger.' Then they part without more discourse and return to their camp. 
Each one said on his side : ' That Cardinal has betrayed us.' Alas ! but 'fore God 
it was not so, for weeping he departed and rode towards Poitiers— that was very 
needful to him, for, truly, he had neither thanks nor favour from either side. Then 
incontinent, on either side they set their troops in array. 


First the King of France marshalled his men, and said : ' Fair sirs, by my troth, 931 
you will so keep me back, I ween, that the Prince will escape me. That Cardinal 
has certainly betrayed me, who has made me abide here so long.' Thereupon he 
called the good Marshal de Clermont and the Marshal d'Audrehem, that was ever 
at all times right greatly to be esteemed, for he was a very goodly knight, and the 
Duke of Athens, a very noble leader. ' Lords,' quoth the puissant King, ' make 
ready your array, for you shall be in our vanguard, and this is your right, so God 
help me. In your company you shall have three thousand men, and you shall 
have two thousand with spears and sharp darts, and good two thousand cross- 
bow-men, who will gladly aid you. See to it, if you find the English, that you 
engage in battle with them and spare not to put them all to death.' 

Then he called this time his son, the Duke of Normandy, and said to him, 959 
' Fair son, by my troth, you will be King of France after me, and therefore you shall 
surely have our second division ; and you shall have the noble Duke of Bourbon to 
accompany you, and the Lord of Saint Venant, valiant and doughty. The good Tristan 
of Magnelais, a right noble squire, shall bear your banner, that is of rich and 
precious silk. Spare not, for Jesus Christ, the English, however great or small, 
that you put them not all to death. For I would not that one single man of them 
should ever be so venturesome as to recross to this side of the sea to hurt or make 
war on me.' ' Thus will I deal with them,' said the Dauphin, ' Father, by my faith. 
We shall, methinks, do so much that we shall earn your gratitude.' Then you 
might see banners and pennons unfurled to the wind, whereon fine gold and azure 
shone, purple, gules, and ermine. Trumpets, tabours, horns and clarions — you 
might hear sounding through the camp; the Dauphin's great battle made the 
earth ring. There was many a true knight, and, as the list says, they were four 
thousand in number. On one of the sides it took its place and covered a great 
space. Thus has the King ordered and arranged this division. 

Then he summoned the powerful Duke of Orleans, his brother. ' Brother,' quoth 999 
he, • so God help me, you shall lead our rearguard with three thousand fighting-men, 
men-at-arms, valiant and doughty ; and take good heed, for God's sake, that you have 
no mercy on the English, but put them all to death : for they have done us much 
wrong and burnt and destroyed our land since they left England. Take heed, if you 
take the Prince, that you bring him to me.' ' Sire,' quoth the rich duke, ' Gladly, 
and more also.' 

Thus did the noble King John marshal his troops. He was in the fourth battle 1015 

right stout was his courage ; with him there were three of his sons, that were of 

great renown : the Dukes of Anjou and Berry, and also Philip the bold, who was 
very young and small. There was Jacques de Bourbon, the Count of Eu, and the 
Count of Longueville ; these two were sons of my Lord Robert d'Artois. And there 
was also with him at this time the noble Count of Sancerre, and the Count of 
Dammartin. Very goodly was his array, for he had three-and-twenty banners. 
Then he drew up on the other side full four hundred barded horses and four hun- 
dred knights upon them, picked men ; Guichard d'Angle led them, who was a noble 
knight, and the good Lord of Aubigny, braye and. bold, and Eustace de Ribemont 


in whom the King set great trust ; and he begged them, without slackening, to take 
heed to strike well and to spare no pains to break the battle, and each one would 
follow them close who should be ready to acquit himself well. And every one 
consented to carry out his will. There was such noble display that it was a great 
marvel. Never did one see the like nobleness and array as had they of France. 

1061 Elsewhere the English host was encamped, for this day likewise did the noble 

Prince set his men in order, and gladly, to my thinking, would he have avoided the 
battle if he could have escaped from there, but well he saw that he must engage. 
Then incontinent he called the noble Earl of Warwick, and very perfectly sets forth 
to him : ' Sir,' says he, ' needs must we fight, and since it so fortunes, I beg you , 
take command of the vanguard in this battle. The noble Lord of Pommiers, 
a right noble knight, shall be in your company, and you shall have, I pledge you, 
all his brothers with him, who are brave, valiant, and bold. You first shall make 
the passage, and shall guard our baggage. I will ride after you with all my 
knights ; if so be that mischief befall you, you shall be succoured by us ; and the 
Earl of Salisbury shall ride behind also, who shall lead our rearguard ; and let 
every one be prepared, in case they attack you, to alight on foot at his speediest.' 

1096 And each one says he will do so. Thus they hold converse that night. There 

was none too great ease, for all lay in ambush ; there was many an affray ; and when 
it came to early morning the noble and true-hearted Prince called Sir Eustace 
d'Aubr^chicourt with the lion-hearted Lord of Curton, and bade them ride to spy 
out the French army, and each one set out to ride, mounted on his noble steed. But, 
as the French book says, these two rode so forward that they were taken and held 
prisoners, whereat the Prince was sore grieved, and the French made great joy 
throughout their army, and said in these very words : ' All the others will come 

1121 Thereupon the clamour began, and a right great shout was raised, and the 

Prince broke up camp ; he began to ride, for that day he thought not to have battle, 
I assure you, but weened ever, most certainly, to continue to avoid the battle. But on 
the other side the French cried out loudly to the King that the English were fleeing 
and that they would speedily lose them. Then the French begin to ride without 
longer tarrying. Quoth the Marshal d'Audrehem : ' Certes, little do I esteem 
your trouble. Soon we shall have lost the English if we set not forth to attack 
them.' Quoth the Marshal de Clermont : ' Fair brother, you are in sore haste. Do 
not be so eager, for we shall surely come there betimes, for the English do not flee, 
but come at a round pace.' Quoth d'Audrehem : ' Your delay will make us lose 
them at this time.' Then said Clermont : ' By Saint Denis, Marshal, you are very 
bold.' And then he said to him angrily: ' Indeed you will not be so bold as to 
acquit yourself to-day in such wise that you come far enough forward for the point 
of your lance to reach the rump of my horse.' Thus inflamed with wrath they set 
out towards the English. 

1 157 Then began the shouting, and noise and clamour is raised, and the armies 

began to draw near. Then on both sides they began to shoot and to cast ; not one 
of them made stint therewith. Sirs, by what I heard, the noble Earl of Salisbury 


led the Prince's rearguard, but that day he joined battle the very first, for full of ire 
and wrath the Marshals came upon him, on foot and on horseback, and attacked him 
by force. When the Earl saw this force he turned his division towards them, and 
cried out to it with a loud voice, ' Forward, sirs, for God's sake, since it pleases 
St. George thus that we were the hindmost and shall be the very first, let us so 
acquit ourselves that we gain honour thereby.' Then might you see the barons^ 
approve themselves well in battle ; great pastime would it have been to behold for 
one that had naught there at stake, but certes it was sore pity and a marvellous and 
grievous thing. There was many a creature who that day was brought to his end. 
There they fought staunchly. The archers that were on the two sides over 
towards the barded horses shot rapidly, thicker than rain falls. Then behold 
there came spurring a valiant and doughty knight, by name Guichard d' Angle ; he 
never lagged behind, but smote with lance and sword in the middle of the press. 
And the Marshal de Clermont and Eustace de Ribemont, and the rightful lord of 
Aubigny, each one acquitted himself well also. 

The French book says, and the account likewise, that the Earl of Salisbury, he 1205 
and his companions, who were fiercer than lions, discomfited the Marshals and all the 
barded horses, before the vanguard could be turned and brought across again, for it 
was over the river; but by the will of God and Saint Peter they joined all together 
and came, methinks, like people of noble bearing, right up a mountain until they 
brought their ranks up to the Dauphin's division, which was at the passage of 
a hedge, and there, with steadfast will, they came to encounter together, plying the 
business of arms in such right knightly fashion that it was great marvel to behold. 
There they gained the passage of the hedge by force by their assault, whereat many 
a Frenchman is dismayed at heart, and they began to turn their backs and mount 
their horses. In many a place men cried with loud voice ' Guyenne ! St. George ! ' 
What would you that I should tell you ? The division of Normandy was discom- 
fited that morning, and the Dauphin departed thence. There was many a one taken 
and slain, and the noble Prince fought right valiantly, and comforting his people 
said : ' Lords, for God's sake, take heed to strike ; behold me here.' 

Then the King of France approached, bringing up a great power, for to him 
drew every man who would fain acquit himself well. 

When the Prince saw him come he was some deal abashed, and looking n^^ 
around him saw that divers had left who had set out in pursuit, for truly they 
weened that by this time they had accomplished everything ; but now the battle 
waxed sore, for the French King came up, bringing so great a power that it was 
a marvel to behold. When the Prince saw him, he looked up to Heaven, cried 
mercy of Jesus Christ, and spake thus : ' Mighty Father, right so as I believe that 
Thou art King of Kings and didst willingly endure the death on the cross for all of ; 
us, to redeem us out of hell. Father, who art true God, true man, be pleased, by ' 
Thy most holy name, to guard me and my people from harm, even as Thou ' 
knowest, true God of heaven, that I have good right.' Then the Prince straightway, 
when he had made his prayer, said : ' Forward, forward, banner ! Let each one 
take heed to his honour.' Two knights, full of valour, were stationed (?) at the two 



sides ; they were Chandos and Audeley. Then began the encounter, and Audeley 
right gently and humbly besought the Prince : ' Sire,' quoth he, ' I have vowed to 
God and promised and sworn that wherever I should see the banner of the King 
of France in power there I would set on the first, so that I beseech you for 
God give me leave, for it is high time to join battle.' Then the Prince said to 
him, 'Truly, James, do your will.' Then James departed from the Prince; he 
made no longer stay. He advanced before the others more than a spear's length 
and hurled himself on his enemies like a valiant and bold man ; but he could not 
long endure, for he had to come to the ground. There might you see in the 
encountering great lances couched and thrust on both sides; each one bore his part 
well. There you might behold Chandos smiting, who acquired great praise that 
day, Warwick and the Despenser, Montagu of esteem, him of Mohun and him of 
Basset, who fought right gallantly. Sir Reginald of Cobham, who caused the French 
sore loss, the good Bartholomew de Burghersh, very valiant in deed ; elsewhere 
both Salisbury and Oxford fought mightily, and also, of a truth, the noble barons 
of Gascony, the Captal and the Lord of Pommiers, valiant and loyal, d'Albret, 
Lesparre and Langoiran (?), Fossard, and Couchon and Roson, Mussidan and he of 
Caupene, Montferrant, who above all strives with all his might to acquit himself 
well : these squires of high degree you might see smiting lustily and dealing such 
mighty strokes that it was a great marvel. There was a right sore battle, there 
might you see many a man slain. A long space this struggle endured until therie 
was none so bold but was abashed at heart ; but the Prince cried out aloud many 
a time: 'Forward, sirs,' quoth he, 'for God! Let us win this field and place if 
we set store by life and honour.' So much did the valiant Prince, who was so sage 
and prudent, that the victory turned to him, and that his enemies fled and divers 
departed, wherefore King John made exclamation : he, himself, fought valiantly, 
and with him many good knights that thought assuredly to succour him. But his 
strength availed him little, for the Prince made such onslaught that he was taken by 
force, and Philip also, his son, my Lord Jaques de Bourbon, and a goodly number of 
others, the Count of Eu, the right courteous Count Charles of Artois, and Charles 
the good Count of Dammartin, loyal-hearted and true, and the good Count of Joigny ; 
he of Tancarville also, the Count of Sarrebruck that never hid behind, and Venta- 
dour, the good Count of Sancerre. All these were taken that day, and many high 
and honourable bannerets, whose names I cannot give ; but, by what I heard tell, 
there were fully sixty taken, counts and bold bannerets, and more than a thousand 
others, whose title I cannot give. And, by what I heard, there died there, I warrant 
you : the right noble Duke of Bourbon, the brave Duke of Athens, and the 
Marshal de Clermont, Matas, Landas, and Ribemont, with Sir Renaut de Pons and 
others, whose names I will not name to you ; but by what I have heard tell, and by 
what I hear set forth in the matter, there were full three thousand dead. May 
God receive the souls ! for the bodies abode on the field. Then did one see the 
English joyous, and they shouted aloud in many a place : ' Guyenne ! St. George V 
There might you see the French scattered 1 For booty you might see many an 
archer, many a knight, many a squire, running in every direction, to take prisoners 


on all sides. Thus were the French taken and slain that day, as I hear in my 

Sirs, that time of which I tell you was one thousand three hundred and fifty 1401 
and six years after the birth of Christ, and also, as I think, it was nineteen days on 
in September, the month before October, that this great battle befell that was 
certainly right horrible. Pardon me if I relate it briefly, for I have passed over it 
lightly, I because I would narrate to you of this noble Prince, right valiant and bold, 14" 
gallant in words and deeds. Then was King John brought before him ; the Prince 
gave him right hearty greeting, and rendered thanks to Almighty God, and to do 
more honour to the King would fain help him to disarm. But King John said to 
him : ' Fair, sweet cousin, for God's pity, let be, it beseems me not, for, by the faith 
I owe you, you have to-day more honour than ever had any Prince on one day.' 
Then said the Prince : ' Sweet sir, it is God's doing and not ours : and we are 
bound to give thanks to Him therefor, and beseech Him earnestly that He would 
grant us His glory and pardon us the victory.' Thus did they both hold converse 
and speak kindly together. The English made right merry. The Prince lodged 
that night in a little pavilion among the dead on the plain, and his men all around 
him. That night he slept but little. In the morning he broke camp, set out towards 
Bordeaux, and all the noble knights, and they took with them their prisoner. 
So long did they ride and journey that they came to Bordeaux. Nobly were they 
received and welcomed by all the people ; with crosses and processions, singing 
their orisons, all the members of the collegial churches of Bordeaux came to meet 
them, and the ladies and the damsels, old and young, and serving-maids. At 
Bordeaux was such joy made that it was marvellous to behold. There the Prince 
abode the whole winter. Then he dispatched his messenger to the noble King, his 
father, and to the Queen his mother, with the tidings how he had sped, in what wise 
God had wrought for him, and asked that they should send him over vessels wherein 
he might bring the King of France to England to do the more honour to the land. 

When the King heard the news, he rejoiced right heartily, praising God, ^469 
clasping his hands, saying : ' Fair, sovereign Father, be extolled for all these 
benefits.' And the gentle Queen gave great praise to God and the pure virgin who 
had sent her such offspring as was her son the Prince, who was of so great valour. 
They dispatched the messenger speedily, and sent him vessels and barges, such 
that there was a goodly number. The vessels came to Bordeaux, whereat the 
Prince rejoiced greatly. No longer would he tarry. He had all his harness 
loaded ; the barons took ship, and all the knights of repute ; the King and all the 
prisoners and that which was needful they brought on board. They sailed until 
they came to England, and so soon as they landed they sent to the King tidings 
that were to him good and fair. To meet him he let summon all the barons to do 
him honour ; he himself in person came there with more than a score of earls. Up 
to London they escorted the Prince, for they welcomed him (?). There were they 
gladly greeted by the ladies and so received that never was such rejoicing made 
as was at that time. There was the noble and puissant King, and the Queen his 
vvife, and his mother, who held him dear; many a lady, many a damsel, right amorous. 


sprightly, and fair. There was dancing, hunting, hawking, feasting, and jousting, as 
in the reign of Arthur, the space of four years or more. 

151 7 Then the King made another expedition to France with his noble following, 

and the noble Prince also, and Duke Henry of Lancaster, and more than ten 
thousand others, whose titles I will not give, for it behoves me to dispatch quickly. 
But, as the book says, he rode through Artois and Picardy and Vermandois and 
Champagne, Burgundy and Brie, right to the Yonne (?), I assure you, and came 
as far as before Paris. There were the noble and renowned King and the noble 
and valiant Prince ; there they were encamped in the open, drawn up in battle array 
— about that can there be no debate — but they did not engage. Then they turned 
their expedition towards Chartres. There the peace was agreed to, which was 
afterwards sworn ; in this peace-making the Prince of right noble conditions was con- 
cerned, for by him and his admonition the two Kings came to terms, and King John 
was set free from prison ; and there by the peace was all Guyenne delivered into 
the keeping of the noble King and of his son the very valiant Prince. And this 
peace whereof I speak was in the year of our Lord one thousand three 
hundred with sixty, at the time when the nightingale sings, eight days on in the 
gay month of May, when birds wax bold. 

1555 They returned to England bringing their great array. Very noble feast was 

made them, and right well were they welcomed. After the day of All Saints, just at 
this time, of that I am sure, the two Kings were together at Calais, methinks ; and the 
Prince and all the barons and all the knights of repute of all the realm of England, 
and of all the realm of France also, were there of their free will. There each one 
swore on the book, and also without reserve on the holy and precious sacrament, 
that they would hold the peace surely (?) without ever breaking it and without 
renewing the war. Thus both the noble Kings agreed in making peace. The 
King of France went away, who made but short stay further ; the noble King and 
the Prince of noble conditions returned with great joy to England, bringing with 
them the hostages. 

1585 The gentle Prince married no long while afterwards a lady of great renown, 
who enkindled love in him, in that she was beauteous, charming, and discreet. 
And after that marriage he delayed no longer, but betook himself without tarrying, 
in brief season, to Gascony, to take possession of his land and country. The very 
noble Prince took his wife with him, for that he loved her greatly. He had of his 
wife two children. He reigned seven years in Gascony, in joy, in peace, and in 
pleasantness, for all the princes and barons of all the country round about came to 
him to do homage; for a good lord, loyal and sage, they held him with one, accord, 
and rightly, if I dare say, for since the birth of God such fair state was never kept 
as his, nor more honourable, for ever he had at his table more than fourscore 
knights and full four times as many squires. There were held jousts and feasts in 
Angouleme and Bordeaux ; there abode all nobleness, all joy and jollity, largesse, 
gentleness, and honour, and all his subjects and all his men loved him right dearly, 
for he dealt liberally with them. Those who dwelt about him esteemed and loved 
him greatly, for largesse sustained him and nobleness governed him, and discretion, 


temperance and uprightness, reason, justice and moderation : one might rightly say 
that such a Prince would not be found, were the whole world to be searched 
throughout its whole extent. Neighbours and enemies had great dread of him, for 
so lofty was his courage that he held potent sway everywhere, so that his deeds 
should not be forgotten, neither in words nor actions. 

Now it is not right that I should be backward in telling of a noble Spanish 1639 
expedition, but very right that he should be esteemed therefor; for it was the 
noblest enterprise that ever Christian undertook, for by force he put back in his 
place a king whom his younger bastard brother had disinherited, as you will be 
able to hear if you give ear a little. 

Now it is full time to begin my matter and address myself to the purpose to 1649 
which I am minded to come, to what I saw befall after the battle in Brittany, in 
which the Duke and his company conquered and gained his land by the power of 
England. And there was slain Charles of Blois and many a noble and courteous 
baron, of high and puissant lineage, both of France and of Picardy. There were 
Sir Bertrand du Guesclin, of great renown, and many high lords of degree, of noble 
and puissant lineage, whose names I will not mention, because I might delay too 
much to come to my purpose, and to shorten my words the more. 

You know that Sir Bertrand, right bold and valiant, with the approval of the 1669 
Pope of Rome, led out of the realm of France the whole of the Great Company and 
a great part of the mounted men, and drew to himself many a man — barons, 
bachelors and earls, knights, squires, and viscounts. At the time of which I relate 
there was between Spain and Aragon a right marvellous war that had lasted, in very 
cruel fashion, the space of fourteen years and more. On this account Sir Bertrand du 
Guesclin, bold-hearted and true, was chosen, and the good Jean de Bourbon, styled 
Count of la Marche, and the gallant and loyal Marshal d'Audrehem and Eustace 
d'Aubr^chicourt, of noble disposition (?), Sir Hugh of Calverley, who gladly smites 
with his sword, and Sir Matthew de Gournay, and many other true knights, to 
go (?) into that country and by their great valour bring about peace between the 
Kings, and open the passes and defiles of Granada, that these many valiant men 
and good lords might set out to conquer. Thus were they all accorded. For this 
agreement Sir Bertrand and his men received great monies. 

When they had set forth on their way, he and all his company, they passed the 1709 
defiles of Aragon, and then in right brief season they sent tidings to the King of 
Castile by a messenger, how he should accord and swear peace to Aragon, and that 
he should open the passage for them to go on a holy expedition in which all good 
feats of arms might fortune against the enemies of God. He, who was proud and 
disdainful, and feared little the power either of them or others, conceived sore dis- 
pleasure thereat in his heart, and said that he would esteem himself but little if he 
obeyed such people. Then he let assemble his forces and prepared himself right 
stoutly to defend his country. Then he summoned great and small, gentlemen, 
freemen, and serfs, and thought to be well assured of defending his land against 
them. Fair, sweet sirs, may it please you, hearken ! English, French and Bretons, 
Normans, Picards and Gascons, all entered into Spain, and so did the Great 


Company ; the good Hugh of Calverley, and Gournay his comrade, and many good 
and bold knights, crossed there without delay, and gained by their emprise all the 
land that King Pedro had formerly conquered. Right sore grieved at heart was 
Don Pedro of Spain, the king ; he says he will esteem himself no whit if he take not 
vengeance for all this. But little did his power avail, for not a month had passed 
when, by the great disloyalty of those who were bound to serve him, it behoved him 
to quit Spain and abandon his royal state (?), for all those who should have loved 
him were disloyal to him, so that one should verily say he ought not to be called 
lord that is not beloved of his people. This is manifest by this king, who was of so 
proud a disposition that he had fear of no man, but weened well that none could do 
him any hurt, howsoever great his power might be ; but in no great while he had no 
friend nor relative, cousin-german, uncle, nor brother that did not part from him/ 
They crowned his bastard brother, bestowed on him all the land, and all in Castile 
held him for lord, both great and small. 

'777 Don Pedro durst wait no longer, but betook himself then incontinent to 

Seville, where his treasure had remained. He had galleys and ships loaded, and 
his treasure placed in them. Hastily he embarked, as the story says ; day and 
night he sailed until he came to the port of Corunna, the which is in Galicia. And 
the Bastard was no fool ; he rode through Castile ; not a city remained of which he 
did not get possession ; there were neither earls nor barons that did not do him 
homage, saving only one reputed sage, — Fernandez de Castro, they that knew him 
called him — and right valiant and noble was he, and he vowed, so God aided him, 
that never for a day would he forsake him who was king by right, and if they all 
would do it — those who had the power — yet could not he suffer a bastard to hold 
a kingdom. But all the others of the country were altogether agreed that Henry 
should remain king of Castile and of Toledo and Seville, and Cordova, and of 
Leon. By the accord of all the barons was Castile thus conquered, and by the 
power and emprise of Sir Bertrand du Guesclin. Now you will be able to hear 
the end, how it fortuned after this day, not a score of years ago. 

1817 Now begins a noble tale, of noble and puissant import (?), for pity, love, and 

justice dwelled together in his upbringing, as you will hear. You have well heard 
me recount the foregoing matter. Right wretched was King Pedro at Corunna on 
the sea, and full of cruel, bitter grief (?), for they had failed him that should have been 
his friends. Exceeding sad was he and could devise no means whereby he might 
obtain succour, neither for pure gold nor for treasure. One day the King called to 
mind that he had long had alliances and amity — wherewith he held himself full con- 
tent — with the King of England, of such noble disposition, for God had given him 
such virtue that since the time of King Arthur there was no king of such power ; 
and if for that alliance, and for love and lineage, and for God, and for knightliness^ 
he would send him succour, he might yet be saved. 

1847 Thereupon he called his council, and showed them the matter, and every one 

said he spoke well. Then a noble lord, Fernandez de Castro, the gentle, who was 
of right good counsel, spoke and said, ' Sire, hearken to me. By the faith I owe 
you, first of all, if you believe me, you will send straight to the Prince of Aquitaine, 


who is his son ; right valiant is he and bold, and so strong in men-of-arms that 
I ween there is no man living, save God, that would do him wrong; and, if you find 
him well minded to succour you, be certain that you will have Spain again in your 
hands before this year is over.' To all this they readily agreed. 

Don Pedro, the king of Castile, writes and seals incontinently, begging the 1867 
Prince humbly that for God's sake first of all, and for love and pity, for alliance 
and amity, and by reason of lineage also, and for the right he has, without any 
doubt, that it please him, the right noble Prince, puissant, honourable, valiant and 
doughty, to succour justice and him, who petitions him in the name of patience ; and 
that he would of his valiancy send ships to set him across, and bring him safely, for 
he would fain speak with him. The messenger came without delay. 

At Bordeaux he found the Prince, who marvelled right greatly when he had 1885 
read the letter. So soon as he had looked it through he called his knights and all 
his best councillors. He showed them all the letter, even as it was indited, and said 
to them, ' Fair lords, by my troth, I marvel at what I behold. Foolish is he who puts 
his trust in his might. You have well seen that France was, as I think, the most 
puissant Christian country, and now have God and right granted us strength to 
conquer our right; and also I have heard tell that the leopards and their company 
would spread abroad in Spain, and if it could be in our time we should be held the 
more valiant. Good counsel in this matter, my lords, you see to be right convenient. 
Now speak your minds thereon.' Then answered Chandos and next Thomas of 
Felton, — these two were comrades, of his most privy council, — and said to him, of a 
truth, that he could not accomplish this unless he had some alliance with the King of 
Navarre, who at that time kept the passage of the defiles. By the advice they 
tendered they summoned the King of Navarre, the Count of Armagnac also, and 
all the barons of the noble land of Aquitaine. And then all the great council 
assembled. Each one said what seemed to him good to do in the emprise ; and know 
that it was arranged, by such council and such agreement, as I hear in my record, 
that vessels should be made ready at Bayonne without delay, men-at-arms and 
archers also, to go forthwith to seek King Peter in Spain. Sir Thomas Felton, the 
great seneschal of Aquitaine, was to be their captain. But whilst they were lading 
their vessels and making preparation | the King Don Pedro in proper person arrived 194'i 
at Bayonne, bringing his sons and daughters, and that remnant of his treasure 
that God had left him, precious stones, pearls, silver and gold. When the Prince 
had knowledge of the tidings, they seemed to him good and pleasing. He went to 
Bayonne to meet him, and nobly welcomed him in great joy and pastance, and there 
they gave many a banquet. Why should I lengthen out and delay my story ? In- 
continent all were of accord, the King of Navarre also, to aid the King Don 
Pedro, and bring him again into Spain ; since that for justice and amity he besought 
him so humbly, he ought assuredly to be succoured. All were agreed on this point, 
and henceforward the valiant Prince made no further tarrying. 

He returned to Bordeaux and bade his men prepare. Many a noble and 1966 
doughty knight he summoned throughout his land ; nor did any delay, great noi" 
small ; Chandos was not behind, for he went to the Great Company in quest of 


companions, up to fourteen pennons, apart from the others who returned from Spain 
when they heard that the Prince wished to aid the King Don Pedro to his right. 
They took leave of King Henry, who gave it them at once, and paid them right 
gladly, for they were no longer needful to him. He was King of Castile at that 
time, and held himself well satisfied that none could wrest it from him, howsoever 
great his power. To be brief, there then returned Sir Eustace d'Aubr^chicourt, 
Devereux, Cresswell, Briquet, whose name is often on people's lips, and thereafter 
the Lord of Aubeterre that ever gladly followed after war, and the good Bernard de la 
Salle. All the merry companions returned to Aquitaine, but first they endured 
great sufferings, for when the Bastard knew verily that the Prince wished without 
delay to succour the King Don Pedro he wrought them sore hindrance ; he let cut 
all the roads, and night and morning he made to spring out many an ambush on 
them, and caused them to be attacked in divers fashion by geneteurs and villains. 
But God, who is sovereign Lord, brought them back in safety, right straight to the 
principality, whereat the Prince was right joyous, for he was right eager to accom- 
plish his desire. And then without slackening he had gold and silver prepared and 
money to pay his men. 

^°'5 Sirs, the time I speak of was after the birth of God one thousand three hundred 
sixty and six years, when the gentle bird ceases to sing, three weeks before the day 
when Jesus Christ of His sweetness was born of the Virgin Mary. Have no doubt 
of the time. 

2023 Very nobly did the gentle Prince order his payment. Then might you see 

swords and daggers forged at Bordeaux, coats of mail, and bassinets, lances, 
axes and gauntlets. Exceeding noble would the equipment have been, had there 
been thirty kings. 

2031 The muster of the noble Prince's army was held at Dax. There assembled 
the barons and the knights from round about. All the companions camped in the 
fields at that time. In the Basque country, among the mountains, the great companies 
camped ; they abode there more than two months, and endured great privations, 
all to await the passage, that they could go on their way. There they stayed all 
winter up to the month of February, until all were assembled, the distant and the 

2049 near. But, according to what I heard, the Prince set out from Bordeaux | fifteen 
days after Christmas. And then the Princess had right bitter grief at heart, and 
then she reproached the goddess of love who had brought her to such great majesty, 
for she had the most puissant Prince in this world. Often she said : ' Alas 1 what 
should I do, God and Love, if I were to lose the very flower of nobleness, the 
flower of loftiest grandeur, him who has no peer in the world in valour? Death ! 
thou wouldst be at hand. Now have I neither heart nor blood nor vein, but every 
member fails me, when I call to mind his departure ; for all the world says this, that 
never did any man adventure himself on so perilous an expedition. O very 
sweet and glorious Father, comfort me of your pity.' Then did the Prince hearken 
to his gentle lady's words ; he gave her right noble comfort and said to her : ' Lady, 
let be your weeping, be not dismayed, for God has power to do all.' The noble 
Prince gently comforts the lady, and then sweetly takes leave of her, saying 


lovingly : ' Lady, we shall meet again in such wise that we shall have joy, we and 
all our friends, for my heart tells me so.' Very sweetly did they embrace and take 
farewell with kisses. Then might you see ladies weep and damsels lament ; one 
bewailing her lover and another her husband. The Princess sorrowed so much 
that, being then big with child, she through grief delivered and brought forth a very 
fair son, the which was called Richard. Great rejoicings did all make, and the 
Prince also was right glad at heart, and all say with one accord : ' Behold a right 
fair beginning.' 

Then the Prince set forth, he waited no more ; no longer did he tarry there. 2103 
Very rich was his array. He came to Dax and abode there, for news was brought 
him that the Duke of Lancaster was on his way, commanding and maintaining 
a great company. Then he was minded to stay and await his brother. And know 
that the noble Duke, when he heard it said that the Prince had set forth from 
Bordeaux, was sore grieved, for he thought not to come in time. He had landed in 
the Cotentin, and hastened much to ride, he and all the knights ; he passed through 
the Cotentin into Brittany. To meet him there was a fair company, for Duke John 
of Brittany came ; with him the greatest barons of his land, those he held most 
dear, Clisson, Knolles, and many who did him great honour. He feasted him in 
his land, but he made there but short stay, for it behoved him to make speed on 
account of the Prince, who would fain cross. He took leave without delay of 
Duke John and his wife. 

Night and morning the noble Duke of Lancaster rode until he came right 2138 
to Bordeaux, and found there the Princess, mistress of all honour, who welcomed 
him sweetly and very graciously asked news of her country, how they fared in 
England. And the Duke recounted all. Then the Duke tarried no more, for he 
left Bordeaux ; he rode through the Landes, hastening right speedily till he came to 
the city of Dax. He found his brother, the Prince, who came to meet him with 
more than twenty knights, and know, moreover, that at this time the Count of Foix 
was there. Great joy of each other did they make as soon as they met together. 
Then they kissed and embraced, and the Prince said, smiling : ' Duke of Lancaster, 
sweet brother, welcome in our land. Tell me, how fares the King our father, and 
the Queen our mother, all our brothers, and all our friends ? ' ' Sire,' said he, ' by 
God's mercy they fare no other than well. Our father tells you to send word to 
him if there lack aught that he can do. Our mother gives you greeting. All our 
brothers commend themselves to you, and send word by me that gladly would they 
have come if they had had leave.' 

Conversing thus they came to Dax, holding each other by the hand, and that 217? 
night they made very merry. Of their talk I know no more, nor will I recount 
anything further. The Count of Foix returned into the land where he dwelt, and the 
Prince stayed at Dax awaiting the time and hour when he could pass the defiles. 
As yet he knew not whether they would cross by the pass of Roncevaux, for it was 
said that the King of Navarre was allied to Henry the Bastard, whereat many were 
dismayed. But at this time and juncture Hugh of Calverley took Miranda-de-Arga 
and Puente la Reina, whereat Navarre was aifrighted. The King sent his 



messenger to the Prince forthwith, without delay, and announced the deed to 
him, what Hugh had done to them. Afterwards the loyal-hearted Sir Martin 
came from Navarre ; by his sage counsel he helped to secure for them the passage. 

2209 Right soon after this day it befell that the King of Navarre came to St. Jean 

Pied du Port, and the Duke of Lancaster and Chandos went then to meet him. 
They escorted him towards the Prince to a place where they found him. Peyre- 
horade was the name of the town and the house. There came King Pedro, and there 
their oath was renewed on the body of Jesus, and each one was agreed as to what 
he was to have. The next day the King, the Duke, and Chandos left, for it was 
settled that the vanguard should pass, first of all, the next Monday ; and they with- 
out long delay reached St. Jean. There they were lodged, and the next day 
proclamation was made that every one should make ready to pass the next Monday, 
those in sooth who were chosen to cross in the vanguard. Now it is right that 

2243 I should take heed to enumerate the vanguard. Fair sirs, first I should name | the 
Duke of Lancaster, who was valiant, bold, and courageous, and had in his company 
many noble knights. There was the good Thomas d'Ufford, bold and strong, the 
good Hugh of Hastings, and his noble comrade William Beauchamp, son of the 
Earl of Warwick, the Lord of Neville also, and many a good bold knight, whom 
now I will not name, as I wish to speak of them elsewhere. Next I must name 
Chandos, Constable of the army, leader of all the Companions, whose names I will 
tell you. First of all the Lord de Rays, good and valiant in deeds, next the Lord 
dAubeterre, eager in pursuit of war, Messire Garsis de Castel, valiant and loyal- 
hearted, and Gaillard (?) de la Motte also, and Aimery de Rochechouart, and Messire 
Robert Camyn, Cresswell, and the true-hearted Briquet and Messire Richard 
Taunton and William Felton and Willecock le Boteller and Peverell of the proud 
heart, John Sandes, a man of renown, and John Alein, his companion, next after- 
wards Shakell and Hawley. All these pennons were companions to Chandos, 
and placed under his pennon. Next were the Marshals, loyal men of valour, one 
Stephen of Cosinton, a very noble knight, the other the good Guichard d'Angle, 
who ought not to be set aside, rather is it very right that he should be remembered ; 
with them they had the banner of St. George, and many other knights in their 

2291 Now, my lords, I have enumerated and completely named the vanguard, which 

lingered not, but made the passage wholly, on Monday, the 14th of February. 
But since the just God suffered death for us on the cross there was no such painful 
passage, for one saw men and horses, that suffered many ills, stumble on the moun- 
tain ; there was no fellowship ; the father made no tarrying for the son ; there was 
cold so great, snow and frost also, that each one was dismayed, but by the grace of 
God all passed in due time, ten thousand horses and more, and the men upon them, 
and camped in Navarre. And the next day all those who were with the Prince in 
his division made ready. 

2315 Now it is very right that I should recount to you the names of these noble barons : 

first of all the Prince and the King Don Pedro, whom I should rightly name, and 
the King of Navarre also— these three passed without delay ; Messire Louis de 


Harcourt and Eustace d'Aubrdchicourt, Messire Thomas Felton and the Baron 
de Parthenay, and all the brothers De Pommiers, that were noble knights, 
and then the Lord de Clisson and the good Lord de Curton. The right 
courageous Lord de la Warre was there, and Messire Robert Knolles, of 
short speech. The Viscount de Rochechouart was also there, and the rightful 
Lord of Bourchier and many other honourable knights, and the Seneschal of 
Aquitaine, a noble captain, and the Seneschals of Poitou, the Angoumois, of 
Saintonge, P^rigord, and Quercy, he that was bold and loyal ; moreover, I will also 
name to you the High Seneschal of Bigorre. These I mention were assuredly in 
the Prince's division, and good four thousand others, whose names I will not give, 
but they were good twenty thousand horse that all passed on the Tuesday. And the 
King of Navarre also crossed with the Prince, and escorted and guided him beyond 
the passes. And God, who was merciful, permitted them all to cross, but great 
hardships did the noble Prince of Aquitaine suffer in the passage. 

On the Wednesday the rearguard also crossed : the noble King of Majorca, and 2361 
the valiant, courteous, and right gentle Count of Armagnac, the bold Berard d'AIbret, 
the Lord of Mussidan, and other honourable knights of noble fame. And there were 
also other pennon -bearers : [to wit] Sir Bertucat d'AIbret ; and also know assuredly 
that the Bour de Breteuil was there, and the Bour Camus, whose deeds I am not 
forgetting ; Naudon de Bageran was there also, and Bernard de la Salle and Lami : 
all these, without doubt, were placed in the rearguard and passed on the Wed- 
nesday out of the defile. Now I will tell you truly. Each one of these divisions 
camped in the concha of Pampeluna. There they found bread and wine, so that 
they were filled. 

Afterwards, without long delay, the noble Lord d'AIbret crossed with the noble, 2387 
valiant and loyal-hearted Captal, each one with two hundred fighting-men, valiant 
and bold men-at-arms. Now the army was all collected together again. The tidings 
were brought to Henry the Bastard of Spain, who was lodged, he and his company, 
at Santo Domingo. Now he was not greatly dismayed, but on the advice he received 
was minded to send the Prince a letter. This he did, writing these words in the 
letter, as you shall hear : — 

* Most puissant, honoured, and noble Prince of Aquitaine ! Dear Sire, it is a 2404 
certain thing, as we have heard, that you and your men are come and have crossed 
to this side of the passes, and that you have made agreements and alliance with our 
enemy, whereat we have great wonder. I know not who counsels you, for I have 
never done you wrong or harm, wherefore you should hate us or take from us that 
little land that God has lent us of His will : but forasmuch as we know well that there 
is no lord holding land in this world nor any creature to whom God has given such 
fortune in arms as He has to you, and since we know well that you and your men 
seek only to have battle, we beg you in all courtesy that you will inform us merely 
in what place you will enter our seignory, and we pledge our word to you that we 
will be over against you to give battle.' 

Then he had his letter sealed, and sent it by his herald, who journeyed with- 
out fail until he found the Prince : forthwith he delivered to him the letter. 


2441 And the Prince rejoiced greatly at the letter and showed it to his barons and 
set forth to them the tenour. Then King Pedro was summoned and all the council 
convened to advise about the answer, how he should send back and reply to him. 
But meanwhile Sir Thomas Felton craved a gift of the Prince, that it would 
please him to grant him only this one thing, that he might ride out ahead to go and 
spy out their army ; and the Prince granted it him. And then Thomas called the 
companions, as many as he wished to have. Thomas d'Ufford and the lion-hearted 
William Felton, Hugh of Stafford and Knolles of short speech, were there ; and there 
came also to the muster Messire Simon Burleigh. There were certainly, as I heard 
say, eight score lances, and there were three hundred archers. Then they began to 
ride through Navarre, day and night ; they had guides and conductors. At Logrono 
they crossed the river, whose waters were swift and fierce, and camped at Navaretta to 
hear and know about their doings, how their army was being directed. Whilst this 
was being done the King of Navarre was taken by treason ; whereat the Prince and 
his council were amazed. Now was Messire Martin de La Carra ruler and governor of 
all the country of Navarre. By the advice of the Queen, who is worthy to have every 
blessing, he came to the Prince and related to him the capture, in what wise it befell, 
and begged him to keep and govern the country. The Prince marvelled greatly 

2493 when he heard it word for word, and answered graciously : | ' I am sore grieved at 
the capture. Now I cannot recover him, but you know well, in good sooth, the very 
best that I can do is to quit his land. If good befalls me, it shall be for him, so 
please God, as much as for myself. I have no other counsel.' Thereupon he 
bade the army make ready to set out in the early morning. Then he prayed Messire 
Martin to procure him guides ; and know verily that so he did. Then he crossed the 
pass of Arruiz, which was very strait and narrow — much hardship did the army suffer 
there — and afterwards, of a surety, he journeyed through Guipuzcoa. But scant pro- 
visions did he find for his army right through the land until he came to Salvatierra. 

25' 5 Now was the army come to Spain and it spread itself abroad over the country. 

The noble company of knights lodged near Salvatierra, in the villages ; they thought 
to attack the town, but know well that without delay it surrendered to the King 
Don Pedro as soon as it beheld him. There the Prince abode six days in the 
country round about, and meanwhile his men were at Navaretta, who often rode out 
and spied on the Bastard's army until it happened that one night they made their 
attack on their watch. All on horseback they charged upon them and took the 
knight that had command of the watch, and two or three others. Then the alarm 
was raised. To Messire Simon Burleigh fell prisoner the knight aforesaid. Then 
incontinent they came back to Navaretta, where they were lodged, and from the 
prisoners they had taken they learnt the truth about the army. Speedily they sent 
word to the Prince. 

2£43 And the Bastard, on the other side, knew the tidings of the other army, and said 

that he would break up his camp and come to meet them. And when Thomas 
Felton knew it, and all his companions, they departed from Navaretta. They rode 
always in front of the army to report more exactly the tidings. They stayed on the 
other side until the Spaniards had crossed and they were minded to come this side. 


of the mountains before Vittoria. In front of Vittoria, on the plain, Sir Thomas 
Felton and his companions camped. They sent word of this to the Prince, just 
what they had done. When the Prince heard the matter, even so as it stood, 
how the Bastard was coming straight to him, eager for battle, then he said : ' So 
help me Jesus Christ, the Bastard is right bold. In God's name let us go, my 
lords, and take up our position before Vittoria. The next day he came in front of 
Vittoria. There the Bastard was not yet in sight, but was on the plain on the other 
side of the mountain. When the Prince was in the fields, there he found his 
knights. Very gladly did he see them, and said to them, ' Fair, sweet Sirs, be 
welcome more than a hundred times.' 

As they thus talked together the currours were scouring the field. They 2581 
brought word to the Prince . . . that they had seen, they thought, the enemy's 
currours. Then was there a stir in the camp, and all the army gathered together. 
The cry ' To arms ' might be heard. The Prince drew up his men and set his divisions 
in order. There might a man regale himself at the sight, one to whom naught was at 
stake, for one could see gleaming pure gold and azure and silver, gules and sable, 
also sinople and crimson and ermine ; there was many a precious banner of silk and 
sendal also, for since the time of which I now tell you so noble a sight has not been 
seen. There was the vanguard drawn up very nobly that day. There might one 
see knighted squires of high degree. The King Don Pedro did the Prince first 
make knight, and afterwards Thomas of Holland, ever ready for deeds of arms, and 
then Hugh de Courteney, Philip and Peter, as I know well ; John Trivet, Nicholas 
Bond ; and the Duke, in whom all virtue abounds, knighted Raoul Camois, fair and 
courteous in deeds, and Walter Ursewick also, and then Thomas d'Auvirmetri and 
Messire John Grendon. There the noble and redoubtable Duke, of enduring fame, 
made twelve knights or thereabout. And know well that there incontinent was 
many a good knight made whose name I cannot tell ; but, by what I heard related, 
the Prince, with his men, made that day more than two hundred. 

All day were they there in battle-order and ready to abide the onset. But it 2631 
pleased not Mary's Son that the enemies should come that day, for, by Saint Peter, 
the rearguard was behind more than seven of the country's leagues, whereat the 
Prince was sore grieved. At vespers they went to their quarters. Then the Prince 
let cry that each one should return the next day right to that plain, and that no 
one should go beyond the vanguard, and that each one should be on his guard and 
should camp under his banner. But, by the faith I owe St. Peter, Sir Thomas 
Felton and William his companion went off to encamp, more than two leagues of 
the country away, methinks. 

Now it is full time that I should tell you of Don Tello, the noble earl, who ad- 2651 
dressed his brother the Bastard Henry in these words : ' Sire,' said he, ' now listen 
to me. It is very true, as you know in sooth, that our enemies are lodged very near 
here, and therefore, if you so will and give me leave, I will ride out in the morning 
and report you the truth about the enemies, what they are doing.' The Bastard 
replies to him forthwith that he fully approved of this proposal, and that Sancho, his 
brother, should accompany him, and D'Audrehem, the good Marshal, should also go ; 


the expedition should be made with six thousand mounted men ; thus was the matter 
settled. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin would have gone on it, but he had arrived that 
day, it was said, for he came straight from Aragon. Thus were their dispositions 
taken. Fiercely do they threaten the English, saying that for their great insolence 
they would make them die in shame. 

268r Now may God aid the right ! The Prince was encamped in front of Vittoria ; 

and round about there was no hovel nor house not wholly full of his men. But the 
Prince the next day was not aware of the expedition that Don Tello was preparing ; 
for know that without sleeping he rose at midnight, rode the broadest road straight 
up the mountain, until he brought his company right down a valley. First he met 
Hugh of Calverley, who was breaking up, and coming towards the Prince. The cur- 
rours wrought great damage to his sumpter beasts and waggons, whereat noise and 
shouting arose, and the currours ran up and down through the camp : many were 
killed in their beds. There the vanguard would have been sorely surprised had it 
not been for the noble Duke of Lancaster, full of valour ; for as soon as he heard 
the shouting he sallied forth from his lodging and took his station on the mountain. 
There his company rallied, and all the others as best they could, and it is said that 
the Spaniards thought to take this mountain ; but round the Duke and his banner 
all the banners of the army gladly gathered. Thither the Prince and Chandos 
came, and there the army was drawn up ; there you might see the currours repulsed 
with force. Each one strove to acquit himself well. 

2725 Then the main body of the Spaniards rode up and met Felton and Sir Richard 

Taunton, Degori Says (?), Ralph de Hastings, who cared not two cherries for death, 
and Sir Gaillard Beguer, and many a good and valiant knight : they were a good 
one hundred fighting-men together, great and small. Their company rallied on 
a little mountain, but Sir William, the valiant, very boldly and bravely charged 
among the enemy like a man devoid of sense and discretion, on horseback, lance 
couched. Striking a Spaniard upon his flower-emblazoned shield, he made him 
feel through the heart his sharp blade of steel. Down to the ground he hurled him 
in the sight of all the people. Like a man full of great hardihood he rushed upon 
them, with drawn sword, and the Castilians by their might followed him on all sides, 
and threw spears and darts at him. They slew his horse under him, but Sir William 
Felton defended himself stoutly on foot, like a lion-hearted man ; albeit his defence 
availed him little, for he was slain. God have mercy on him. 

2769 And the others joined together on a mountain which they took ; there the 

Spaniards made many an onslaught on them, fiercely attacking them without cessa- 
tion, and hurling at them spears and darts and strong, sharp archegays. And they, 
who were very courageous, gave proof of their prowess like men of valour, for 
more than a hundred times that day they descended without ceasing, their sharp 
lances in their hands, and by force made them give way. Nor would the Castilians 
have been able to harm them, by casting lance or dart, had it not been for the 
French and Bretons, the Normans, Picards, and Burgundians, who came up a 
valley with Marshal dAudrehem and Sir Jehan de Neufville. Those were 
together a thousand. As soon as they saw them, they all immediately dismounted. 


The English and Gascons saw well that they could not long withstand there, for they 
had no support, and the French on foot ran at full speed to attack them ; and the 
others without slackening defended themselves fiercely, but they were not one 
hundred against more than six thousand. And these knights approved themselves 
well, and there did such feats of arms that never were Oliver nor Roland able to 
do more, as I have heard related. But their defence availed but little, for by force 
they had to yield themselves prisoners. There were taken : Hastings and Degori 
Says (?), Gaillard Beguer, a perfect knight, the three brothers Felton, and with them 
Richard Taunton, Mitton, and many others, whose names I have not mentioned : 
whereat the Prince was sore grieved, but he thought certainly that the whole army 
had come down through the pass and on that account he would not break up 
his army ; for he would have gone to succour his men, had it not been for this, 
for that he was bound to do : but it was not so done. And they who had carried 
out their emprise, as soon as it was told them that the Prince was near there, 
departed at their speediest and turned back. They take the prisoners with them, 
treating them very harshly. 

Greatly did King Henry rejoice at their return, and he said to them : 'Wei- 2827 
come, fair sirs, greatly am I beholden to you,' and then added, in these express 
words: 'All the others will follow. It is to his undoing that the Prince thinks 
to take my land and attack me : I will therefore cause him to know that great greed 
of possession has made him undertake this expedition. Whoso could take him 
prisoner, to him I would give so much silver and gold that he might make a 
treasure thereof.' When the Marshal heard him, very softly he said to him : 
' Sire,' quoth he, ' what are you saying ? As yet you have not discomfited all the 
good knights. But be sure and certain that you will find them proper men-at-arms 
when you fight against them. But if you will believe good counsel you will be able, 
in sooth, to discomfit them without striking a blow ; if you will keep the defiles 
whereby they must pass and have your army well guarded. If you do not give them 
battle, through great lack of victuals you will see them quit Spain, or you will see 
them die of hunger.' Thus was the Bastard King advised by French counsel. And 
the Prince was still encamped in battle-order before Vittoria, for he still waited 
there to see if the Bastard would come down, his troops drawn up, and his banners 
unfurled. That night he camped in the open. There was there none too good 
cheer, for many there were, by St. Martin, who had neither bread nor wine. None 
too pleasant was the stay there, for there were often conflicts and skirmishes with 
geneteurs ; and of the English there were many slain, of them and of the others. 
Very ugly and foul was the weather, with rain and wind also. Sirs, the time I am 
telling you of | was in March, when it often rains, blows, and snows— never was 2S79 
worse weather— and the Prince was in the open, where there were many hardships 
to endure, both for men-at-arms and horses. And the Monday the Prince raised his 
camp and moved. He turned back through Navarre ; he crossed a pass which is 
called by name the Pas de La Guardia. He journeyed until he came to camp at 
Viana, and speedily after this it befell that he passed the bridge of Logrono. The 
Prince, who is very anxious and eager for battle, camped that day in front of 


Logrono, in the orchards and under the olive-trees. And the Bastard King learnt 
by spies that the Prince's army was encamped before Logrono in the gardens. 
Then he stopped neither night nor morning ; he turned back from St. Vincent and 
encamped on the river, in a vineyard, beneath Najares. A fair army he had, 
puissant and noble. Thereupon the Prince sent him a letter which ran thus : — 

2909 ' Right puissant and honourable Henry, who art called Duke of Trastamare, 
who else styles himself for the present time in his letters King of Castile. We 
have well heard the tidings of your noble letters present, that are fair and gracious, 
of which the tenour is in sooth that you would gladly know wherefore we have 
plighted our troth and are allied with your enemy, whom we hold as our friend. 
Know that we are bound to do it to fulfil the alliances made in the past, and for 
love and pity and to maintain the right; for you should assuredly feel in your 
heart that it is not right that a bastard should be king to disinherit the lawful heir. 
No man born of lawful wedlock should agree to that. Of another point we apprise 
you, that, whereas you have such renown, and are held so valiant, we would very 
gladly be at pains to accord you both, and would ourselves see to it that you 
should have a large share in Castile. But reason and right ordain that you must give 
up the crown, and thus in truth fair peace might be nourished between you. And as 
to the entrance into Spain, know that I and my company with the help of God will 
enter there by whatsoever place it shall please us to enter, without asking leave of 
any man.' 

2951 Thus was the letter indited and thereafter sealed. They delivered it to a 

herald, who was glad and merry at heart and made great rejoicings, for they bestowed 
on him fine jewels, ermine robes, furred mantles. Then he tarried no longer. He 
took leave and departed; he came to his master. King Henry, and gave him the 
letter. The Bastard, when he looked at it and perceived the intent the Prince 
had made known to him, knew well that he was of high worth, and without making 
more delay he called his council together and asked : ' What seems good to you to 
do in all this matter ? ' Each one spoke his mind. Messire Bertrand du Guesclin, 
bold and true-hearted, said to him : ' Sire, doubt not, for you will speedily have 
battle. Ill do you know, in sooth, the great power that the Prince leads. There is 
the flower of knighthood, there is the flower of bachelry, there are the best fighting- 
men living in the world, so that you have great need to make ready and marshal 
your men.' 'Sir Bertrand, have no fear,' answered the Bastard Henry, 'for I 
shall have, I am sure of it, good four thousand barded horses who will be on the 
two sides of the two wings of my army, and moreover you will see, know assuredly, 
good four thousand geneteurs ; and of men-at-arms, of the best that can be found in 
all Spain, I shall have two thousand in my company, and, moreover, I can have, 
know well, fifty thousand men on foot and six thousand crossbow-men. Between 
here and Seville there dwell neither free men nor villeins but all are sure to help me, 
and have pledged their word to me that they will ever look on me as king, so that 
I have no fear that I shall not have the victory.' Thus did they hold converse that 
night in great joy and pastance. 

3007 And the Prince made no tarrying. The next morning, at break of dawn, he 


moved from before Logrono, for he delayed not at all. In right battle-array they rode 
that morning, so fairly ordered that never had any man seen so noble a host since the 
birth of Jesus. That day was Friday. Two leagues the Prince rode that day with- 
out making halt, and well he thought that day to have the battle. He sent out his 
currours in all directions, who were at great pains to report the truth ; and, to speak 
sooth, they saw the disposition of the other army, and perceived that it was camped 
on the river, near Najara, on the moor, in the orchards and the fields — very mighty 
was their army — and that in no wise did they look as if they would move that day. 
They speedily reported to the Prince, who was camped at Navaretta, how they 
found the army. Then they heard at once the disposition of the battle. Now were 
the two armies camped together, about two leagues apart, methinks. That night each 
was on his guard and took heed to himself, and they slept under arms. And before 
it was day King Henry sent out spies on the English in divers directions to know 
about their movements ; but these, if the chronicle does not lie, set forth earlier and 
began to ride. But the true-hearted Prince did not go the most direct road, but 
took the road to the right hand. They descended a mountain and a big valley, all 
on horseback, so nobly arrayed and in such fair close order that it was marvellous 
to behold. And the Bastard without slackening had at midnight set in order and 
instructed his army. On foot were Sir Bertrand and the good and valiant Marshal 
d'Audrehem, of great nobility, and the renowned Count Sancho, the Count of Denia 
likewise, who was truly from Aragon. Le Begue de Villaines was there also, 
a very good leader, Messire Jean de Neufville, and more than four thousand others, 
whose names I cannot give, from Spain, from Aragon, from France, Picardy, 
Brittany, and Normandy, and many another distant country. Next on the left hand 
was the Count Don Tello, on horseback, with more than twelve thousand geneteurs, 
mounted men. On the right was the royal wing | of the bastard king, called Henry, 3083 
the which had with him good fifteen thousand armed men and many men of the coun- 
try — crossbow-men, villeins, varlets, with lances and sharp darts, and slings to throw 
stones — to guard the front ranks. Never was such a marvel nor such abundance of 
men seen as there were that day. There was many an embroidered banner, both 
of sendal and of silk. A little towards the side were the barded horses, to the 
number of four thousand five (?) hundred. A right sage knight commanded them — 
very wise was he, by name Gomez Carillo — with the Prior of St. Jean, who said that 
he would make the English suffer tribulation that day. And there was also the 
Master of St. Jacques and a good and bold knight called the Master of Calatrava; 
he said aloud that that day he would do so much that he would ride through the battle. 

Now the matter was settled and all their host marshalled, and the Prince with- 3113 
out delay came down from the mountain. When one army perceived the other, 
each knew well that naught remained but to fight, of this they are certain. No one 
would wait for the morrow. Sir John Chandos came forthwith to the Prince and 
brought him his banner, which was of silk, rich and brave. Very courteously he spake 
to him thus : ' Sire,' says he, ' mercy for God, I have served you in the past, and 
everything, whatsoever God has given me, comes from you, and you know well that 
I am wholly yours and will be always ; and, if it seems to you time and place for me 



to raise my banner, I have enough fortune of my own (?), that God has given me to 
hold, wherewith to maintain it. Now do your pleasure in the matter. Behold it, I 
present it to you.' Then, incontinently, the Prince, the King Don Pedro, and the 
Duke of Lancaster also, unfurled his banner and handed it to him by the shaft and 
said to him forthwith : 'God grant you gain honour thereby'. And Chandos took his 
banner ; he set it among the companions and said to them with joyous mien, ' Fair 
sirs, behold my banner. Guard it well as your own, for indeed it is yours as much as 
ours '. The companions rejoiced greatly. They set out forthwith (?) and wait no 
more ; they are intent upon battle. This banner that I speak of, William Alby carried. 

3157 The English have dismounted, aflame with desire to win and achieve honour, 

and the Prince said to them that day : ' Sirs, there is no other end. You know well 
that we are nigh overtaken by famine, for lack of victual (?), and you see there our 
enemies who have plenty of provisions, bread and wine, salt and fresh fish, both 
from fresh water and the sea, but we must conquer them with blow of lance and 
sword. Now let us so act this day that we may depart in honour.' Then the 
valiant Prince clasped his hands to heaven and said : ' True, sovereign Father, 
who hast made and created us, as truly as Thou dost know that I am not come here 
save for the maintenance of right, and for prowess and nobility which urge and in- 
cite me to gain a life of honour, I beseech Thee that Thou wilt this day guard me 
and my men.' And when the Prince, fair to look upon, had made his prayer to God, 
then he said : ' Forward banner ! God help us to our right ! ' And then the Prince 
forthwith took the King Don Pedro by the hand and said to him : ' Sire King, to-day 
will you know if ever you will have Castile again. Have firm faith in God.' Thus 

3197 spake the valiant-hearted Prince. In the vanguard went forward | the noble and 
valorous Duke of Lancaster ; and the good knight Chandos knighted there with- 
out delay Curson, Prior and Eliton, and William de Ferinton and Aimery de 
Rochechouart, Gaillard de la Motte and Messire Robert Briquet. There was many 
a knight made, who was full of valour and of noble and puissant lineage. On the 
field the Duke of Lancaster said to William Beauchamp : ' See there,' said he, 
' our enemies ; but so help me Jesus Christ, to-day you shall see me a good knight, 
if death causes me no hindrance.' Then he said : ' Forward, forward banner ! Let 
us take the Lord God for our Protector and let each one acquit himself honourably.' 
And then the noble and valiant Duke placed himself before his men ; more than 
a hundred he made bolder-hearted than they were before, methinks. In that hour 
the Duke knighted Jean d'Ypres of the proud heart. 

3225 Now began fierce battle, and the dust commenced to rise. Archers shoot swiftly, 

thicker than rain falls. Like a valiant man the Duke of Lancaster leads the 
way; after him goes Thomas d'Ufford and the stalwart Hugh de Hastings, each 
one with his banner unfurled, each one holding lance couched. On the right hand 
was Chandos, who acquired great renown that day, and Stephen Cosinton, John 
Devereux, a noble knight ; and there was the good Guichard d'Angle that ever was 
in the forefront. With him he had his two sons and other knights of renown, who 
did their duty stoutly; and there was the right noble lord of Rays. There might 
one see the companions coming, all close together, banners and pennons. Each 


one held lance in hand, and they made fierce onslaught to attack their enemies ; 
and the archers kept on shooting, and the crossbow-men on the other side, who 
were with the Bastard ; but all advanced so far on foot that they met together 
with Bertrand's division, which caused them much mischief. There might you see 
thrust of lance as they came together; each one strove to acquit himself well. 
Then, of a surety, was no heart in the world so bold as not to be amazed at the 
mighty blows they dealt with the great axes they bore, and the swords and daggers. 
It was no great pastance, for you might see many a good knight fall to the ground. 

Great was the din and reek (?). There was neither banner nor pennon that was 3271 
not cast down. At one time that day Chandos was thrown to the ground ; upon him 
fell a Castilian, great in stature— by name Martin Fernandez— the which was at 
great pains that he might slay him, and wounded him through the vizor. Chandos, 
of bold mien,took a dagger from his side, and struck therewith the Castilian so that 
he thrust the sharp blade into his body. The Castilian stretched himself out dead, 
and Chandos leapt to his feet. He grasped his sword with both hands and plunged 
into the fray, which was fierce and terrible and marvellous to behold. He who was 
struck by him might be certain of death. 

And elsewhere the noble Duke of Lancaster, full of valour, fought so nobly that 3^95 
every one marvelled, looking at his great prowess, how he put himself in jeopardy 
by his noble valiance ; for I think that no creature, rich or poor, adventured him- 
self so far forward as he did. And the Prince made no tarrying ; know of a cer- 
tainty he hasted fast to the battle. From the right side of his division | the King of 33°9 
Navarre's banner and Sire Martin de la Carra set out with the Captal, of noble and 
loyal heart, and the rightful Lord d'Albretwho strove to acquit himself well — together 
they were two thousand — to join battle with the Count Don Tello, who was on the 
left hand of the stout-hearted Sir Bertrand. But I can well record it, before they 
could come together Don Tello left and the Captal incontinently wheeled round 
upon the footmen. Sorely did they harry them that day, As men of hardihood 
they defended themselves valiantly. On the left, on the other side of the Prince, 
Percy, the Lord de Clisson, Sir Thomas Felton, and Sir Walter Hewet, who time 
and again is named, these came to visit and support the vanguard. 

Then the clash increases, and mighty was the slaughter, for the noble Prince of 333S 
Aquitaine brought up all his main division ; there was none who was backward in 
the fight. On the left was a very little mountain ; there, on the side, the rearguard 
had been commanded to stand, over against the barded horses. There was the King 
of Majorca, whom I should not forget, and the valiant Count d'Armagnac, the lord 
of S^v^rac, Sir Berard d'Albret, and Bertucat, who was anxious and eager to fight, 
and moreover I have not named to you Sir Hugh of Calverley. Fiercer waxed the 
battle, which began on all sides. The Spaniards hurled with might archegays, lances, 
and darts. Each one strove to acquit himself well, for archers shot thicker than 
rain falls in winter time. They wounded their horses and men, and the Spaniards 
perceived well that they could no longer endure ; they began to turn their horses and 
took to flight. When the Bastard Henry saw them he was filled with wrath. Three 
times he made them rally, saying, \Sirs, help, me, for God's sake, for you have made 


me king and have also made oath to help me loyally.' But his speech is of no avail, 
for the attack waxed ever stronger. 

3377 What would you have me tell you ? There was not in the Prince's following 
any man, however small, who was not as bold and as fierce as a lion : one cannot 
make comparison with Oliver and Roland. The Spaniards turned in flight, each 
one gave rein. Sore grieved and wrathful thereat was the Bastard when he saw 
them, but it behoved them to flee, or they would have been all taken and slain. Then 
the stress began, and then might you see the footmen slain with point and blade. 
The Bastard flees down a valley. But French, Bretons, and Normans still stand 
their ground, but their pride lasted only a short while, for they were speedily routed ; 
and know that the cry was raised loudly in many a place, ' Guyenne I St. George ! ' 
There was Messire Bertrand taken and the noble Marshal d'Audrehem, of such 
great hardihood, and a count of great renown, Count of Denia by name. Count 
Sancho, doubt not, was taken there, who was a leader, together with Le Begue 
de Villaines, Messire Jean de Neufville, and more than two thousand others ; and, to 
make true report, Le Begue de Villiers was slain, and divers others, whose names 
I cannot mention ; but according to the report five hundred men-at-arms or more died 
on the strip of land where the battle was hand to hand. Also on the side of the 
English died a perfect knight : that was the Lord of Ferrers. The glorious God 
and St. Peter receive the souls of the dead ! Sirs, for God, now listen. 

3425 The battlefield was on a fair and beauteous plain, whereon was neither bush 

nor tree for a full league round, along a fine river, very rapid and fierce, the which 
caused the Castilians much damage that day, for the pursuit lasted up to the river. 
More than two thousand were drowned there. In front of Najara, on the bridge, 
I assure you that the pursuit was very fell and fierce. There might you see knights 
leap into the water for fear, and die one on the other; and it was said that the river 
was red with the blood that flowed from the bodies of dead men and horses. So great 
was the discomfiture that methinks never could any creature have seen the like, so 
God help me : so great was the mortality that the number was reported as about seven 
thousand and seven hundred, and moreover I assure you that the Prince's followers 
entered the town. There were more than a thousand slain ; and there the Grand 
Master of Calatrava was taken in a cellar ; and the Prior of St. John who caused 
them much mischief, and the master of St. Jacques also. These two had withdrawn 
incontinently beside a high wall ; there they were not safe, for men-at-arms climbed 
up, who were minded to attack them, but they yielded humbly, for they dared not 
await them. Thus were they slain and taken prisoner, whereat the noble and 
valiant Prince rejoiced greatly. He remained in the open and raised his banner, 
round which his men gathered. 

3473 My lords, the time I am telling you of was right on a Saturday, three days on 

in the month of April, when sweet and gentle birds begin to renew their songs in 
meadows, woods, and fields. It was at that time that, of a surety, befell the great 
battle before Najara, even as you have heard. 

3481 That night the Prince was lodged in the very lodging in which King Henry 
himself had been the night before. There they held high revel and thanked God 


the Father, the Son, and his blessed Mother, for the grace he had done them, for 
know well that they found there forthwith wine and bread — all the camp was 
well furnished therewith— coffers, vessels, gold and silver, whereat many folks 
were right well pleased. 

The King Don Pedro came to the Prince, who was right well affectioned to 3495 
him, and said to him, ' Our dear cousin, well ought I to give you thanks, for this day 
you have done so much for me that never any day of my life shall I be able to repay 
it. ' Sire,' said he, ' if it please you, render thanks to God and not to me, for, by 
the faith I owe you, God has done it and not we, so that we should all be minded to 
pray Him mercy and yield Him thanks.' Don Pedro said that he spoke truly, and of 
this he was right fain, but that he wished to take vengeance on the traitors who by 
force had done him so much mischief. Thereupon the Prince said, of a truth, | ' Sir 35 '5 
King, I pray you, grant me a gift, if it please you.' Quoth King Pedro : ' Alas ! 
wherefore, Sire, do you ask me ? All that I have is yours.' Then the Prince said in- 
continent : ' Sire, I wish for naught of yours. But I counsel you for good, if you wish 
to be king of Castile, that you send tidings everywhere that you have granted this 
gift : to bestow pardon on all who have been against you ; and that, if through ill 
will or by evil counsel they have been with King Henry, you pardon them hence- 
forward, provided that of their own accord they come to pray you mercy.' The 
King Don Pedro grants this, but sore against his will ; then he said : ' Fair cousin, 
I grant it you, except for one ; but I would not have all the gold of Seville to spare 
Gomez Carillo, for, certes, he is the traitor that most has done me dishonour.' 
And the Prince spake thus : ' Take your pleasure of him, and pardon all the others.' 
His bastard brother was brought, and divers other prisoners, whom he gladly par- 
doned, for the Prince's sake, and at his request. And then he turned him back, 
straight to his lodging, and there Gomez Carillo was made ready, and there he 
was drawn and his throat cut under his chin before all the people. 

The Prince, the next Monday, | set forth from before Najara, and the King Don 35.'i9 
Pedro also. They took their way towards Burgos, and then the news went through 
Spain to all parts that the Bastard was discomfited. At Burgos was his wife, who 
had no time to delay. As soon as she heard the tidings she departed at her hastiest, 
with all that she could carry of goods that she could pack up. She rode day and 
night with her escort until she came to Aragon. Right sorely was she troubled. 
Sorrowing and weeping, she said : ' Alas, wherefore was I born ? Queen of Castile 
was I, with rich and fair crown, but little space has fortune endured. Ah 1 death, 
who art common to all, for what waitest thou ? Now fain would I die, for never 
could I have pastime or solace, what time, woe is me, they should say, " Behold the 
Queen of Spain whom the Great Company crowned." Ah, Prince, thy fell power has 
brought me low. Right honourable is the lady who is yoked to you, for she can say 
she has the flower of the whole world, and the best, and that she holds sway over all 
the world.' Thus spake the lovely lady who made such lament. And the noble 
and renowned Prince betook himself to Briviesca to lodge, and King Pedro rode 
straight before Burgos. To meet him there, came the rich burgesses, saying, ' Wel- 
come, King.' Then he was received at Burgos, and the Prince came there after the 


term of six days ; and at Burgos he made sojourn for the term of a full month. 
Word was sent throughout Spain to every city and town, to Toledo and Seville, Cor- 
dova and Leon, throughout the whole realm, that each one should come without 
delay to cry mercy of King Pedro. Thither came from all sides the known and the 

3619 unknown, and the King pardoned them all. Lords, I will not lie to you : | the Prince 
gave judgement before Burgos and held gage of battle, wherefore it might truly be 
said that in Spain he had such power that all was under his sway. There came 
Don Fernandez de Castro, who was right noble and valiant. The Prince welcomed 
him greatly and showed him very great honour. At Burgos, the rich city, the Prince 
and his noble followers sojourned seven months or more, and there was their council 

3635 held, and there were the oaths renewed that they had sworn, | . . . and that the King 
Don Pedro should go straight towards Seville to procure gold and silver to pay 
the Prince and his men ; and the Prince was to await the King Don Pedro at 
Valladolid and round about, and fixed a certain day for him to return to him. But, 
to tell the truth, the Prince awaited him six months, wherefore his army endured 
sore distress of thirst and of hunger, for lack of bread and wine. A proverb I have 
heard said, that one should dispute for one's wife and fight for one's victuals. Lords, 
there is no pastance for him who has but scantly eaten and drunk. At that time 
there were a many who ate not bread whenever they were hungry, and yet they 
dared not, of a truth, attack towns nor castles, for the Prince had forbidden it ; but 
should they have been hung for it they had to do it perforce, for great famine 
constrained them. And the Prince also took Amusco first, and was at Medina del 
Campo, and abode in the fields until he had provisions from the town, or he would 
have given them battle. Likewise the Great Company took several towns in Spain, 
but nevertheless, of a truth, they suffered great hardships while awaiting King 
Pedro. When they had stayed thus long and the day was passed that he was to be 

3677 back, I he sent a letter to the Prince the tenour of which set forth that he gave him 
great thanks for the service they had rendered him, for he was King of all Castile 
and every one called him lord ; but that his people have answered him, to wit both 
great and small, that he could not have money if he did not withdraw his men, and 
accordingly he begged the Prince, as courteously as he could, that it would please 
him to return, for he had no more need of him, and that he would appoint men to 
receive his payment. The Prince marvelled greatly so soon as he heard the letter. 
He sent two knights to him and informed him by letter that he had not kept his 
promises and pledges. 

3699 Wherefore should I relate and draw out the matter ? So much might I recount 

that well I might weary you. The Prince perceived clearly that the King Don Pedro 
was not as loyal as he thought. Then he said he would return, for many said also 
that the Bastard Henry had entered Aquitaine and was harrying sorely the common 
people of the country, whereat the Prince was sore grieved. Whereupon incontinent 
the Prince took his return from Madrigal. He rode day and night until he came to 
the valley of Soria, where he abode fully a month. And Chandos held counsel in 
the meantime with the Council of Aragon. Of the council I .know but little. 

3721 . But, to abridge the tale, Chandos went without delay to the King of Navarre. 


He and Don Martin de la Carra obtained so much tliat tiie King of Navarre, who 
was courteous, let the Prince repass, and the Prince without delay departed from 
the valley of Soria ; he took his way through Navarre without stay. The King, 
who was right noble, showed the Prince great honour, for every day he sent him 
wine and provisions in great plenty. He brought him through' Navarre and 
guided him right beyond the pass. Afterwards, of a truth, they held high revel at 
St. Jean Pied du Port. There they took courteous leave, the one from the other; 
and parted. Then the Prince came to.Bayonne, whereat many a one made great joy. 
Honourably did the noble burgesses welcome him, and that was right. And there 
he dismissed his men and told them to come and seek their monies at Bordeaux; 
There he abode five days in high revel. 

The Prince set forth from Bayonne and made no stay till he came to Bordeaux. 3751 
Nobly was he received with crosses and processions, and all the monks came to 
meet him. Right nobly they welcomed him, praising and thanking God. Then he 
dismounted at St. Andrews. The Princess came to meet him, bringing with her 
her firstborn son, Edward. The ladies and knights came there to welcome him and 
made great joy. Very sweetly they embraced when they met together. The gentle 
Prince kissed his wife and son. They went to their lodging on foot, holding each 
other by the hand. 

At Bordeaux such joy was made that every one rejoiced over the Prince who was 3774 
come, and those who were with him. Every one welcomed his friend. In very sooth 
that night high revel was held in many a place throughout the land of Aquitaine. 

To come to a conclusion, now I have told you of the Prince and his great 
expedition, and of his very noble following, pardon me if I have spoken amiss, for 
in nothing have I lied. 

He sojourned a space at Bordeaux and held himself full well content with his 3789 
men and his country, for greatly had he gladdened them (?). Thereafter in brief 
season he called together at St. Emilion the nobles of his whole principality, earls^ 
barons, bishops, prelates. Thither they came right gladly. The Prince graciously 
and humbly thanked them all, both those who had been in his company with him in 
Spain and those who had remained behind, who had guarded the country, and said 
to them : ' Fair Sirs, by my troth, I should indeed love you with all my heart, for 
you have served me right well. With all my heart do I give you thanks.' Very 
nobly did he welcome them and bestowed on them many fair gifts, gold, silver, and 
rich jewels, and they made thereof great joy. They departed from the noble Prince 
and took their way to their homes. 

Very soon after this it befell that the noble Prince of Aquitaine came to lodge at 3815 
Angouleme, and there, of a surety, the malady began that thereafter lasted all his life, 
whereof it was pity and hurt. Then began falsehood and treason to govern those who 
ought to have loved him, for those whom he held for friends then became his enemies; 
but this is no great marvel, for the enemy that is ever on the watch quicklier harms 
a valiant man than a wicked ; and on this account, as soon as it was known that the 
noble Prince was ill, in peril of death, his enemies were agreed to begin the war 
anew, and began to treat with those whom they knew of a certainty to be his enemies. 


3839 Thereupon the war between France and England began again, and then towns 
and cities turned from their allegiance, and divers earls and barons, whose names I 
should not hide — Armagnac, Lisle and P^rigord, Albret, Comminges (?j, of short 
speech — all on one day forsook the Prince their liege lord, because he was ill and 
could no more help himself. Then they were all agreed, as I hear in my record, 
that they should appeal from the Prince and begin war. The Count of Armagnac 
first and many other knights betook themselves to the King of France and told 
him straightway that they wished to turn and appeal to his court, saying that the 
Prince was wronging and oppressing them sorely ; on this account assuredly they 
came to him as to their sovereign lord. 

3865 The King of France convened and assembled his great Council and showed 
them the proposal, how he of Armagnac was tempting him to begin anew the war : 
thereupon they began to hold counsel. And the counsel in this matter was that 
they sent word to the Prince that he should come without delay to answer in his 
full parliament against this appeal. The Prince, who was ill, when he heard the 
matter was mighty wroth. Then he raised himself from his bed and said : ' Fair 
sirs, by my troth, methinks, by what I see, that the French deem me as dead ; but, 
so God comfort me, if I can rise from this bed I will yet do them much hurt, for 
God knows well that wrongfully they make complaint of me.' 

3889 Then did he send back word to the King of France boldly and staunchly, that 

in sooth gladly would he go at his summons, so God grant him health and life, he 
and all his company, with bassinet on head to defend him from mischief. Thus 
began war in Aquitaine, and then he had all the companions set in all the fortified 
places. There might you see mortal war, right cruel in many parts. The brother 
was against the brother, and the son against the father ; every one took sides which- 
ever way he list. But, at the time I speak of, the noble Prince lost greatly, for 
treason and falsehood held sway on all sides ; none knew in whom to trust. But, 
nevertheless, the Prince strengthened himself as best he could. 

3915 To England he sent for help to succour him, and the very noble King his father 

sent him his lion-hearted brother Edmund, by name Earl of Cambridge, and the 
brave and vaUant Earl of Pembroke also, and they had in their company much 
noble chivalry. These two went to the border marches (?) and made themselves 
right dear. They took Bourdeilles by assault, whereat they were blithe and glad, 
and there was the Earl of Pembroke knighted. Then in short season they laid 
siege to La Roehe-sur-Yon, and Chandos was at Montauban, who bore himself 
well there. 

393S What could I set down for you to delay the story ? On all sides was fortune 
in Aquitaine cruel and surly. La Roche-sur-Yon was taken by Cambridge and 
his emprise, but, as it pleased the true God who never lied, Sir James Audeley, of 
great fame, died there of sickness : whereat the very noble and renowned Prince 
was sore grieved, for greatly beloved was James by him. And then it was not long 
before Chandos also died at the bridge of Lussac, the which was loss and pity, 
for the Prince, who was right sorrowful, was sore dismayed. But oft-times one sees 
it so come about that, when misfortune is to befall, one mischance follows on another. 


Many a time it so happens. Thus all kinds of mischance arose ; one after another 
they befell the noble Prince, who lay ill abed. But for all this he gave thanks to 
God and said : ' Everything will have its season ; if I could rise from here I would 
assuredly take vengeance.' 

When the French knew that the famous Chandos was dead they made great 3967 
joy everywhere and rejoiced greatly, saying : ' All will be ours, as true as is the pater- 
noster.' Then King Charles of France had word sent incontinent to Sir Bertrand 
du Guesclin, the bold and true, in Spain, where he was, where he served the 
Bastard King, and announced that Chandos was dead. Gladly did he hear the 
tidings. Bertrand returned right speedily into France without delay. He came to 
Toulouse ; there was the powerful Duke of Anjou, who welcomed him sweetly and 
right graciously said to him : * Sir Bertrand, fair greeting and welcome. We have 
great need of you, for if you are with us we shall conquer Aquitaine ; for this is a 
very certain matter, Audeley and Chandos are dead, who have wrought so much 
mischief, and the Prince lies abed ill, with but scant cheer, so that if you counsel it 
we are all ready prepared to override the land.* 

Well did Sir Bertrand agree to this, and advise it ; and then they were all 4001 
accorded, as I hear in my record, to ride in two directions and besiege the Prince. 
Then they assembled their men by hundreds and thousands ; the Duke of Anjou 
rode through Quercy with great following ; he of Berry and he of Bourbon with 
great force of men rode through the Limousin until they lodged at Limoges, and 
thought to come straight to besiege the Prince in Angoul€me, where he abode, so 
ill that he kept his bed. And the Prince lay abed, where he had but scant cheer. 
So soon as he heard the tidings, they seemed to him good and fair ; forthwith he 
rose from his bed and assembled all his host. 

At that time the great and valorous Duke of Lancaster had arrived in his coun- 4025 
try with many knights of renown, and was desirous to give them battle, to defend 
his noble country. But as soon as they heard tell that the Prince, of a certainty, 
had assembled his power, they turned back, in sooth, and dared not await him. But 
at this time Limoges, the good city, was given up by treachery, and thither came 
the Prince, who laid siege to it until he took it by assault. Thereat he was blithe 
and glad, for there were Roger de Beaufort, who made boast of holding it. Sir Jean 
de Villemur, who said he would keep the wall, and good 300 men-at-arms, without 
the burgesses therein. But all were slain or taken by the noble and renowned 
Prince, whereat all his friends rejoiced greatly around him, and his enemies, I 
warrant you, had great fear and repented they had begun again war with him. 

After Limoges was taken, the Prince of high emprise returned to Angouleme. 4056 
Then another sign befell him, for at that time he found his first-born son Edward 
passed from life, whereat he was sore grieved at heart. But none may scape death. 
AH that God had given him it behoved him to accept. Afterwards it was not long 
before he made ready his array and betook himself to England, by reason of the 
malady that oppressed him, with his wife and his sons and many knights of renown. 

Thereafter came tidings that La Rochelle was lost, and that the noble Earl of 4073 
Pembroke was taken. Then the King levied an army, that was of great renown, and 



there were all the barons and knights of repute. The noble Prince was there, who 
was at great pains to reach the land and disembark, to go and succour his land. But 
by what I heard tell they were nine weeks at sea, nor ever could have any wind, 
rather they had to turn and come back ; whereat the King and the Prince and all 
the bold knights were sorely cast down. 

4093 Now I have set forth in rhyme to you the whole life of the Prince ; pardon me 
if I have passed over it a little briefly, but I must make dispatch to bring it to an 
end. For one could make a book of it as big as of Arthur, Alexander, or Claris, 
merely to bring to remembrance and knowledge his deeds and his right lofty 
prowess, and his very noble largesse, and also his valour, how he was all his life 
a valiant man, loyal and catholic, and zealous for the common weal, and how he 
made a very noble end, confessing with loyal heart his God and his true creator, and 
said to his household : ' Fair lords, behold, for God, we are not lords here on 
earth ; all will have to pass this way. No man may scape ; therefore I beseech 
you right humbly that you will pray for me.' 

4' 19 Then he had his room opened and made all his men come who had served 
him in his life and still gladly served him. ' Sirs,' says he, ' pardon me, for, by the 
faith that I owe you, you have loyally served me ; nor can I of myself give to each 
his guerdon, but God, by His most holy name, will render it you in the holy heaven.' 
Then each one sobbed heartily and wept very tenderly, all those who were present, 
earls, barons, and bachelors. And he said to all, loud and clear : ' I commend to 
you my son, who is very young and little, and pray you, as you have served me, to 
serve him loyally.' 

4139 Then he called the King, his father, and the Duke of Lancaster, his brother ; 

he commended to them his wife and his son, whom he greatly loved, and besought 
them right then that each one should help him. Each one swore it on the book and 
promised him without reserve to support his child and maintain him in his right ; 
all the princes and all the barons standing round swore it; and the noble and 
renowned Prince gave them a hundred thousand thanks. But never, so God help 
me, was such sore grief beheld as there was at his departing. The lovely and 
noble Princess felt such grief at heart that her heart was nigh breaking. Of 
lamentation and sighing, of crying aloud and sorrowing, there was so great a noise 
that there was no man living in the world, if he had beheld the grief, but would have 
had pity at heart. 

4165 There was so noble a repentance that God of His mighty power will have 

mercy on his soul ; for he prayed to God for mercy and pardon for all those mis- 
deeds that he had committed in this mortal world. And then the Prince passed 
from this world and departed, in the year one thousand three hundred and seventy- 
six, in the fiftieth of his father's reign, in London, the noble city, on the festival of 
the Trinity, of which he kept the feast all his life, gladly, with melody. Now let us 
pray God, the King of kings, who died for us on the cross, that He will have pardon 
on his soul and grant him of His gift the glory of His paradise. Amen. And here 
finishes the poem of the most noble Prince Edward, who never turned craven. This 
hath the Herald of Chandos related, who gladly made record. 


1-42. In the opening passage and wherever the Herald has forsaken his simple narrative 
style the text is very difficult to establish. Cf. 95-100, 4101-4. 

13. ff should perhaps have been replaced by F here and throughout the poem. Cf. 
Introduction, p. xxxvii. 

24. saiinz, sount ; the graphy au, on, should perhaps have been retained here and else- 
where. Cf. Introduction, p. xxxvii. 

27. The confusion of de and g'e which has led to that between coment and couient occurs 
elsewhere. Cf. 1298 (where both are used), 1683, 2022, 4073. It is probably due to the use of 
both after a comparative. 

34. Some emendation is necessary. The use of the plural recort is found in 330; 
a similar confusion between Et and En in 262. 

38. 'R&Xsxa.feust. 

45. Voloi is evidently faulty ; the use of the future is rendered probable by line 2256, and 
the somewhat similar mistake in 4144. 

49-51. For the construction compare Jean de la Mote, 1640 : Mors est li plus loiaus del 
■monde Ne qui ains fust a la ronde. The confusion between tamps and champs, i. e. camps, is 
found also in 2035. M. Meyer prefers Si com tornie a le reonde. 

64. nasquy. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvii. 

85. Esglise might have been retained. Cf. Introduction, p. xxxviii. 

97-9. A difficult passage. Morie stands here for norte as moriture for noriture in 72. 
In 1820 the same mistake was made, but corrected by the scribe himself. The use of il as 
a feminine sg. occurs here only — it receives some support from the use of ils for eles in 1892, 
but it is possibly an addition of the scribes. M. Meyer would refer the il of 99 to fait and 
construe the il of 100 zs y. 

107-8. Perhaps li noble Roi . . . a tres grant arroi should have been retained, as arroi in 
this sense is ordinarily used in the singular. 

120. As repetition of identical lines is frequent in the poem the missing line may be 
supplied from 1678-9, Barons et bachelers et contes, Chevaliers, escuiers, viscontes. 

145. Some emendation is necessary to secure syllabic correctness. Perhaps better Arive 
furent d'Engleterre, as the break in .the narrative caused by the introduction of the headlines 
may have led to the introduction of the words lepoair. For somewhat similar cases of confusion 
in the opening lines of sections cf. 1409-11, 1669, 3481, 4U9- 

157. For a similar confusion between lors and lor cf. 2749 ; in support of the insertion of 

bien cf. 235. 

180. The Prince's age is wrongly given here, but to judge from the other passages where 
the graphy oet occurs the scribe meant eight. Cf. Introduction, p. xxxvii. 

192. Retniaconte. Cf. 1584. 

197. Amesna should perhaps have been retained. Cf. Introduction, p. xxxviii. 

212. Perha'ps better Et maint bon, vaillant home prirent. Cf. 2732, Et maint bon, 
vaillant chevalier. 

226. Retain apparaillier. Cf. Introduction, p. vii, § i {b). 

234. Retain ce here and throughout. Cf. Introduction, p. 1. 


251. 0, better ou here and wherever o stands for apud. 

256. Firent has been adopted in the text here, as the locution is ordinarily formed with 
faire. The singular yfj/ should have been substituted iox fuist in 11. 148, 552, 568, although the 
MS. has consistently forms of the verb to be. 

277, 292. For the omission of the article of. Introduction, p. xxxix. 

284-6. The construction is not clear here. The comma after fu should be suppressed, as 
the Herald probably means to say that Philip was accompanied by three other kings, but this 
leaves line 285 hanging in mid-air. 

298. peut. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 

308. poeit, correct peuist (?). Cf. Introduction, p. xx, § 2 {b). 

313. Uncertain. The correction is based on 1223-4, Se vont ensamble rencontrer En 
fesant d'armes le mesiier. M. Meyer suggests entr' acointier , which secures a correct rhyme. 
Rencontrer in 1223 may stand for a I'encontrier used in 1. 1303. 

325. Better conduissoit, as the doubling of jj intervocal belongs probably to the original 
MS. Cf. Introduction, p. xxxvii. 

330. Retain je here, the slurring of 3 being evidently practised when -oie precedes je. 
Q.I. Introduction, p. xi. 

353. The use of the enclitic feminine article is very doubtful ; it might be avoided by 
the substitution of ot for avoit. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 

394. oi. Cf. Introduction, p. xiii. 

420-2. A difficult passage ; cf. historical note to this line. Perhaps Michel's correction 
Au for Dun should be adopted. 

456. Perhaps /' enclitic should have been admitted and je retained. Cf. Introduction, 
p. xxvii. 

465. Retain/eawe. 

480. iesqes is evidently faulty. The phrase droit a ce tamps occurs in 116 and 1560, but 
tres a. ce tamps, supported by tres a le myenuyt in 3061, would account more satisfactorily for 
the mistake in the text. 

523-5. The repetition of fesfe and the omission of the auxiliary are evidently faulty. 
Feste in 523 might be replaced by deduit, which is used coupled mXhjoie in 661. The phrase 
feste de joustes is used by Jean le Bel and Froissart and secures metrical and grammatical 
correctness here. 

563. Monsieur ij). Cf. Introduction, p. xv. 

569. Manne. Correct Maune. Cf. Introduction, p. viii, § 6. 

593-4. For the correction c£ 2901-2, L'une ploroitpour son amy Et li autre pour son mari. 

630. de, retain des. Cf. Introduction, p. xl. 

648. Vesier, correct Besier. The confusion between b and v is found elsewhere. 

682. Leur. Cf. line 3977. 

733. fesist. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvii. 

734. oy. Cf. Introduction, p. xiii. 

744. Qui. Cf. Introduction, p. xliv. sambloient. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 

770. legat, correct legal. 

773. Cf. Introduction, p. xvii. 

TjT. pourparler. M. Meyer would retain the poraler, used in Guillaume le Marichal 
and elsewhere in the sense of ' to arrange, settle.' 

785-6. ' and yet one cannot prevent their dying if battle is joined! Juxtaposition is 
frequent with verbs of preventing. Cf. Introduction, p. xxiv, (i) {b). 

787. The correction leaves the metre faulty. M. Meyer suggests : Dont certes conter 

795. (?) We take it that the la, misplaced by the A.N. scribe, stands for some such word 


as acort or paix, understood from the general tenor of the preceding speech. M. Meyer 
suggests : La fiats neferons en no vie. 

800. apeciez, better apedez (sinfully). 

805. a souffit, correct asouffit, i.e. p. pt. of asouffire. 

861. conta. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvii. 

885. (?) Mais de lour conseil rien ne say. (M. Meyer.) 

888. oi. Cf. Introduction, p. xiii. 

904. The emendation is doubtful. Xante persone with a singular verb is found in other 
poems, but this gives a syllable too much. 

922. Substitute a full stop for the dash at the end of the line. 

988. Retain the ss of bussynes. Cf. Introduction, p. xxxvii. 

996. Grant espace de terre etnprist. (M. Meyer.) 

1022. The scribe, not realizing that the dukes of Anjou and Berri are the King's sons just 
mentioned, has added auxi. 

1041. Retain the ss of condussoit. Cf. Introduction, p. xxxvii. 

1058-60. (?) A form appareille with the meaning of manner (?) occurs in the * Geste de 
Liege ' (cf. Scheler's Glossary) and should perhaps have been kept here ; but the construction 
tele aj)pareille . . . d'ordinance Comefeurent is wholly unsatisfactory. The adjectival use of tel 
pareil is found in Froissart, i. 166, 2663 (cf. Scheler's Glossary), a substantival use in the 
'Roman de Troie' (see Godefroi). 

1068. The scribe seems to have been influenced by the meaning esvuidier took in Middle 
English. Se voidier d'un lieu is frequent in Froissart and other fourteenth-century writers. 
The confusion of j and / is found in lines 1728, 1846, 2516. The Indicative/otfzVmight perhaps 
have been retained, but in the other hypothetical clauses of this type found in the poem the 
Subjunctive is always used. Cf. Introduction, p. xx. 

1080. The intermediate stage between averez and a veritez is seen in the averetez of 951. 

1112. Sur is frequently omitted by A.N. scribes. Cf. Burghardt, p. 81. 

1 1 24. chemina, correct comenca {cemenca (i)), cf. Introduction, p. xlix. The same mistake 
occurs in 1. 3050. 

1 131. For the omission of the article cf. Introduction, p. xxxix. 

1 177. Estiemes. A termination -iemes is frequent in Northern writers (Froissart and 
others) and may have occasioned the MS. form. 

1 190. Plume, the form used wherever the locution appears, is evidently faulty. Cf. 3362. 

12 14. Cf. 3422, Li glorious dieux et seint piers. 

1223-4. Cf. note to 313. 

1246. Replace the full stop at the end of the line by a comma. 

1279. Za, correct .$■« (?). 

1283. Audele might perhaps have been retained. Cf. Introduction, pp. xi and xiii. 

1325. Campayne, correct Caupayne. 

1341. (?) Emendation is necessary, and aconter (J is frequent in Northern texts (e.g. Gilles 
le Muisit, Jean de Condd) with the meaning of en tenir compte, en faire cas. It is, however, 
usually construed with an adverb of quantity. 

1370. For oy here and in 1. 1384 cf. Introduction, p. xiii. 

1373. A numeral has evidently been omitted before milk. Jean le Bel gives 2000 here. 
A somewhat similar omission occurs in 3099. 

1385, 1400. For oy cf. Introduction, p. xiii. 

1409-11. A difficult passage: 1409-10 are metrically faulty, mais in 1411 is pleonastic. 
It is probably the introduction of the rubric that has brought confusion, and the passage 
should run : Pardonez se le dis briefment Car Fay passe legierement . . . Pour ce que je vous 
voeil retraire, &c., with a full stop at the end of 1414. 


In 1409 moy might be kept if enclisis were adopted : sel for se le. Qi. Introduction, 
p. xxvii. 

1443 and 1444 should perhaps be transposed. 

1445. Retain esre. Cf. Introduction, p. xxxviii. 

1448. Men veignie. Correct bienvdgrde here and elsewhere. 

1463. Et for ou as in 2156, 2780, 2877. 

1507. faite. Retain/az/. 

1511-16. baler. Retain voler. Vit on (cf. 1. 474) would perhaps be better than^j^ on, 
but M. Meyer is inclined to think the whole passage is corrupt. 

1528. Bayane (?). See historical note to this line. 

1565. royon (?). Royalme is trisyllabic on every other occasion on which it occurs in the 
poem ; royon is not used by the Herald, but is frequent in contemporary writers. M. Meyer 
prefers regne. 

1593. en courte saison or saisson is muddled by the scribe on nearly every occasion on 
which it occurs. Cf. 11. 3793, 3931. The phrase, or its counterpart, en longe saison, Sec, is 
frequent in Northern poems, such as 'Baudouin de Sebourg' (e.g. ii. 413), Jehan de la Mote 
(e.g. 1.3891). 

16 14. escuters, correct d'escuiers, tanz being necessarily substantival in this locution. 

1632. tome, better tornie (a le ronde) as in 50. 

1647. Cf. the almost identical couplet 53-4 with the words placed in the order given 
in the text. 

1667. Perhaps a full stop should be placed at the end of 1667, and 1668-9 taken thus : 
Et pour plus abregier ines moz . . . savez que messires Bertrans, &c. 

1684 . . . 1697. A couplet has perhaps dropped out here, for the construction /« esleiis , .. 
Qu'il iroient is hardly possible. 

1692. de noble court, correct de noble atour{i). 

1702. conquester, correct conquerir. 

1716. The scribe has evidently confused /aw and /aw. 

1755- (?) 

1775. celeroie is evidently faulty ; conteroie stands in the identical couplets 1203-4, 


1784. dist, correct dit. 

1793. fissent. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvii. 

1815. A colon should have been placed at the end of the line. 

1819-20. (?) For pity, love, and justice dwelt together in his (i. e. the Prince's) upbringing {J), 
or should the MS. reading be kept and taken to mean For his upbringing joined together pity, 
love, and justice ? 

1822. regestrirQ). T\L&usa&\iorm is registrer. 

1826. (?) M. Meyer would keep the reading, taking amer as a substantive. 

191 2. A comma is required at the end of the line. 

1925. s'assambla. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvii. 

1939. Here, and wherever the adverb entrues or the conjunctive entrues que is used, it has 
been misunderstood by the scribe and his modern editors, Cf. 11. 2478 and 3718. 

1994. Galle, heXttr galle. Cf. Vocabulary. 

2035-8. Michel emends and punctuates differently ; the text adopted here is supported 
by the confusion between camps and tamps in 49, and Froissart's Chronicle, ' Et les envoia 
logier en ung pays con appelle Bascle, entre les montaignes' (Amiens MS., ed. Luce, vol. vi, 

p. 379, § 558). 

2050. The substitution of la for lor occurs also in 2072, 2445. 
2058. perdoie. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvii. 


2104, 2134. veut. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 
2183. quens, Cf. Introduction, p. xv. 

2194. Substitute for the correction adopted in the text : Dotvt feurent maint home esbahy 
(M. Meyer.) 

2196. Retain Point, which probably represents the Spanish Puente^ 

2198. Retain enfraee. Cf. Introduction, p. xxxviii. 

3236. For the omission of se cf. Introduction, p. xlii. 

2281. Devereux is evidently a scribe's addition. 

2370, 2371. As peignons is best taken in this passage as pennon-bearer, place a colon at 
the end of line 2370, correct si of 2370 to sH, and restore Bertrukat in line 2371. 

2404. Cf. 2909. 

2415-19. Cf. Froissart : Car onques nous ne vous fourfesimes cose nulle, ne faire vorions, 
pour quay ensi a main armee vous doiies venir sur nous pour nous tollir tant peu d^iretaige que 
Dieux nous a dounne. (Amiens MS., ed. Luce, vol. vii, p. 265, § 566.) 

2454. For the omission of de cf. Introduction, p. xxi. 

2460. Or perhaps Autant come il en volt avoir. 

2462. William Felton's Christian name is trisyllabic in 11. 2272 and 2648. Here, perhaps, 
and in 11. 2737 and 2756 a dissyllabic form Guilliam should have been admitted. 

2475. logeoient. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi ; but se might be omitted. 

2478. Entreus. Cf. 1939 ; ce la is used in 926 and 1534. 

2482-4. Froissart has these lines practically word for word. Or fu gouvreneres et baux 
de tout le royaume de Navarre messires Martins de le Kare. Ed. Luce, vol. vii, p. 266, § 567. 

2497. '^^'i^^^^ que je puis faire. Cf. Introduction, p. xx. 

2525- {?) M. Meyer suggests : Et en ces Jours et en ce temps (1). 

2542. (?) Or Errant Pont au Prince mande (.'). 

2553- (?) ' So long did they remain on the other side {of the Ebro) ' (?). The de tors of 
the MS. is evidently faulty. 

2581. EnsemetU com£ s. d., better 'Ensi com il se devisoient.' Froissart has ' Entroes 
qu'il se devisoient leur courreur reporterent qu'il avoient veu les coureurs des enemis\ 
ed. Luce, vol. vii, p. 268, § 568, and ensi com is used not infrequently as ' whilst'. 

2593. The construction is rather involved, but its parts find analogies in other lines in the 
poem. cf. 1182-3, Gram deduiz fuist au regarder Cely qui rien n'y eonteroit, and 29-31, 
where cil is used, as here, referring to on used indefinitely. 

2631. tout, correct toute. 

2641-2. The repetition of droit is certainly faulty ; substitute tres in 2642. Cf. tres a le 
myenuyt in 3061. 

2643-4. The change of order adopted makes the passage run more smoothly and is 
supported by Froissart: 'Li marescal ordounerent et coumanderent que chacuns retournast 
Vendemain sus le dite plache et que nuls ne passast Farere garde et que chescttns fuist sus se 
gardei se logast desoulz se banierre.' vol. vii, § 170, p. 270. 

2660. donez. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvii. 

2668. Perhaps Et s'iroit, ce est chose clere. Cf. Introduction, p. xxvii, (i) {b). 

2679. Par (=^), correct pour. 

2713. que, correct qui {"i). 

2720. vint. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 

2724. Retain ^enforce. Cf. Introduction, p. xxxviii. 

2749-50. A scribe seems to have changed the order to secure agood A.N. rhyme. Cf.3133-4. 

2794-5. The repetition of fesoient is certainly fauhy ; for the emendation cf. line 503. 

2806. ly is evidently faulty ; lor, found in contemporary writers for the stressed accusative 
plural, has been adopted as supplying some explanation for the mistake. 


2808. (?) The emendation Dont je ne say les nons nosmer, preferable from the point of 
view of construction, brings the rhyme -er to ez, not found elsewhere in the poem. 

2823. peurent. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 

2833. (?) A similar unintelligible mais occurs in 2975. 

2839. Tant K dourroie argent et or{?). Cf. Introduction, p. xi, Note (2). 

2877. ou ? 

2909-19. Some emendation is necessary; the text adopted secures syllabic correctness, 
but leaves untouched the awkward change of person. This could be obviated by correcting 
2910 to Henris qui contes est clamez, a change which finds some support in Froissart, who 
gives the beginning of this letter in the following terms : '^ tres renoumme et honnoure Henri, 
conte de Trastemare et qui pour le temps present ^appelle roys de Castelle . . . ' § 574, Amiens 
MS., vol. vii, p. 276. 

2941. si s'adonne, correct si ordonne. 

2944. entr'ous. Cf. Introduction, p. xlii. 

2963. apperceut. Qi. Introduction, p. xlvii. 

2975. Mai. Cf. 2833. 

2987. Correct Hi mille (?). iiii mil is doubtful on two accounts. (l) Froissart has here Hi 
mille. (2) In every other passage in the poem in which mille occurs in the plural it is dissyllabic. 

3027. The singular _^ logi'e should have been retained. 

3031 . The subjunctive _/%j-z«e«/ is probably a misreading of the unfamiliar ionajissent. 

3035. logea, correct logeoit(l). Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 

3050. comencierent. Cf. 1124. 

3077- (?) 

3082. Michel keeps the MS. reading and translates ' On the right was the royal banner' ; 
but there is no evidence for such use of roial. Esle is not an infrequent graphy for ele (cf. the 
Amiens MS. of Froissart). 

3099. The number 4100 is unusual, and the use of cens in the singular unlikely. Froissart 
gives 3500, and this should probably be adopted here. For somewhat similar mistakes cf. 1373 
(omission of a numeral) and 2987 (probable use of iiij for iij). 

3119- (?) 

3133-5- A difficult passage. For 3134 M. Meyer suggests the distinctly preferable 
emendation : Jai b. d. q. a man oes metre, Froissart, who in the version of the Amiens ms. 
here follows the Herald very closely, gives Chandos' speech in these terms : ' Monsigneur je 
vous ay servi ung long tamps a mon loyal pooir, et tout ce que Dieux m'a dounne de bien, il me 
vient de vous : si saves ossi que je sui tout vostre &" seray tant que je vivray. Si vous pry que 
je puisse estre a banierrej car, Dieu m.erchy, jay bien de quoy, terre et mise, pour Pest re &= ve 
le cije le vous presente ; si en faittes vostre plaisir^ Vol. vii, § 578, p. 282. The confusion in 
the MS. may be in part due to the scribe's desire to avoid the unfamilar rhymes estre : mettre. 
Cf. 2749-50. 

3152. soulement: soudement (!), 

3156. The line is a syllable short. Correct Aleby (?) ; Froissart gives Aleri. 

3163. (?) Vitaille may have been introduced from 3165 ; soms is a form used by Froissart. 
M. Meyer questions the use of faute without par and suggests : Par disette somes prespris. 
The passage runs in Froissart : ' Biau signeur, voyes nos ennemis qui ont grant largece de ce 
dont nous avons grant disette ; H ont de tous vivres a fuisson, et nous advons grant faminne.' 
Ed. Luce, vol. vii, p. 283, § 579, 

3196-3200. Michel keeps Et and translates : ' And the vanguard moved forward . . . The 
noble Duke of Lancaster . . . and the good knight Chandos made knights ..." This runs counter 
to the head-lines and to Froissart, who attributes the accolade of the following knights to 
Chandos alone. 


3222. Better Qu'avant nefetirent, ce m'est vis. Cf. Introduction, p. xlii and 1. 3420. 

3232. (?) 

3237 and 3238 should perhaps be transposed. 

3249. enpoignie, correct enpoigni'e (i.e. past participle feminine of enpoignier). 

3305-9. The punctuation adopted alters somewhat the account of the battle given by 
Michel and followed by others. Michel, putting a full stop at the end of 3308, translates : ' Nor 
was the Prince behindhand in the fray, but with all speed came up, you must know without fail, 
with the right wing of his division ' (sic !). Lines 3335-9 confirm the punctuation adopted 
here, as it is clear from them that the action of the Prince's main body was distinct from that of 
the division commanded by the Captal. 

3320 and 3365. peurent. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 

3405. nosmez might be retained. Cf. Introduction, p. xxxviii. 

3461. The MS. is evidently faulty. Froissart has: 'qui s'estoient repus dalles uns mur' 
(vol. vii, p. 290, § 584). Par cCencoste with the meaning of beside occurs in ' Baudouin de 
Sebourg '. 

3481. The insertion of the rubric has again broken the sequence of the narrative here and 
led to the introduction oifui. 

3519. A full stop is required at the end of the line. 

3546. (?) Emendation is necessary, but that suggested is by no means certain. It is 
supported to some extent by the fact that elsewhere the name of the youngest brother is given 
as Sanses, not Senches, and by Froissart's account of the scene in the Amiens MS.: ' Dont 
furent mandi tout li chevalier d'Espaingne qui prisounnier estoient en Post et la, present le 
Prince et moult de grans signeurs, leur pardonna li rois dans Pierres tous mautalens et baisa 
sonfrere le bastart, le comte Sansse.' Ed. Luce, vol. vii, p. 293, § 586. Another possibility is : 
' Senches sesfrerefut menez! 

3553-4. Another corrupt passage. Froissart is of no assistance, as he omits these details. 
Perhaps Garils should have been kept and Gomes discarded as the scribe's addition. 

3567-8. sot : pot. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 

3634-5. (?) A couplet has perhaps been omitted. 

3659. evt. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 

3678. qui. Cf. Introduction, p. xliv, note (2). 

3713-27. The scribe's graphy has again misled the previous editors, though the headlines 
give a correct summary. There is no discrepancy between the Herald and Froissart. The Amiens 
version of the Chronicles runs as follows : 'Si se mist au retourpar deviers Madrigay et chevaucha 
tant qu'il vint ou val de Sorrie, et Id. sejourna, et touttes ses hos, bien un mois. Endementroes 
eut grans conssaux entre monsigneur Jehan Camdos et le consseil dou ray d'Arragon . . . 
Apries ce, s'en revinrent messires Jehans Camdos et messires Martins de le Kare deviers le roy 
de Navarre et pourcachierent tant que li rois de Navarre accorda a rapasser le prinche et touttes 
ses gens parmy son royaumme! vii, p. 299, § 591. For the rhyme cf. Introduction, p. viii, § 8. 

3736. mene. Cf. Introduction, p. xxv. 

3741. Perhaps the If oilfilloeqes should have been retained. 

3792. (?) M. Meyer suggests : Car moult les avoit resjois. 

3797. vesques. Cf. Introduction, p. xxviii. 

3925. (?) A difficult line, (i) \i frontier stands iorfrontiere it would be the only instance 
in the poem of the reduction of iere to ier; and (2) Venir en la frontier{e) is not very 
intelligible. Perhaps frontier stands for the verb frontiier used by Froissart in the sense of 
'oppose face to face', e.g. Si commencent a frontiier, a coustiier et a poursuivre les Anglais 
(quoted from Godefroi), and we should read : Cil dot s'en vinrent frontiier. M. Meyer suggests : 
Cil doi conte vindrent frontier. 

3953. esmays, correct esbays. 



3965. pooye. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvii. 

4007. fisent. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 

4042. For the addition of lie cf. I. 3928, for the scribe's confusion of haut and baut ci. 1. 596. 

4058. (?) 

4073. Defuis. Cf. note to 1. 27. 

4087. peurent. Cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. 

4101-2. (?) Mais is unintelligible. Neis, though not found elsewhere in the poem, is still 
used by the Herald's contemporaries, e.g. Deschamps and Jean des Preis. M. Meyer, however, 
prefers soul. 

41 19. Lors, correct Lores. It is again the interruption caused by the insertion of the title 
that has occasioned the addition of the words ' le Prince '. Cf. 1. 145. 

4126. Retain de my { = of myself). 

4144. vorroit. Cf. 1. 45 and Introduction, p. xxii. 


116-44. King Edward left the Isle of Wight on July 11,' and landed at Saint- Vaast de 
la Hougue in Cotentin July 12,* with the intention of wasting Normandy and marching on Paris.' 

The list of nobles who accompanied the King seems to be correctly drawn up on the whole. 
Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, and William de Bohun, Earl of Northampton, are 
mentioned in the list given by Froissart,* and are amongst those to whom wages are paid for 
services with the King from April 1346 to Nov. 1349.° 

Ralph, Earl of Stafford, is not given by Froissart, and as he was Seneschal of 
Aquitaine, and took part in the siege of Aiguillon, Dec. 134S,' it looks as though he may not 
have been with Edward when he sailed : but he is enumerated in Wetewang's Accounts, as 
are the two former nobles, and he certainly joined the King in time to take part in the battle 
of Crecy.' 

Robert Ufford, Earl of Suffolk, was certainly in the campaign of 1346, his name not only 
being found in Froissart,' but also in the letters of Northburgh, who himself accompanied the 
army.' William de Montagu, Earl of Salisbury, who was only sixteen at the time, is mentioned 
by an eyewitness as being knighted at Saint- Vaast ; '" John Beauchamp, a brother of the Earl of 
Warwick, and John De Vere, Earl of Oxford, are named in most of the authorities ; " the former 
is said to have had the honour of carrying the King's standard at the battle of Cr^cy." 
Raouls de Cobham is probably a mistake for Reginald, though there was also a Ralph who 
fought in the French wars ; " he does not seem, however, to have been a very important 
personage, whereas we find Reginald in almost every list," and constantly mentioned later on in 
the Poem itself. Sir Bartholomew de Burghersh presents a little diflSculty because there were two 
of the same name — father and son. Dugdale speaks of them both as taking part in the French 
campaign of 1346, but according to documents printed by Rymer*^ it hardly seems as though 
the father were present ; for the King before setting sail gives him instructions as to the conduct 
of affairs in England, and writes to him again on home matters as late as Sept. 8th. Only one 
of the name being mentioned not only here, but also in Froissart, and in Wetewang's Accounts, 

^ On July II Edward issued a charter from St. Beltz, Memorials ofthe Order of the Garter, London, 

Helens just before sailing. Rymer's Foedera, ii, 1841. 8vo. 
pt. iv, 202 (3rd edition). * Froissart, iii. 130. 

'This was a Wednesday. Cf. Northburgh's » Robert of Avesbury and Froissart, i. 243, note. 

Letter in Robert of Avesbury, De gestis mirabilibus i" Letter of Bartholomew de Burghersh, published 

regis Edwardi Tertii, edited E. Maunde Thompson in Adam Murimuth,ContinuatioChronicarum, edited 

(Rolls Series) ; letter of Edward III in Delpit, E. M. Thompson (Rolls Series), p. 200. Name also 

Collection des documents fran9ais en Angleterre, given in Corpus Christi College Library, Cambridge 

Paris, 1847 ; Le Hiraut Chandos, edited Francisque MS., No. 370, published in Moisant,Le Prince Noir, 

Michel, 307, note. Paris, 1894. 

s Jean le Bel, Les Vrayes Chroniques, Bruxelles, "Froissart, iii. 130; Wetewang s Accounts; 

1863, 8vo, il. 64. French Rolls. 

* Froissart, edited Luce (Society de I'Histoire de i^ Dugdale, i. 226; Wrottesley, Cricy and Calais. 
France), vol. iii, 130. " Dugdale, ii. 69. 

» Wetewang's Accounts, published in Wrottesley, " Froissart, iii. 130; Wetewang s Accounts, pub- 

Cr^cy and Calais. lished in Wrottesley ; French Rolls, 20 Ed. Ill, 

« Froissart, vol. iii, p. XX, note 3. 2]Ed. Ill, &c. ,,..., 

' Froissart. Cf. Dugdale, The Baronage of Eng- " Rymer, u, part iv, pp. 202, 205 (3rd edition), 
land, London, 1675, 2 vols., folio ; vol. i, 159. 


it is doubtless Sir Bartholomew, junior : indeed, in a mention made of him in the fragment of the 
Chronicle in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, this explanation is expressly added.' 

Guy de Brian, although not named by the other chroniclers, occurs in Wetewang's Accounts,'' 
and constantly in the French Rolls, as receiving payments or letters of protection,' while in 1350 
a grant of money was made to him for gallant deeds done at Calais.* 

Sir Richard de la Vache is not mentioned by other chroniclers as present so early as 1346, 
unless the Richard de la Vere given by the Corpus Christi Chronicle ^ can be the same person ; 
but it looks as though he most probably joined the King later, since in 1347 a writ was directed 
to him requiring that he should supervise the armings in Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire ; ' 
and in Wetewang's Accounts he is only stated as receiving pay, Mich. 1347 ; ' Thomas de Holland 
also received pay at this time, but he was certainly with the army from the first, as he distin- 
guished himself by capturing the Comte d'Eu at Caen.* 

Sir Richard Talbot's name occurs in Wetewang's Accounts, and in the French Rolls of 1347 ; " 
he is also spoken of in the Corpus Christi MS. as taking part in the campaign of 1346 ;" while 
Chandos and Audeley are repeatedly mentioned by all the authorities. 

Thus the list given here, if apparently accurate so far as it goes, is not complete, and the 
choice of names is a little curious, such important persons as Godefroi de Harcourt and the Earl 
of Arundel being omitted. 

The King sent to England for the aid due on the occasion of knighting Prince Edward." 
Sir Bart, de Burghersh, in his letter from Saint- Vaast, speaks of the honour being conferred on 
Mortimer (Earl of March) and Montagu (Earl of Salisbury).''' John de Montagu is not men- 
tioned by him, but he was certainly present, and the Queen's Remembrancer Rolls speak of 
Sir John de Montagu being in his brother's retinue from Saint-Vaast de la Hougue to Calais.'' 

1 54-64. In this account of Edward's arrival in France Chandos gives a piece of information 
which is peculiar to his record, namely, that ' Mareschaux Bertrans ' was there to prevent the 
landing of the English. 

Robert Bertrand, Baron de Briquebec was Marshal of France," and in 1345 had been made 
captain of the sea-coast in Normandy ; '* but, though there is some evidence that he was raising 
men at the time," the story of his opposition at Saint-Vaast appears rather improbable. We are 
fortunate in possessing really valuable authority upon these events in the shape of three letters 
from actual eyewitnesses— the King himself," Michael de Northburgh, his secretary,'* and 
Sir Bartholomew de Burghersh." 

None of these mention any difficulty in landing, but merely state that the army arrived at 
Saint-Vaast de la Hougue on the 12th, and stayed there to rest until the l8th of July. 

Walsingham says there was resistance and gives a detailed account of the prowess of the 
Earl of Warwick, who with seven men defeated 100 men at arms and killed 60 of them, 
before the rest of the English landed.'"' But apart from the general improbability of the story, 

' Moisant, Le Prince Noir, Appendix. Thompson. 

' Wrottesley, Crecy and Calais, Appendix. '^ Queen's Remembrancer, 27 Ed. Ill, in Wrottes- 

' French Rolls, 20 Ed. Ill, pt. i, m. 9; 2i ley, Crecy and Calais, Appendix. 

Ed. III. '* Anselme, Histoire Genealogiqne de la Maison 

* Rymer, iii, pt. i, 52. Royale de France, vol. vi, 688. 

^ Moisant, Le Prince Noir, Appendix. ^^ Sceaux de Clairembault (Collection de docu- 

^ French Rolls, 20 Ed. Ill, pt. i, m. 21 (Wrot- ments inedits), vol. ii, 362. 

tesley). '« Corpus Christi MS., Moisant, Appendix. 

' Wetewang's Accounts. " Delpit, Collection des documents fran9ais en 

* Jean le Bel, ii. 72. Angleterre, Paris, 1847. 

' Wrottesley, Crecy and Calais, Appendix. " Robert of Avesbury and Froissart, Pantheon 

1° Moisant, Le Prince Noir, Appendix. Litt^raire, edited Buchon, i. 219, note. 

" Rymer, ii, pt. iv, 205. " Murimuth, 201. 

" Adam Murimuth, p. 201 ; cf. also Galfridus le ^ Walsingham,Ypodigma Neustriae (Rolls Series), 

Baker de Swynebroke, Chronicon, edited E. M. 285. 


and the fact that Walsingham is not an original authority for this period, it would be curious if 
so striking an incident had remained unnoticed, not only in the letters mentioned above, but also 
in the Chronicle of Froissart, the narrator par excellence of such deeds. Jean le Bel, the 
original of Froissart's narrative at this date, gives no hint of any hindrance being offered to the 
English landing,' and Froissart's additions as to Edward's fall and the speeches on the subject 
certainly give little idea of any general fighting at the time.' 

Probably Walsingham's story can be explained by some later achievement of Warwick ; 
for Burghersh writes that after the taking of Barfleur (July 14th) the Earl had skirmished 
successfully with the enemy.' At all events, any resistance that may have been made can have 
been merely local and insignificant, not worthy of a marshal of France. Bertrand, who before 
this had been occupied at Aiguillon, appears first in most chronicles at the siege of Caen,* and 
Chandos' account is, to say the least of it, so doubtful, that it supports the view that this part of 
the poem must not be accepted with too much confidence. 

169-174. The advance of the English army is here treated too briefly to be of much use, 
and the order of the march has been altered to suit the exigencies of the verse. The real 
order should be : 12th July, landing at Saint- Vaast ; a halt of five days there, during which time 
Barfleur was burnt (14th July); 20th July, occupation of Carentan ; 22nd, crossing of the river 
Vire and taking of St. L6. After this Edward marched directly towards Caen, which was taken 
on the 26th, Bayeux not submitting until the following day." 

175-84. For the taking of Caen the accounts are all more or less agreed,' both as to the 
hard fighting by the bridge and the capture of d'Eu (Raoul de Brienne, Comte d'Eu et de 
Guines, Constable) and Tancarville (Jean, Sire de Tancarville, Vicomte de Melun— not Comte 
until 4th February, 1352'— Chamberlain).' 

Northburgh adds that the Castle was held by the Bishop of Bayeux ;° and by the Continuator 
of Nangis we are told that it was only the town that was taken ; ' they did not take the Castle, 
because they could not.' " 

The allusion made to the Black Prince— 'la auoit luy noble Prince pris' — is probably only 
part of the author's general desire to enhance his hero's glory, since no particular mention is 
made of his prowess by the other writers. In one sense he certainly had success, since 
Tancarville, being captured by one of his knights, was considered as his prisoner." The 

' Jean le Bel, ii. 69. ™ew de Burghersh's Letter; Jean le Bel, ii. 71 sq. ; 

' Froissart, iii. 133. Chronographia, 224; Grandes Chroniqnes de 

3 Mnrimnth, 201 ; cf. also Chronographia regum France, ed. P. Paris, Paris, 1837, v. 453 ; Froissart, 

Francorum, edited Moranvill^, Paris, 1897 (Soc. de iii. 141 sq. Froissart, copying from Jean le Bel, 

I'Hist. de France), 223. speaks of the cowardice of the burghers, and their 

* Jean le Bel, ii. 71. Chronographia, 224 ; flight at the approach of the English. There is 

cf Anselme, vol. vi, 688. Chronique des quatre nothing, however, in the record of ihose present to 

premiers Valois, ed. Luce, Paris, 1882, 14, justify this statement, which may have been a mere 

speaks of Bertrand being sent to the front together bit of nobles' jealousy. 

with Tancarville and Comte d'Eu, after the landing ' Froissart, vol. iii, p. xxxvii, note, quoting from 

of the English, and adds that he then retired to the Arch. Nat., JJ 81, p. 85, tol. loi. ^ . ^ ^^ 

Castle of Caen * On imprisonment of Comte d Eu, cf. Arch. Nat., 

» Northbnrg'h's Letter in Robert of Avesbury and JJ 76, fol. 122 v"., which speaks of him as still in the 

Froissart i 219 note. Wynkeley's Letter in power of the English, Dec, 1347 ; JJ 77, No. 216, 

Murimnth, 21S. Edward's Letter, Delpit, Collec- Aug., 1347, refers to an appeal made to King Philip by 

tion de Documents. Cf. also Jean le Bel, ii. 70 sq., the Sire de Tancarville for help in raising his ransom. 

Le Heraut Chandos, ed. F. Michel, 310, note. Con- » GuiUaume Bertrand, brother of the Marshal, 

tinuation of Richard Lescot's Chronicle (Chronique Also added in Chronographia, 224 ; Grandes Chroni- 

de Richard Lescot, ed. J. Lemoine, Paris, 1896. ques, v. 453, and Continuation of Lescot, 72. 

Soc. de I'Hist. de France). Itineraries of this cam- " Croniques de GuiUaume de Nangis et de ses 

paien have been made by E. Mannde Thompson in contmuateurs, ed. G^raud (Soc. de 1 Hist, de France), 

the Preface to Adam Murimnth, and the notes to 11. I97- ,The Grandes Chroniques also say that the 

Baker of Swynebroke, 255, compiled from his English left the Citadel because they did not want 

acpnunt the Kitchen Reeisters, and Cotton MSS. to lose more men. , , . , 

EdwSd'sLetter, Kbu^gh's Letter, Bartholo- " Letter of Bartholomew de Burghersh (Murimuth, 


fact of the Marshal riding off to take news of the disaster to the King, though not found 
elsewhere, is likely enough, Bertrand having been specially sent to the relief of Caen, as we 
saw earlier. 

195-200. John, King of Bohemia, his son Charles, King of the Romans (Emperor 
5th April, 1355), and John of Hainault, lord of Beaumont. It is well known that these three 
came to the aid of the French, together with others, such as the Duke of Lorraine, the 
Count of Flanders, &c Froissart places Philip's message a little earlier, after the fall of 
Carentan, but in all probability there is no special desire here to indicate any exact 
chronological sequence. 

209-24. This account taken alone is bald if not actually misleading. We learn nothing of 
the meeting with the Papal envoys at Lisieux (23rd Aug.) ' ; of the long march up the Seine, 
every bridge being broken or guarded, while the French army, some say under Philip himself, 
advanced simultaneously on the opposite bank of the river'; of the three days' halt at Poissy 
(l3th-isth Aug.)', during which time the Marshals burnt the surrounding villages and con- 
sternation reigned in Paris ; * of the attempt made by the French to prevent the rebuilding of 
the bridge and of the skirmish which took place with a detachment from Amiens.^ 

Both Edward and Wynkeley, writing at the time, agree in their accounts of the events 
at Poissy, and of the discomfiture of the French force. The chief diflSculty arises as to the 
movements of King Philip. Chandos seems to take for granted that he was at Paris all the 
time. Marshal Bertrand, he says, rode there to report the fall of Caen, and now he speaks of 
the King collecting his army in the capital (line 225). There is no doubt that Philip was 
in or near Paris at the time when Edward was crossing the Seine, all authorities agree on this 
point,® and we have a letter from him challenging Edward to battle, which was dated at 
St. Denis on Aug. 14;' but he may have retreated thither while the enemy was advancing, 
which is implied by most of the French chroniclers.* An army of some sort had certainly been 
facing the English on the opposite side of the river (cf. note °), and the Continuator of Nangis, 
who has the reputation of being an eyewitness, distinctly speaks of Philip himself as being 
present." There is certainly some discrepancy on this point. The French allies were summoned 
to meet in Paris ; Froissart writes as though the King sent instructions to his army in Normandy,'" 
and there is little evidence of his actual presence ; but at the same time the authority of the 
Continuator is not one to be lightly put aside : and when Edward speaks in his letter of ' notre 
adversaire ' having come to Rouen it rather implies the presence of his chief enemy. 

240-76. The passage of the Somme took place on Aug. 24. The account given here 
by Chandos differs somewhat from the usual descriptions of this event, which has been narrated 
by most modern historians according to the graphic story told by Froissart ; a story which, 
following in essentials that of Jean le Bel, contains some details not given by the earlier writer " 

203). He says that the Constable surrendered to tine ; Mnratori, Scriptores remm Italie, xiv. 27 ; 

Sir Thos. Holland, and Tancarville to a bachelor of Edward's Letter, Delpit. 

the Black Prince, so that he was his prisoner. Jean ' Froissart, ed. Kervyn deLettenhove,iv. 496, 49^. 

le Bel, ii. 72, speaks as though both were taken by * Continuation of Lescot, p. 72, speaks of King 

Holland. Philip at Rouen just after the taking of Caen, and 

' Wynkeley's Letter, Murimuth, 215; Froissart, says that he sent to offer Edward single combat, 

iii. p. xxxix, note 3. Chronographia, 225, also says that the King was 

^ Froissart, Pantheon Litt^raire, i. 226; Wynke- at Rouen with a great army. Cochon, Chronique 

ley's Letter; Chronographia, 227 ; Corpus Christi Normande, ed. Beaurepaire, Rouen, 1870, p. 68. 

MS., Moisant, Appendix. " Chronique de Guillaume de Nangis et de ses 

' Baker of Swynebroke, 255, notes. continuateurs, ii. 199. 

* Edward's Letter, Delpit ; Jean le Bel. '» Froissart, iii, p. xxxix, note 4. Ibid., p. 148. 

^ Northburgh's Letter, Edward's Letter, Wynke- He speaks of troops in Rouen, but merely says that 

ley's Letter, Robert of Avesbury, 136, 137; cf. the Counts of Harcourt and of Dreux were captains 

Froissart, iii, p. xl, note 4. there. 

6 Jean le Bel, iii. 76, 79; Villani, Istorie Fioren- " Froissart, iii. 159, i5o. 


and differs somewhat from that of the Herald. From Froissart we learn that Edward lodged 
on the way at Grandvilliers, Poix and Airaines, from which latter place he sent Harcourt and 
Warwick with a force of 3,000 men to search for a passage, which they failed to discover. 
Godemar de Fay is also named, as having been deputed by Philip for the same purpose ; he was 
accompanied not only by a large body of countrymen, but also by an armed force of 6,000 men.^ 

The name of the ford, Blanche-Tache, is added,'' the place having been shown to Edward 
by a prisoner, Gobin Agace.' No word is said of the Prince, nor of his 100 picked men, 
but the Marshals are mentioned as leading the way. An important fact left unnoticed by 
Chandos is the close pursuit of Philip, who was quartered at Airaines on the day that the 
English crossed the river.* Both Jean le Bel and Froissart speak of the hard fighting before 
the English could get over, the latter, in his Amiens manuscript, adding that Godemar was 
wounded while defending the passage. 

It is difficult to gauge the exact truth, owing to the brevity of the records left by eye- 
witnesses. Edward himself gives no names, but affirms that a large number of armed men 
and commons opposed the English army, which crossed in spite of them without losing 
a single man. Wynkeley gives a very similar account, but he adds a statement which it is 
interesting to compare with the Chandos record, namely that Northampton and Cobham with 
100 armed men and some archers went first and broke the force of the resistance. These 
may be the picked warriors of whom Chandos speaks, but it scarcely seems probable that 
the Black Prince should have taken so commanding a position thus early, before having 
proved his merit at the Battle of Cr^cy. We are left in ignorance also of the manner in which 
the English discovered the ford ; Froissart alone being responsible for the name of Gobin Agace. 
The words of our poem are so little explicit that they might mean anything, but at the 
same time it is interesting to compare them with a curious and unique statement made in the 
Annals of Melsa,° namely," that the ford was betrayed by an English resident, who had lived 
near the place for sixteen years; if then 'compaignoun ' may be taken to imply compatriot, 
we have one record which seems to prove the existence of, at least, a rumour to that effect. 
It is, however, more frequently used simply in the sense of a ' fellow ' or a ' rustic '. 

285, 286. James II, King of Majorca; John, King of Bohemia; Charles, his son. For 
John's share in the battle and the bravery of his son see ' Pofeme Tchfeque sur la bataille de 
Crdcy' in Journal des Savants 1902. 

290. Philip, having crossed at Abbeville, advanced some way towards Noyelles, along 
what is still called ' chemin de Valois ', but changed his route towards Crdcy on hearing that 
Edward was lodged in the forest.^ 

297. Edward in his letter speaks of the French army as approaching < quite near. 
Northburgh says that spies discovered the advance of the French in four great 'battles'. Jean 
le Bel, who claims to have his information on the battle direct from John of Hainault and 
other knights who were present, states that Philip wished to halt half a league from his 
adversary's army.' 

310-12. The confusion in the French army is described by Jean le Bel, who says that, 

1 All this follows Jean de Bel, ii. 83, and agrees passage before the tide was high again. The French 

with account of Northburgh, Avesbury, 369 ; cf. also king must have returned to Abbeville and crossed by 

Chronographia, 328, 9. Godemar de Fay evidently the bridge of Talance ; otherwise Edward would 

made quite a fair defence. He was still in the royal have beea obliged to guard the passage ; cf. Seymour 

favour in 1347, being captain of frontiers of Flanders de Constant, Bataille de Crecy, Abbeville, 1846. 

and Hainault. Arch. Nat., JJ 76, No. 378. ^ Chronica Monasterii de Melsa, H54-1406, ed. 

^ For exact position of this ford cf. Louandre, Bond (Rolls Series), 3 vols., 1866-8, iii. 57, 

Bataille de Crecy, in Revue Anglo - Fran9aise, ^ Seymour de Constant, Bataille de Crt5cy ; Caron, 

tome iii. Itineraire au champ de bataille de Cricy, Versailles, 

3 Jean le Bel, ii. 82, only calls him a 'varlet'. 1836. 

* Philip could not cross at the same place, as it ' Jean le Bel, ii. 87. 

would be impossible for two armies to make the 


when Philip wished to halt, the nobles in advance refused to return, while those behind tried 
to press forward, so that the whole force marched upon the English in the greatest confusion.' 
Froissart explains that this was caused by a quarrel between the forces of the two Marshals ; 
all were so eager to be first and to surpass the others, that they obeyed no commands, but 
advanced on the enemy ' sans array et sans ordonnance '.^ 

This confusion was augmented by the mismanagement of the Genoese bowmen. They 
were sent on in so close an array that they shot one another, while the mounted nobles behind 
trampled them down, partly by accident, partly suspecting treachery, because their strings were 
wet and their bows of little use in consequence. 

321. The infantry was the main strength of the English army ; but there is also a special 
statement to this effect in Holinshed, and Villani says that the horses were put together 
in a place fortified by the carts and baggage.' 

325. Jean le Bel, and Baker of Swynebroke, also a very good authority, since he evidently 
got his information from an eyewitness, place the Prince in the vanguard. There were three 
' battles ', commanded respectively by Prince Edward, the Earl of Northampton and the King.* 

326. For the prowess of the Black Prince on this occasion our chief authority is Froissart,^ 
since Jean le Bel, who gives strictly the French version of the battle, scarcely mentions him. 

333. The death of the King of Bohemia is given in all accounts. 

335. Raoul, Duke of Lorraine. 

337. Louis, Count of Flanders. 

339. Charles, Count of Perche and Alengon. 

341. John IV, Count of Harcourt ; brother of Godfrey, the ally of the English. 

These names are given in all the lists of those slain at Crdcy ; but no one mentions 
a name in the least resembling ' Joii ', presumably Joigny or Jouy. Coxe, in his notes on 
The Chandos Poem, suggests that Blois should be the reading for this. Louis de ChS-tillon, 
Count of Blois was slain at Cx6cy, and both Edward and Northburgh place the name in 
juxtaposition with that of Harcourt, but the difference in spelling is too great to allow us 
to adopt this explanation. 

343. The one King was of course John of Bohemia. Edward and Wynkeley both add 
the King of Majorca, but Chandos is right, for James II reigned 1324-49.^ 

343. Seven counts certainly fell, possibly more. Besides the three mentioned correctly 
above,' there is evidence as to the death of the Counts of Blois, Auxerre, Sancerre, Salm;' 
and to these Luce adds the names of Vaudemont and Roucy.' 

345. There is no certainty as to the number of bannerets ; Froissart admits this. 

For fuller accounts of the battle of Cr^cy, besides the ordinary chronicles, see Babinet, 
in Antiqtiaires de V Quest, 1896, who supports the statement made by Villani and the Grandes 
Chroniques as to the use of cannon at Cr^cy ; Oman's Art of War on same question ; Louandre, 
Bataille de Cr^cy, in Revue Anglo-Frangaise, tome iii ; Seymour de Constant and Caron, 
already mentioned, p. 183, note 6. 

357. Philip, according to Edward's letter, retreated to Amiens ; and Jean le Bel, who 
ought to know, says he fled that night with John of Hainault to La Broye, and so on to 
Amiens.^ Here apparently he stopped to hear news of his army, and returned to Paris 
after that.'" 

' Jean le Bel, ii. 87,88. ''■ Froissart, iii. 174. more exclusively based on Jean le Bel, and not 

^ Holinshed, English Chronicle, London, 1587, nearly so favourable to the English. Of. p. li, note 3.) 

fol. , 372. He does not give his authority for the * L'art de verifier les dates, i. 753. 

statement. Villani, Istorie Florentine, 28. Quoted ' Jean le Bel, Edward, Wynkeley, Northburgh, 

also by Barnes, History of Edward III, together with Froissart. 

thnt of the Black Prince, Cambridge, 1688, fol., 354. ' Froissart, iii, p. Ixi, note 2. 

* Jean le Bel, ii. 90 ; Baker of Swynebroke, 82. * Jean le Bel, ii. 89. 

° Froissart, iii. 174-87. (The Amiens version is '9 Froissart, iii. 193. 


363. Edward says they stayed all night on the field without eating or drinking, and that 
next day pursuit was made and many were slain.' 

365. Reginald Cobham was sent with a herald and other lords to search out the slain." 

367-71. According to Froissart the King of Bohemia was buried at Montenay:' but 
Villani says that Edward caused the body to be given to Charles of Bohemia, and that he 
conveyed it to Luxemburg.* The latter appears to be true, the heart, however, being placed in 
the church of the Dominicans at Montargis." 

381. This date is quite wrong. The vigil of St. Bartholomew would make it the 
23rd August, the day before Edward crossed the Somme; whereas there is no doubt that 
the battle of Cr^cy was fought on Saturday, August 26th. Chandos is probably quoting from* 
memory: there is no explanation of this wrong date in any of the Chronicles which he might 
have seen. 

389. Another chronological error; there is absolutely no foundation for the statement 
that the siege lasted 18 months. The generally accepted dates for this siege are from 
Sept. 3, 1346, to Aug. 3, 1347; but it is a point on which much varying evidence exists. 
Jean le Bel speaks of the siege beginning ' k I'issue d'aoust '," and Froissart in one version 
dates Edward's arrival before the town as early as Aug. 31st,' while Knighton puts it as 
late as Sept. yth.^ Thompson, in the careful itinerary which he has drawn up from Baker 
of Swynebroke, the Kitchen Registers and Cotton MSS., gives Sept. 4th as the date of the 
arrival before Calais, the 2nd and 3rd being spent at Wissant ; ° which is borne out by 
a letter from Northburgh dated from Calais, Sept. 4th, where he writes : ' from what I have 
heard his purpose is to besiege the town of Calais'.'" Edward's letter, however, is dated 
Sept. 3rd before Calais," though nothing is said in it on the subject of the siege. Probably 
the whole army was not assembled there before the 4th, and certainly the actual siege did 
not commence before that date and may possibly have been later. Brequigny, who has 
considered the subject with great care, inclines to Knighton's date of the 7th as the com- 
mencement of the actual siege: in 1346 this fell on a Thursday, and he suggests this as 
an explanation for Froissart's mistake of the 31st, which would also be a Thursday." In 
any case eleven months was the extreme limit, and Chandos' statement is either a slip or 
has been incorrectly transcribed. 

390-8. From Edward's own letter" we learn that Philip pitched his tent on a hill 
near Calais on July 27th ; " that some time was spent in vain negotiations, the Cardinals 
doing their best to effect a settlement; that on the 31st the French King sent a proposal 
that Calais should be the prize of a combat between four knights chosen from either side, 
which Edward accepted next day ; but that Philip never really intended to carry out this 
proposal, and retreated, leaving Calais to its fate during the night of Aug. ist-2nd." Jean le Bel, 
and Froissart copying him '", say that Edward sent a refusal to this offer, declaring that he 
had been there quite long enough to be fought with before that date. Apart, however, from 
the fact that the King himself should know best, an acceptance was more in accord with 
the spirit of the age. 

1 Chandos, ed. F. Michel, 311, notes. " Brequigny, Siege de Calais. Acadimie des In- 

' Jean le Bel, ii. 94. scriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1808. 

« Froissart, iii. 191. " Robert of Avesbury, 394. 

* Quoted by Barnes, 356. " Cf. also Record Office, Ancient Corr., box lo, 

" Froissart, iii, p. Ixi, note 3. Letter from Edward dated July 30, stating that King 

' Jean le Bel, iii. 139. Philip was only three French leagues distant. 

' Froissart (Pantheon Litteraire), i. 244. '^ Philip had reached Fauquembergue by Aug. 6, 

« Henrici Knighton Chronicon (Rolls Series), i. 52. as he writes from there on that date on the subject of 

9 Baker of Swynebroke, 225. an aid (Arch. Nat., K 44, No. 12). 

'<> Avesbnry, 371. "* Jean le Bel, ii. 131 ; Froissart, i. 364. 

11 Chandos, ed. F. Michel, 311, notes. 


B b 


400. Edward constructed a regular town before Calais ; ' Villeneuve-la-Hardie,' Froissart 
calls it. 

401-5. Calais surrendered Aug. 3, 1347. Froissart's account of this and the devotion 
of the six burghers,^ which he borrowed from Jean le Bel,'' and which appears with slight 
variations in most other writers' (probably copied), has been sometimes questioned. On this, 
and the general decision in its favour, see Luce's notes to his edition of Froissart.* 

415. Truce made Sept. 28, 1347; 12th Oct., Edward landed at Sandwich; 14th Oct., 
he reached London.^ 

41 7-33- The plot for the recovery of Calais is so confusingly told that it needs helping 
out with other records. The actual facts appear to have been as follows : — Geffroi de Charny, 
at that time Governor of St. Omer, made a secret arrangement with Aimery of Pavia to 
purchase the town of Calais, or more probably an entrance into the castle. News of this 
plot reached the ears of Edward, who arrived secretly with a small but picked force, lay in 
ambush in the castle until a certain number of the French were admitted, and then, rushing 
out, surprised and cut to pieces the first detachment within the town ; afterwards falling 
upon Charny and the rest of his men outside, he totally defeated them, almost the whole force 
being either killed or taken prisoners (Dec. 31, 1349- Jan. i, 1350). 

420. This curious mention of the Seigneur de Beaujeu is peculiar to Chandos and seems 
inexplicable. The only other of the many accounts of this plot which mentions a third person 
at all is the Chronicle of the First Four Valois, which says that Aimery betrayed Calais to 
Marshal d'Audrehem, who in his turn told Geffroi de Charny.^ No importance can, however, 
be attached to this narrative, as the whole thing is inaccurate, Aimery being called a Frenchman, 
and the date of the event being given as 1355.' As for Edouard, Sire de Beaujeu at this time, 
we have no reason to connect him in any way with Geffroi de Charny and his plot. He took 
part in Philip's expedition to relieve Calais in 1347, and was made Captain of St. Omer in 
1352;' but in 1350 he went on an expedition to the Holy Land, which, without rendering 
the other affair an absolute impossibility, considerably increases the unlikeliness of his 
share in an enterprise which, we learn, cost the lives or liberties of almost all who took 
part in it. He had a brother Guichard, who ' was distinguished in all the wars against the 
English ', and who afterwards fought at Poitiers ; ' but there is equally little reason for coupling 
his name with that of Charny in this attempt on Calais. 

421. Geoffroi de Charny, Seigneur de Pierre-Perthuis. Jean le Bel calls Aimery de Pavia 
Governor of Calais.'" 

422. Froissart and Avesbury both give him the title of Captain," Froissart adding that 
Edward had brought him up from his infancy ; while Lefebvre, in his history of Calais, actually 
states, though without reference, that Aimery had been the King's governor in his early days.''' 
This latter statement is very improbable ; but that Aimery was a person of some importance 

' Froissart, iv. 57-63. of Lescot, 91. 

^ Jean le Bel, ii. 134, 5. ' For life of Audrehem, see Molinier, in Mimoires 

' Baker of Swynebroke, 90 ; Annals of Melsa, 67 ; des Savants Strangers, 1883. 

Henrici Knighton Chronicon, 53 ; Continuation of * Anselme, vi. 734, and Ferdinand de la Roche la 

Lescot, 245. Carelle, Hist, du Beaujolais, Lyon, 1853, i. 154. 

* Froissart, iv, p. xxv, note i. For the opposite ' Hist, de Beaujolais, i. 148. 
view see Brequig-ny, ' Siege de Calais,' in Memoires de '" Jean le Bel, ii. I47. 

I'Acad^mie des Inscriptions, 1808. '' Robert of Avesbury, 408 ; Froissart (Pantheon 

* Rymer, iii. 21. Litt^raire), i. 274, 377 (i.e. MS. d'Amiens). But in 

* Chronique des quatre premiers Valois, ed. Luce another version of Froissart he is only called Captain 
(Soc. de I'Histoire de France), Paris, 1882, 49. in Calais, and spoken of especially in reference to 
This goes on to say that Aimery was afterwards the castle only. Froissart, iv. 71, 304. 

taken by Audrehem, and put to death; a deed " Lefebvre, Histoirede Calais, Paris, 1766, 2 vols., 
which Froissart and others impute to Charny. 4to, ii. 3. 
Froissart, iv, p. xxxviii, and note 2. Continuation 


IS shown by the fact that in 1348 he was made Captain of the King's Galleys, with full judicial 
power.' As for his position in Calais it is most improbable that he should have been Captain. 
In Rymer we have documents enumerating the different appointments to this post, which was 
always held by an Englishman : Oct. 1347, John de Montgomery ; Dec. i, 1347, John Chiverston ; 
Jan. I, 1349, John Beauchamp.^ Lefebvre is probably right when he describes Aimery as 
Commander of the castle, for we learn later in Rymer" that there was a Constable of the 
castle separate from the Captain of the town, inferior to and removable by the latter. 
Thompson, in his notes to Baker of Swynebroke,* suggests an even less important position: 
for the ' Lombard mercenary ', namely that of Captain of one of the towers forming part 
of the walls of the town, but, as we know that the other office existed, the former is quite 
a plausible explanation. 

427-8. Chandos is quite vague as to the manner in which the news reached the ears of 
Edward. Was it early made known to him by Aimery, as Avesbury, Jean le Bel and one of the 
MSS. of Froissart state,^ or was it betrayed by his secretary, as we find in Baker of. 
Swynebroke ? ' In any case, the Lombard must have been in collusion with the King in the 
end, as he had to carry on negotiations while the English lay in ambush in the tower. As 
we find that Aimery was still left in Calais after this event,' it is most probable that he had 
been more of a traitor to the French than to the English in this very discreditable transaction. 

429-33. Chandos is the only Chronicler who lays great stress on the special prowess 
of the Black Prince. Baker, however, must be referring to the same event when he 
describes how Edward with only i6 men-at-arms and i6 archers held 80 of the enemy at 
bay, until they were put to flight by the arrival of the Black Prince.' According to Avesbury, 
the King, being left with only 30 armed men and fewer archers, was set upon by Chamy 
with superior numbers, but he waved his sword and so astonished the French that they lost 
heart and, on more of the English coming up, were defeated.' 

Edward's best-known adventure on this night was his fight with Eustace de Ribemont, 
when he was twice beaten to the knees, but raised by Cobham and Manny, and finally 
victorious.*" Guy de Brian also did some deed of valour this day, in which he bore the 
royal banner, for shortly afterwards he received a pension in reward for the distinguished 
services then rendered.'* The Black Prince no doubt fought well on the occasion, and Chandos 
calls particular attention to it, as in duty bound. 

481-98. The battle of L'Espagnols-sur-Mer, fought off Winchelsea, Aug. 29, 1350. The 
cause appears to have been that the Spaniards had destroyed and robbed some English 
ships at Gudrande earlier in the year. The Spanish Commander was Don Carlos de la Cerda. 
The few facts given by Chandos agree with the other accounts of this battle.*' 

499-500. Froissart also speaks of Prince John being present, but says nothing of his 
being knighted on this occasion. He is generally supposed to have received this honour from 
the hands of Henry of Lancaster in 1355." 

518-21. The birth of Thomas of Woodstock did not take place shortly after L'Espagnols- 
sur-Mer, as Chandos implies, but on Jan. 7, 1355. 

> Gascon Rolls, 22 Ed. Ill, m. 17. ' Baker of Swynebroke, 104. 

2 Rymer, iii, pt. i, pp. 19, 25, 46. On this sub- ' Avesbury, 409. 

ject see also Brequigny, ' Calais sous les Anglais.' *» Jean le Bel, ii. 149; Froissart, iv. 80. 

M^moiresde I'Acad^mle des Inscriptions, vol. 50. ** French Rolls, 23 Ed. Ill; Rymer,iii,pt. i,p. 53 ; 

' Rymer, iii, pt. i, p. 67. Captain of the town Was see Brequigny, ' Calais sous les Anglais.' 

then Robert Herle, 1350. " Avesbury, 412 ; Villani, gs; Froissart, 93-5 ; 

' Baker of Swynebroke, 275. Walsingham, Historia Anglicana, 274 ; Baker of 

s Robert of Avesbury, 408 ; Jean le Bel, ii. 147 ; Swynebroke, 1 1 o ; see Baurel de la Rondure, Histoire 

Froissart, iv. 304, MS. de Rome. de la Marine Fran9aise, Paris, 1899, i. 496. 

« Baker of Swynebroke, 106. " Dictionary of National Biography. 

' Froissart, iv. 98. 


525-6. Whether Jean de Grailly, Captal de Buch, really visited England at this time 
is uncertain ; Froissart states that a Gascon embassy consisting of Pommiers, Rosem, Lesparre 
and Mussidan came in 1352 with a request that Prince Edward should be sent out to their 
assistance ; ' but he mentions the Captal as amongst the nobles whom the Prince summoned 
to his side after his arrival.^ 

549. According to Avesbury a Council was held at Westminster, Easter 1355, which 
ordered the Prince to go to Gascony.' King Edward as early as 28th May of this year gave 
orders for the assembling of a fleet for this purpose.* 

555. Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. 

557. William de Montagu, Earl of Salisbury. 

559. Robert Ufford, Earl of Suffolk. 

561. John de Vere, Earl of Oxford. 

These are all mentioned in Edward Ill's Household Book (July 10, 1355) as about to 
accompany the Black Prince into Gascony.' 

562. The Earl of Stafford is not so certain ; according to Froissart he was accompanying 
King Edward in his expedition to Normandy this year,' while Avesbury speaks of him as 
a member of Lancaster's army in Brittany.' Possibly Chandos has given the title of Earl 
to Ralph's younger brother, Richard Stafford, who certainly took part in the Gascon wars,' 
and to whom the Black Prince alludes in a letter dated from Bordeaux, Christmas, 

563. Bartholomew de Burghersh is in Froissart's list of those who are starting with the 
Prince," and he is mentioned repeatedly during the expedition. His father, Bartholomew 
the elder, being now dead, there is no question as to which is intended. 

565. John de Montagu, brother of the Earl of Salisbury, is also given by Froissart 
as taking part in the Norman Expedition. Dugdale only notices his presence in the French 
Wars of 1346 and 1347, though he speaks of his return to Gascony in 1363." As Edward's Norman 
expedition was only of very short duration (July to November 1355), it is always probable 
that some of his followers joined the Black Prince in Gascony later on, and that Chandos 
has perhaps named those of them who fought at Poitiers, although they did not form part of the 
original following. 

567. Edward le Despenser is mentioned by Froissart, and is found in the Black Prince's 
Household Book.'^ 

568. Ralph, Lord Basset of Drayton; mentioned both in the Household Book and 
Gascon Rolls." 

569. This is almost certainly John of Dunster, Lord Mohun, elsewhere called Mawne 
(131 1). He was with the Prince in Gascony,'* and fought at Poitiers.'* 

571. Reginald, Lord Cobham of Sterburgh ; cf. Household Book and French Rolls, besides 
frequent mention in Froissart. 

573. There is no doubt about Sir John Chandos and Sir James Audeley (cf. Household 
Book), as to whose doings the Herald is naturally well informed. 

600. Avesbury says the Prince was detained by contrary winds in Plymouth until 
Sept. 8th.'^ Thompson calculates Sept. 9th as the day on which he set sail from Plymouth." 

' Froissart, iv. 134. " Avesbury, 439. 

^ Froissart, iv. 160. i" Froissart, iv. 136. 

^ Avesbury, 434. " Dugdale, i. 649. 

* Rymer, iii, pt. i, p. 108. ^^ Beltz, 140. " Beltz, 159. 

' Beltz, Memorials of the Order of the Garter, " Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 3. 

London, 1841, App. 3. is Dictionary of National Biography. 

" Froissart, iv. 135. is Avesbury, 434 ; also Walsingham, Historia 

' Avesbury, 425. Anglicana, 279. 

« Dugdale, i. 259. " Baker of Swynebroke, 393, note. 


617. Thompson dates the arrival at Bordeaux as Sept. 20th. Froissart only vaguely says 
'about St. Michael's day'.^ 

624. Bemard-Ezy, Sire d'Albret, Vicomte de Tartas, now on the side of the English,' 
though in his early days he had taken an oath of allegiance to the French King.' 

625. Amaury de Biron, Sire de Montferrant.* 

627. Auger de Montaut, Sire de Mussidan et de Blaye." G"= Amanieu de Madailhan, 
Sire de Roson.' Sire Petiton de Curton.' 

628. Amanieu de Fossard.' 

629. GuiUaume Sans, Sire de Pommiers.' 
631. Cdn^brun IV, Sire de Lesparre." 

AH these are well-known supporters of the English cause in Gascony, and very probably 
came to meet the Prince on his arrival ; almost all concur in saying that he was welcomed by 
the Gascons, and Froissart names, as summoned by him, ' Labreth, Pumiers, Mucident, Courton, 
Rosem et tous les aultres '.^^ 

642. The Black Prince left Bordeaux, Oct. 5th." 

645-9. As usual, a very short account of numerous marches and sieges, and not absolutely 
correct. On 28th Oct. the English army was near Toulouse. The Black Prince says in a letter 
which he wrote at Christmas, that he was only a league distant and that he stayed in the 
neighbourhood two days." Toulouse was guarded at this time by Clement d'Armagnac,^* and 
was probably too strong to attack ; Carcassonne was reached on Nov. 3rd, and the bourg burnt 
on the 6th ; " the citd apparently remained untaken." 

Narbonne was reached Nov. 8th, and the bourg burnt Nov. loth : the citadel certainly 
remained uncaptured ; the Black Prince describes how the garrison withdrew into it, and never 
mentions its destruction." B^ziers was not taken. It is not mentioned by the Black Prince 
or Wingfield, who state that the army returned from Narbonne. Froissart expressly says that 
the English retreat left Beziers, Montpellier, Luniel, and Nimes untouched, to the great joy 
of the inhabitants, so that an attack had certainly been expected. Denifle thinks, however, 
that the scouts went as far as Beziers on Nov. 10, and this is implied by an old Chronicle 
of Jacques Mascaro, which says they saw that the town was too well defended to be 

654. Quite impossible before going into winter quarters. Wingfield says the campaign 
lasted eight months. The Prince was at La R^ole by Dec. 2," and was writing from Bordeaux 
on Christmas Day.'" 

657-9. The Prince seems to have stayed in Bordeaux or its neighbourhood until August, 1356. 

669-82. The Herald seems to be the only writer who gives the exact disposition of these 
garrisons, on which he was very likely to have good information. 

' Froissart iv. 160. paign, and are in almost exact accordance with each 

* Froissart, iv. 160. other. 

' Histoire de Languedoc, ix. 444. " Avesbury, 437. 

* Anselme, vii. 352. '* Wingfield's Letter m Avesbury, 443. 
5 Anselme, vii. 352. '' Thompson and Denifle. 

« Bertrandy, iitudes sur les Chroniques de " Prince's Letter, Hist, of Languedoc, ix. 650; 

Froissart, Bordeaux, 1870, 65. Jean le Bel vaguely says ' taken ', ii. 186. 

' Froissart, v. 5. " Avesbury, 438. 

* Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 15 (at siege of '' Bulletin de la Soci^le Archfeologique de Bdziers, 
Romorantin). i. 81 ; Jean le Bel, ii. 188, speaks of the army reach- 

' Bertrandy 231. i°g Beziers and advancing as far as Saint-Thibery 

'" Jean le Bel ii. 157. °" '^^ ^^y '° Montpellier. This may not have been 

11 Froissart iv. 160. t'lfi whole force. In any case there is no question of 

12 Thompson (Baker of Swynebroke, 293) and an attack. 

Denifle (La desolation des ^glises, Paris, 1897-9, ii, '° Denifle and Thompson. 
86 sq.) have given full details and dates of this cam- '^ Avesbury, 437. 


686-88. On the subject of proceedings during the winter there is a letter from Wingfield 
written from Libourne Jan. 22, 1356,^ by means of which some of the above-mentioned facts 
can be verified, though the accounts do not tally too exactly. 

Port Sainte-Marie is mentioned first in a list of captured towns, and an expedition is described 
to Agen, where mills and bridges were burnt and a castle outside the town taken and occu- 
pied. Chandos and Audeley, together with certain Gascons, are reported to have taken 
Chastelsagrat, where the bastard of Lisle was killed, and where they stayed until the Feast 
of St. John (Dec. 27). The Captal de Buch, meanwhile, together with Montferrand and Crotoy, 
was upon an expedition to Anjou and Poitou ; while, at the time the letter was written, Suffolk, 
Salisbury and Warwick seem to have been no longer in garrison, but afield on different expedi- 
tions ; the latter, having taken Tonneins and Clairac, was on the way to Marmande, and the two 
former were marching against Notre-Dame de Rochemade. Fuller information is needed to 
harmonize these accounts, but without it there is no reason to doubt the general accuracy 
of Chandos' statement. The order of events is doubtless affected by exigencies of verse : 
Port Sainte-Marie should, from its position, have been taken before Agen and Cahors if the 
return was to be made along the river Lot : but the English may have started from 
Cahors, as he says, and returned to Bordeaux or Libourne along the Garonne, and thence 
to Pirigueux. Tonneins, Clairac, and Marmande are all in the immediate neighbourhood 
of La Rdole, and could have been taken by Warwick while he was still keeping guard over the 
former town. 

689-699. Wingfield's letter may have been written too early to give any account of the 
events at Pdrigueux, for which we have no exact date. Walsingham mentions this incident,'' 
but says the town was taken by the Captal after the Prince had refused the Comte de Pdrigord's 
offer of a money payment in return for safety. The whole of this affair is omitted in Froissart's 

700. Jean, Comte de I'lsle-en-Jourdain, was in these Gascon Wars and may be the person 
referred to here.' 

701. Roger Bemai-d, Comte de Perigord. He was given a sum for the guard of his castle 
in 1356.* 

705. From Dec. 1355 to Aug. 1356. The Black Prince says that he left Bordeaux on the 
vigil of the Translation of St. Thomas of Canterbury, i.e. July 6;'' but the crossing of the 
Dordogne at Bergerac and actual commencement of campaign was on Aug. 4. 

709-11. This march as indicated by Chandos is an impossibility, but his ideas of 
geography are always very rudimentary. Possibly, however, expeditions were made into 
these provinces during July, before the Prince had finally decided to march north in order 
to join the rest of the English in Normandy.* 

We have a brief account of this campaign in a letter of Bartholomew de Burghersh,' 
generally giving the direction, but by far the fullest appears in the Annals of the Monastery 
of Malmesbury.' From the various records Denifle has constructed a day-by-day Itinerary 
for this as well as for the previous year.' 

712-15. Romorantin was reached Aug. 30, and the town taken next day,'" but the citadel 
held out for five days.'^ All authorities agree as to the presence of Craon (Amaury, Sire de 

' Avesbtiry, 448. ' Chandos, ed. F. Michel, 336, notes. 

^ Walsingham, Historia Anglicana, 456. " Enlogium Historiarum a monacho quodam 

' SceauxdeClairambault,ii.48o6,48o8. Anselme, Malmesburiensi exaratum, ed. Haydon (Rolls 

vi. 73. Series), iii. 215. 

* SceatixdeClairambaiilt,ii. 7095. Anselme, ii. 73. ° Denifle, ii. 113 sq. 

^ Letter of the Black Prince written at Bordeaux, '" Enloginra, 315. 

Oct. 20; Archaeologia (Soc. of Antiquaries of Lon- ^^ Black Prince's Letter, Bordeaux, Oct. 32, 1356, 

don, 1770), i. 213. in Sir Harry Nicolas, Chronicle of London, London, 

' Froissart, v. 1-3. 1827, p. 204. 


---- Route 

@ Dates in August 

03 Dates in September 

■av "SajJuAirfe, C»-fw^/<to<] . 


Craon), Lieutenant of the King in Poitou, Limousin, Saintonge, and Pdrigueux,^ and Bouciquaut 
(Jean le Maingre, dit Bouciquaut),'' and of their final capture.' 

716. The numbers as usual are vague. Burghersh says forty men were taken with the 
two captains when the citadel fell ; but he has already mentioned six score as captured in 
the siege * of the town. Walsingham says a number of knights and eighty armed men." There 
is no reason to think that 200 is more than a rough general estimate. 

721-3. The Prince had already passed through Berry on his way to Romorantin, and 
now only continued on the right bank of the Cher in the direction of Tours. Unable to 
cross the Loire, he stayed four days opposite the town,' and then, crossing the Cher and the 
Indre, reached Montbazon on Sept. 11.' 

735. Froissart also describes the gathering of the French army at Chartres.' King John 
was at Breteuil at the beginning of August," but at Chartres from August 28 till early in 

739-42. On the 8th of September King John was at Meung-sur-Loire ; 13th, at Loches ; 
14th, La Haye Creuse; 15th, Chauvigny ; i8th, near Poitiers." Jean le Bel says that he spent 
a night at Tours on his way ; ^' Froissart implies that only the Dauphin did this ; " but in any 
case the army must have passed very near, if not through, the town. 

749-56. The skirmish with a detachment of the French on Saturday, 17th, is a generally 
recorded fact ; it took place at La Chaboterie, close to Chauvigny, sometimes being called after 
the one place, sometimes after the other. There is some difference of opinion as to the names 
of the French commanders captured on that occasion. Bartholomew de Burghersh,'* Avesbury," 
and Froissart (in one version ") agree with Chandos as to Joigny and Auxerre ; the Grandes 
Chroniques say it was Sancerre and not Auxerre who was captured,'^ and the Black Prince 
speaks of the Count of ' Soussoire ' ", which seems to support this view; but the Poem (1031) 
includes Sancerre in the King's division before the battle. Both Auxerre and Sancerre were 
captured at this time — either on the 17th or in the actual battle of Poitiers on the 19th — as 
they are included in official lists and were released at the Peace of Br^tigny." 

Froissart gives an account of another affair on the Saturday : a fight between the Prince's 
scouts (d' Aubr^chicourt, Pommiers, Burghersh and the Captal) and the rearguard of the French 
army.'"' These two events (if Froissart is correct in thinking that there were two) ^ seem to be 
occasionally confused and reckoned as one by modern historians ; Chandos must, however, 
be referring to the former incident. The French detachment, according to Froissart, had 
stayed behind for their own comfort, and where the Poem speaks of valiant fighting 'a lour 
logement ' it probably refers to their night quarters. 

762-6. The Prince says that he marched as near to the French army as possible, a league 
from Poitiers.''" The river at which they watered their horses must have been the Miausson, 

' Arch. Nat., JJ 84, No. 324. '' Denifle, ii. 125 ; Froissart, v, pp. iv-vi. 

^ Arch. Hist, du Poitou, vol. 17, introduction. '" Jean le Bel, ii. 197. 

' Jean le Bel, ii. 196; Walsingham, 281 ; Letter '^ Froissart, v, p. iv, note i. 
of Burghersh ; Letter of Black Prince ; Froissart, '* Chandos, ed. F. Michel, 336. 

V. II. 16 Avesbury, 255. 

< Chandos, ed. F. Michel, 336. " Froissart, v. 247, MS. A. Ibid., 17. We find: 

" Walsingham, 381. ' II fn pris Ii contes de Joni et Ii viscontes de Bruese, 

° Black Prince's Letter, in Chronicle of London, Sires de Chauvegni.' 
204. " Grandes Chroniques, vi. 31. 

' Eulogium, 215, and Denifle. " Letter of Black Prince, Oct. 22, in Chronicle of 

* Froissart, v. 3. London, 305. 

s Arch. Nat., JJ 84, No. 638, ' Donni en nos " Arch. Nat., J 638 B, no. 9 bis ; Bibl. Nat., Fonds 

tentes devant Breteuil', Aug. 12, 1356. Fr. 23593, fol. 10; French Rolls, 1360. 

i» Arch. Nat., JJ 84, No. 673, Datum Camoti die '^ Froissart, v. 17. 
penultimi August!. Ibid., JJ 89, No. 316. Cf. '^^ Luce, B. duGuesclin, Paris, 1876, i. 173. 

Froissart, v, p. 11, note i. « Prince's letter, Oct. 22, Chronicle of London, 205. 


a stream running near the battle-field. The place was then called Maupertuis, now La 

768. Talleyrand de Pdrigord, Cardinal. He had already come to the English camp 
at Montbazon to treat of peace." Villani,' Walsingham^ and the Continuator of Nangis/ 
all speak as though two cardinals were present ; this may merely be because the Pope had 
sent both Nicholas of Urgel and Talleyrand to treat for peace, and they do not go into the 
circumstantial details of Chandos and Froissart, who only speak of Cardinal Talleyrand 
as taking active part in these negotiations. The Herald's authority should be very good 
for all these details, which he gives so fully, since Sir John Chandos, one of the deputation 
to the French camp, may have been his informant. 

821-56. There is great difference amongst chroniclers as to the attitude of the Prince 
at this time. Froissart represents King John as only with great difficulty persuaded by the 
Cardinal to put off the battle for a day, whereas the Prince said he was quite ready to treat 
if his honour could be saved, and actually offered to give up conquests made in that expedition, 
to yield his prisoners and not to fight against France for seven years. Even these terms, however, 
failed to satisfy King John, who insisted that the Prince with 100 knights should surrender 
themselves prisoners ; it was repugnance to these conditions which caused the failure of the 

This view has been followed by most of the chroniclers.' Modem writers, on the other 
hand, as a rule agree with Chandos as to the readiness of the Prince for the battle.' This 
latter opinion is on the whole the more probable. The Prince had, to all appearances, been 
making all preparations for battle ; he could have retreated, had he wished, from Chitellerault, 
since the French army had passed him ; instead of which he followed and took up a strong 
position in view of attack. The substance of the reply put into his mouth by Chandos agrees 
with what he reports himself to have said to the Cardinal at Montbazon, viz. that he had no 
power to make peace without the King his father, and this attitude is more in accordance with 
what we know of his character. 

847. The Prince goes on to say, in the same letter,' that he agreed to send men to arbitrate, 
but refused to purchase a truce. 

867. Probably Jean II de Melun, Comte de Tancarville, son of the Sire de Tancarville, 
captured at Caen.^° 

869. Guillaume, brother of the Comte de Tancarville, was Archbishop of Sens 1347-76." 

870. Jean de Talaru, afterwards Archbishop of Lyons." 

871. Bouciquaut must be wrong. He had been taken at Romorantin, and was not freed 
till July 1357" 

Jean de Clermont, Comte de Chantilly, Marshal of France." 

873-84. This Council is also mentioned in the Eulogium," which says that there were 
eleven of each nation, but does not enter into any details. The names given here, with the 
exception of Bouciquaut, are all most probable. 

890-914. Only found in this narrative. 

1 Froissart, v, p. vi, note i. Babinet, Critique du Jean le Bel, ii. 198. Baker of Swynebroke takes 
R^cit de la Bataille de Poitiers (Bulletin des Anti- much the same view. 

quaires de I'Ouest, 1805). ' Denifle and Babinet. 

2 Prince's Letter, Chronicle of London, 205. " Chronicle of London, 305. 

s Villani, 411. Cardinal of Bologna and Cardinal ^^ Keryyn de Lettenhove, Index to Froissart. 

of Perigord' in French King's company. " Gallia Christiana. 

* Walsingham, Ypodigma, 299. ^^ Gallia Christiana. 

5 Chronique de Guillaume de Nangis et de ses " Archives Histonques du Poitou, xvii, Introduc- 

continuateurs, ii. 240. tion. „. , . j t, -^ 

Froissart v. 25-7. Archives Histonques du Poitou, xvii, p. 193, 

' Cocbon, Chronique Normande, 88 ; Chronique note, 

des quatre premiers Valois, 45 ; Villani, 411, c. 11; ^^ Eulogium, ni. 223. 



939-44. Jean de Clermont, Comte de Chantilly, Marshal ; Arnoul, Sire d'Audrehem, 
Marshal; and Gautier, Due d'Athfenes, Constable of France. All agree as to this advanced 
guard of the marshals, Jean le Bel and Froissart (in at least one version) associating the Duke 
of Athens with them,' though some chroniclers place him with the King.^ 

949-54. Froissart only says that they chose out 300 knights and squires ; Baker talks 
of 500 mounted men ; Chandos must be mistaken in giving so large a number of followers. 

Far the clearest and most useful account of all this battle of Poitiers is that given by Baker 
of Swynebroke, which Thompson says must certainly have come from an eyewitness ; the 
editor's excellent notes and map which accompany them are invaluable for an understanding 
of the engagement,' and this description is well worth comparing with that given by Chandos. 

955-8. Chandos repeatedly represents King John as commanding that no English should 
be spared except the Prince (973, 1005). Knighton supports this statement * ; Froissart does not, 
since he describes two captures made by Frenchmen in the battle ; but certainly the oriflamme 
was carried at Poitiers,^ which signified that no quarter was to be given. 

959-64. Baker also places Normandy (Charles the Dauphin) immediately after the 
marshals. Jean le Bel and Froissart give the same divisions of the French army, but place 
the Duke of Orleans in command of this second ' battle ' : " the other arrangement, however, 
agrees better with the subsequent events of the fight, since Froissart says that the horsemen 
were driven back on the ■' battle ' of the Duke of Normandy.' 

965. Pierre, Due de Bourbon, Comte de Clermont et de la Marche.^ 

967. Robert, Sire de Saint- Venant." 

969. Jean, Sire de Magnelais dit Tristan.'" Froissart also mentions Saint-Venant as one 
of the guardians of the Duke of Normandy, the other two being Landas and Vaudenay ;" but 
it is certain that he would have several persons of importance to assist him in the command. 

1000. Philip, Duke of Orleans, son of Philip VI. 

1017. All accounts agree as to King John's position in the battle. 

1019. John's youngest son Philip was certainly with him. Froissart places the other two 
Princes, Louis and Jean, with the Duke of Normandy,"' and since they all three fled together 
it looks as though this might be correct.'' 

1021. Louis should be Comte d'Anjou ; he was not Duke till 1360. Jean should be 
Comte de Poitiers ; he was created ' Due de Berri et d'Auvergne ' in 1360. 

It is interesting to note that the Continuator of Nangis "* and the Chronicle of the First 
Four Valois '° support each other in saying that the Princes only fled quite late in the fight when 
King John was taken ; but no other authorities seem to imply this. 

1025. Jacques de Bourbon, Sire de Leuze.'^ 

1026. Jean d'Artois, Comte d'Eu. 

1027. Charles d'Artois, Comte de Longueville. 
1031. Jean III, Comte de Sancerre. 

1033. Charles de Trie, Comte de Dammartin. 

' Jean le Bel, ii. 197; Froissart, v. 253; Con- ^ Arch. Nat., JJ 85, No, 112. Confirmed as 

tinuation of Lescot, 102. Lieutenant in Gascony, 1356. 

^ Quatre premiers Valois, 45. ' Rymer, iii, pt. ii, 4, 26, 39, 77. Hostage for 

' Babinet (Bulletin des Antiquaires de I'Ouest, King John, 1360; cf. Cosneau, Traitesde la Guerre 

1895) makes some criticisms on Swynebroke's nar- de Cent Ans, Paris, 1889. 
rative ; he considers the description of the field rather '" Anselme, viii. 540. 
exaggerated. " Froissart, v. 23. 

* Henrici Knighton Chronicon, 89. '^ Froissart, v. 20. 

" Froissart, V. 23. " Froissart, v. 41. 

" Baker of Swynebroke, 310, map ; Jean le Bel, ii. " Guillaume de Nangis, ii. 240. 
197; Froissart, v. 20. '^ Chronique des quatre premiers Valois, 51. 

' Froissart, v. 37. '« Archives Historiques du Poitou, xiii, 340, note. 


All these are found in the list of the King's followers given in the Chronicle of the First 
Fpur Valois \ and were captured together with the King and his son Philip.^ 

1038. This may mean the advanced guard of 300 mentioned by Froissart and Swynebroke, 
who say that all but the advanced guard fought on foot, and that it was Ribemont who advised 
this plan.' 

All the three leaders now named were certainly present in the battle. 

1041. Guichard d' Angle, Sire de Pleumartin ; afterwards an ally of the English and 
Earl of Huntingdon.* 

I043' Jean, Sire d'Aubigny. One of the prisoners released in 1360." 

1045. Eustace de Ribemont, who had fought with the King at Calais. 

1070-91. The disposition of the English army is the same here as in the narrative of Baker, 
who adds that Oxford was with Warwick in the vanguard, Suffolk with Salisbury in the rear. 

1077-81. Froissart mentions the Seigneur de Pommiers and Messires Hdlie and Aymon 
de Pommiers as all present in the battle ; and there seems to have been even a fourth 
brother, Jean. 

1083. This seems to be a command to cross the river Miausson, as we read later that 
the advanced guard was on the other side of the river and had to repass to get at the enemy 
(line 12 1 2).* 

1084. Babinet thinks that the indispensable carriages were with Warwick, while the right 
wing was fortified with the pillage waggons.' 

1 106. Sir Eustace d'Aubr^chicourt, a knight from Hainault.' 

Froissart also relates the capture of d'Aubrechicourt, but with slightly different details ; he 
does not mention Curton, nor say that they were sent to reconnoitre, but merely that 
Sir Eustace was eager to engage, and was caught and kept prisoner by the Germans.' 

1 1 21-32. This is explained by reference to Baker, who says that the Prince led 
his army across the marshy valley on the right, and took up a position on a hill 
covered with vines and brambles, this movement causing the French to think that he was 

1135-56. Baker also relates the quarrel between the two marshals, and how Clermont 
asserted that the English were not flying ; but that he was forced, nevertheless, out of rivalry 
with his colleague, to hurry on to the attack." 

The Chronicle of the First Four Valois alludes to the same event, but dates it earlier, and 
as taking place before the King." 

1 163-1 1 79. This description of the rearguard being the first to engage, though given by no 
French chronicler, is clearly justified by Baker's account.'^ The third division had been placed 
on the high ground on the left rear, close to a gap in the hedge, with a road leading up to it, 
evidently the point from which Ribemont had made his survey of the English army. 
Clermont must have made for this gap by the road, which explains Froissart's statement that 
the marshals advanced between two thick hedges." Salisbury's ' battle ', being moved forward, 
was therefore the first to engage. 

1189-92. The efTectiveness of the English archers is attested by all. From Baker we 
learn that they had been posted all along the hedge.'^ 

1 Chroniqne des quatre premiers Valois, 45. ^ Beltz, Memorials of the Garter, 90. 

= Froissart, v, p. xiii, note 3. ,^ Froissart, v. 34- 35- 

3 Froissart, v. 22. Ba^/r of Swynebroke, 147. 

* Frobsart, v. 44. " }°^^- . , , • -,. 1 ■ 

s Bibl. Nat. Fonds Fr., 23593. Chronique des quatre premiers Valois, 51. 

6 On this see also Luce, Bertrand dn Guesclin, " On this see Luce, B. du Guesclm, i. 175. 

i. 173, and Froissart, V, p. X note. !» ST'^fV" ^^ , . c 

' Antiquaires de I'Ouest, 1895. " Baker of Swynebroke, ,47, 306. 


1 193-1202. The special mention of these four knights seems to be peculiar to Chandos. 

1205-13. All this still agrees with Baker's narrative, as does also the defeat of the Duke 
of Normandy (1235-8) and the battle between the forces of King John and the Prince 

1260-73. The Prince's prayer may have been reported to the Herald by Sir John 
Chandos, who fought by his master's side throughout the battle. 

1283-92. The request of Audeley is given rather differently by Froissart, who places it 
much earlier in the day. According to him, Audeley had sworn to be the first to engage in 
the battle, and therefore obtained the Prince's leave to ride against the first attack of the 

13 1 1. John, Lord Mohun of Dunster. 

1313. Very probably means Reginald, who was certainly present. 

1320-1. The Captal de Buch and the Gascons did particularly good work in the battle. 
Baker says that the Captal was sent round to attack the French in the rear, and that this, 
combined with the Prince's charge, finally settled the day.'' 

1323-6. Almost all the names given here are mentioned by Froissart as those of Gascons 
in the Prince's army.' 

1323. Bernard Ezi, Sire d'Albret ; C^n^brun IV, Sire de Lesparre ; and Amanieu d'Albret, 
Sire de Langoiran. 

1325. Auger Montaut, Sire de Mussidan, and Raymond Guillaume, Sire de Caupene. 

1353. King John, according to Froissart, surrendered to Denys de St. Omer, Sire de Mor- 
becque;* and this was confirmed by letters patent in 1357.° In 1361 a Gascon gentleman, 
Bernard de Troy, asserted that it was really he who had effected the capture.^ 

1361. Jean de Noyers, Comte de Joigny, had been captured on the Saturday before at 
La Chaboterie. 

1363. The Black Prince names as prisoner a Comte de Salesberg,' who is called 
Salebrugge in the French Rolls.' The real name was Jean, Comte de Sarrebruck.' 

1365. Jean III, Comte de Sancerre. 

1366. Bernard, Comte de Ventadour. 

This list of prisoners seems to be quite correct so far as it goes. It agrees with the list 
given by the Black Prince himself and with the French Rolls of 1360.'° 

1373. The Prince gives the number of prisoners, besides those specially named, as 1,933 
men-at-arms." Jean le Bel says 2,000 prisoners." B. de Burghersh gives the highest reckon- 
ing, viz. 2,500." 

1375-87- The list of slain appears to be equally without error (though of course far from 
complete). They are all mentioned by the Black Prince, with the exception of Matas, and 
also by Burghersh, Froissart and Avesbury. 

1380. In Avesbury's list we find le Sire de Matas, and in the letter of Burghersh 
' Monsieur Geffrey Matas ' with no other indications. There was a Robert Matas about this 
time," son of Fouques de Matas and Yolande de Pons ; '^ but Thompson, in notes to Baker of 
Swynebroke, suggests an interesting solution of the problem." In his account of the Calais plot 

1 Froissart, v. 33. ^ For spelling of some of these names see Cham- 

' Baker of Swynebroke, 151. On this see also pollion-Figeac, Lettres des Rois, ii. 128. 

Babinet. "> For complete list see Froissart, v, p. xiii, note 3. 

' Froissart, v. 33. " Archaeologia, i. 

* Froissart, v. 54. 12 jgjm jg ggi^ jj j^^ 

15 Cotton MSS., Caligula D iii, fol. 74. " Chandos, ed. F. Michel, 336. 

« Froissart, v, p. xvii, note 3; Rymer (1836 ed.), " Arch. Nat., JJ 84, No. 16. Possessions con- 

iii. 467. 6rmed to him, March, 1355. 

' Letter of Black Prince, Oct. 20. Archaeologia, i. '^ Archives du Poitou, xvii. No. 381. 

' Carte's Catalogue. Rolls of TreatyofPeace,i36o. " Baker of Swynebroke, 276. 


Baker speaks of 'Geoffrey de Chargny, Lord of Matas'.' The editor therefore thinks it 
possible that Chandos is here referring to the famous Standard-Bearer, and that the fact that 
the two names are given in juxtaposition both by Avesbury and Burghersh renders it possible 
that two men have been made out of one ; and instead of ' Geoffrey de Chargny, le Sire de 
Matas' we should read ' Geoffrey de Chargny, sire de Matas.' No one but Baker seems to 
connect Charny in any way with the name Matas, but certainly he would be rather a serious 
person to omit even in so short a list, whereas Robert de Matas must have been fairly 

1380. Jean de Mortagne, Sire de Landas. 

1381. Renaud de Pons, Sire de Blaye et de Ribdrac. 

1387. The Black Prince puts it at 2,426 men-at-arms besides the nineteen knights he has 
mentioned by name ; Burghersh says 2,800, of whom 2,000 were men-at-arms. 

1405. For once Chandos has given a correct date. The battle was fought on Monday, 
19th Sept.: 'surveile de Seint Matheu,' as the Black Prince calls it.'' Froissart and Jean le Bel 
are both wrong on this point : the former calling it the 20th, the latter saying it was the day 
after the festival of St. Lambert, which would make it the i8th. A letter from the French 
King's Council to the Bishop of Albi on Sept. 27th gives accurate proof of the 19th.' 

1441-3. Agrees with Jean le Bel and Froissart, who both recount the supper on the night 
of the battle and the departure next day.* 

1446. The Chronicle of the Monk of Malmesbury gives the itinerary of this return to 
Bordeaux.^ They stopped at Liboume, Oct. 2nd, while the King's lodging was prepared 
at Bordeaux, in the Abbey of St. Andrd. 

1459. Feastings and rejoicings, says Froissart, went on till Lent of next year.' They 
stayed in Bordeaux until Easter, leaving the Tuesday or Wednesday after, nth or 12th April, 
according to the French Chronicles ; '' this would seem to be fairly correct, since King John 
was dating an act from Bordeaux as late as April 7th.' 

1493. They landed at Plymouth during May. The Grandes Chroniques say on the 4th : " 
Walsingham says on the 15th. '" 

1 501. Reached London 24th May, and rode over London Bridge at 3 in the afternoon." 

1516. War began again long before that. The truce made in 1357 expired Easter 1359, 
and Edward began fresh preparations for war.'^ 

1517-21. Henry Duke of Lancaster was sent in advance, reached Calais ist Oct., 
1359, and ravaged Artois and Picardy.'' The King, Black Prince and many others reached 
Calais 30th Oct.," and met Lancaster shortly after. 

1524-9. This agrees entirely with the more detailed account of the campaign given by 
Froissart,^" with the exception of the curious mention of ' parmi Bayane '. There is a small 
town called Bayou (Meurthe-et-Moselle), but this is much further east than they seem to have 
gone. It is more likely the river Yonne, which they must have crossed. 

1527. According to Froissart, Edward was stopped by a fearful storm at Gallardon, 
between Maintenon and Chartres, from which place he saw the spire of the Cathedral (it is 
true that it is visible from that place), and agreed to come to terms.'* 

1538. The conference to draw up terms of peace was held at Brdtigny, five miles from 

1 Baker of Swynebroke, 103. ' Arch. Nat., K 47 b, No. 41. 

"^ Letter dated Oct. 23 ; Chronicle of London, 204. " Grandes Chroniques, vi. 58. 

» Froissart, v, p. xv, note 3- , , \° Walsingham, 381 

* Jean le Bel, ii. 201-2 ; Froissart, v. 64, 65. " Nicolas, Chronicle of London, 63. 

5 Euloglum Historiamm, iii. 226. '^ Rymer, iii, pt. i, pp. 185, 186, &c. 

8 Froissart, v. 70. " Froissart, v. 192. 

' Grandes Chroniques, vi. 58: Tuesday, April 11, " Rymer, iii, pt. i, p. 188 ; Froissart, v, p. Iviii, 

1357 ; Continuation of Lescot, no: Wednesdayafter notes. ,. ^ . 

£^g(gr_ 11* IToissart, v. 199-234. " Froissart, vi. 5. 


Chartres— 1st to 7th May, 1360: the Black Prince acting for his father and signing the 
provisional treaty with the Regent 8th May (line 1553). This had to be ratified by the two 
Kings, Edward and John, which was done in London on the 14th June. Finally the formal 
treaty was drawn up and signed at Calais, and dated 24th Oct., 1360.^ 

1543-4- John was not fully at hberty until after 24th Oct., 1360 ; the conditions being the 
immediate surrender of certain places, including La Rochelle, to the English, the payment of 
the first instalment of his ransom, and the delivery of hostages." 

1546. Besides Guienne the English King was to possess in full sovereignty Poitou, 
Saintonge, Agenais, Perigord, Limousin, Cahors, Tarbes, Bigorre, Gaure, Angoumois, 
Rouergue, Montreuil, Ponthieu, Guines and the town and environs of Calais.' 

1555. King Edward had gone first. He landed at Rye on 1 8th May, 1360.^ 

1559. Date wrong as usual; it should be, as we have already seen, 24th Oct., 1360. 
The Prince of Wales and many others were witnesses.^ 

1585. The'Black Prince married Joan, Countess of Kent, widow of Sir Thos. Holland, 
on loth Oct., 1361.' 

1590-5. The Prince of Wales was created Prince of Aquitaine 19th July, 1362.^ He set 
out in August of the same year, accompanied by his wife, and established his court at Bordeaux. 

1599. EdwardofAngouleme, born 1364 or 1365 ; died January, 1371. Richard of Bordeaux, 
bom 6th Jan., 1367 ; afterwards Richard H. 

1600-1. Scarcely as much as seven years. In 1368 appeals were made against him to the 
French King.' In Jan. 1369 he was summoned to answer for his conduct before the Parlement 
of Paris : ' in the same month hostilities first began to break out in Rouergue." 

1602-5. The Gascon Lords did homage from 9th to 30th July, 1363, at Bordeaux ; after 
which the Prince made a tour through Poitou, Saintonge, Angoumois and Perigord to receive 
his vassals from other parts of the country.^' 

1616. The Prince had a royal residence at Angoulfime as well as at Bordeaux. Acts are 
dated from each. 

1649-51. The Herald now enters on by far the most important part of his narrative con- 
cerning events of which he was an eyewitness. For the criticism of this portion of his poem we 
have fewer facilities than for the study of the French campaigns : most of the English 
chroniclers have dismissed the Spanish wars in a few words, and we possess no letters 
written on the spot, such as have been preserved for us for the years 1346 and 1356. Froissart 
was present in person at Bordeaux at the close of 1366, so that for the negotiations preceding 
the war we can compare the accounts of two eyewitnesses ; but for the actual expedition and 
for the battle of NAjera he has so obviously drawn his materials from the Herald Chandos 
that his corroboration ceases to be of much value as evidence. The Spanish historian Ayala-"* 
was present in the opposite camp and affords exceedingly useful information, but is naturally 
less well informed as to the proceedings of Pedro's army than of that of his rival ; while the 
work of another eyewitness, a Latin poem on the battle of N4jera by Walter of Peterborough, 
monk of Revesby,'' although interesting, is very much confused, and is coloured throughout 
by a desire to enhance excessively the glory of its hero, the Duke of Lancaster. 

' On all this see Lavisse, Histoire de France, iv. ^ Lacabane, Bibl. de I'Ecole des Chartes, 3" serie, 

I53> 156 ; and Froissart, vi, p. v, note i. tome 3. 

^ Lavisse, iv. 155; Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 22. "> Rouquette, Le Rouergue sons les Anglais 

' Lavisse, iv. 154 ; Rymer, iii, pt..ii, p. I. (Millau, 1S87), 72. 

* Rymer, iii, pt. i, p. 209. '^ Froissart, vi, p. xli, note i, and xl, note 4. 

^ Arch. Nat., J 639, No. 15 ; Rymer, iii, pt. ii. '' Ayala, Cronicasde los Reyes de Castilla, vol. i, 

8 Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 47. ' Ibid., 66, 67. Madrid, 1779, 4to. 

' Treaty between King Charles and the Coimts of " Wright, Political Songs (Rolls Series), 1859- 

Armagnac, Perigord and the Sire d'Albret, June 30, 61, i. 97. 
1365 ; Arch. Nat., J 293, No. 16. 


The remaining authorities have to be studied with considerable discretion. The rhymed 
chronicle by Cuvelier on Bertrand du Guesclin ' and the anonymous prose Life '^ published by 
Buchon mix so much romance with their statements that it is impossible to place much 
confidence in their accuracy. 

The Grandes Chroniques de France ' are especially valuable for this period, since from 
1340 to 1380 they are an original authority and the work of a contemporary ; they give us 
apparently trustworthy information, and, which are rarer still, precise dates ; * but unluckily they 
are very brief upon the Spanish affairs and leave most of the details unnoticed. 

1653. The battle of Auray, at which Charles de Blois was killed and B. du Guesclin taken 
prisoner, was fought on Sept. 29th, 1364°; since the march of the Companies into Spain did 
not begin until October 1365, this statement as it stands is misleading: no doubt the Herald 
merely wishes to imply that, after the Breton succession was once settled, the next event of 
importance was the expedition into Castile. 

1669-74. This happened in October 1365. Pedro the Cruel of Castile was engaged in 
war with his half-brother Henry of Trastamare, who claimed his throne, and who was 
supported by the King of Aragon. Charles V was enraged against Pedro on account of the 
suspicion that he had murdered his wife, Blanche of Bourbon, sister of his own wife Jeanne ; and 
therefore on March 9, 1365, he had made a treaty with Henry and the King of Aragon, by which 
he promised to send an army to their assistance. 

1675. The Pope was naturally hostile to Pedro, since the most constant charge made against 
him was his friendship with Jews and Saracens ; ° he had also ill-treated the Papal envoys sent to 
treat with him, and, on refusing to comply with a summons to Rome, had been excommunicated.' 

1679-83. The war between Castile and Aragon had not lasted fourteen years. Pedro's 
father, Alfonso XI, died in 1350, at which time Ferdinand, the Infant of Aragon, was one of the 
claimants for the throne obtained by Pedro ; but actual war did not break out between the two 
countries until 1356, from which time it had continued with intervals until the date at which we 
have arrived, not quite ten years later.' 

1685. The French King, the Pope and Henry of Trastamare had clubbed together to 
release Bertrand after the Breton war, in order that he might lead the Companies. 

1687. Jean de Bourbon, Comte de la Marche, son of Jacques — but himself called Jacques 
by various chroniclers (e.g. Thalamus Parvus, 370; Grandes Chroniques, 239). He had joined 
the expedition to avenge the death of his cousin, Pedro's wife.' 

1689. Amoul, Sire d'Audrehem, Marshal of France. 

1691. Eustace d'Aubr^chicourt. 

1693. Sir Hugh de Calverley, who had gone against the wishes of King Edward." 

1695. Sir Matthew de Gournay accompanied him. 

Marshal Audrehem had long been engaged in eflforts to check evils resulting from the 
ravages of the Companies ; "■ the rest are all well-known members of the Grand Company,"^^ and 
are all mentioned during the campaign by Froissart, Ayala, Cuvelier, &c. 

1697-1705. As for the motives of the expedition, there is no doubt that Castile was the 
prime object, though Bertrand gave out that he was going to fight the infidels, in order not to 

' Cuvelier, Chronique de B. du Gnesclin, ed. ' Froissart, vi. 187. 

Charrifere (Documents in^dits sur I'Histoire de * Prosper Merim^e, Histoire de Don Pedre, 

France) P^"s, 1865, 8vo, 54, 203. 

2 Chronique anonyme, Pantheon Litt^raire. » Froissart vi 188. 

3 Les Grandes Chroniques de France on de St. "> French Rolls, 39 Ed. Ill, m. 3. No vassals 
Denis ed P Paris, Paris, 1836, 6 vols in Svo. of King Edward to fight for Pedro, Dec. 6, 1365. 

* Lkcabane, on Les Grandes Chroniques, Bibl. de " Moliuier, Amoul d'Audrehem, Paris, 1883, 

I'icole des Chartes, tome 2. 4to (Memoires des Savants s^ne 11, t. 6). 

6 Froissart vi 159, p. Ixi, note 2. " Frtville, Des Grandes Compagmes au 14" si fecle, 

« Ay.-ila and Cuvelier, passim. Bibl. de I'Ecole des Chartes, s6rie i, tomes 3 and 5. 


lose the help of the English, who had been forbidden to fight against Don Pedro.' According 
to Cuvelier he informed the captains that he wanted to go against the Saracens in Granada 
and Cyprus, but that he would not mind doing some harm to Pedro on the way." 

1707. Bertrand had been promised large sums to get the Companies out of France, and 
we read of the halt made on the way by the army of adventurers at Villeneuve-lfes-Avignon, 
and their successful demand for Papal absolution and a large sum of money at the same time.' 

1 709-1 1. Chandos passes very briefly over those parts of his narrative on which he could 
not have had personal knowledge. They travelled in different detachments, as is shown by the 
dates at which the various commanders passed through Montpellier, between Nov. 5 th and 
Dec. 24th ; and in January, 1366, they were received by the King of Aragon at Barcelona.^ 

1712-26. This message sent to Don Pedro is only mentioned by Froissart, but it does 
not appear to have been copied, as he omits the demand for peace with Aragon and adds 
a reply sent by Pedro, who on receipt of the news ' ne fist que rire, et respondi qu'il n'en feroit 
riens, ne que il n'obeiroit ja a tel truandaille '.^ Apart from this corroboration, some sort of 
communication would probably have been made by the invaders. 

1739-45. This statement appears to be coloured by national partiality. Froissart says 
that all that Pedro had taken from the King of Aragon was recovered, but makes no special 
mention of the English captains ; " while the Lives of du Guesclin, in their turn, ascribe the 
capture of Magalon and Borja to the prowess of their special hero.' As he was leader of the 
expedition this credit is probably not undeserved ; nevertheless Cuvelier repeatedly mentions 
the names of Goumay and Calverley in connexion with these events, and they must undoubtedly 
have distinguished themselves. 

1751-5. The date given by Ayala of Pedro's flight from Burgos is 28th March,^ nearly 
three months after the first arrival of the Companies ; but it is in truth less than a month after 
the capture of Borja and Magalon, to which reference has just been made, and which fell to the 
invaders at the beginning of March.' 

1771. More precise details as to Henry's coronation are given in the other Chronicles.'" 
After being proclaimed at Calahorra, he was crowned at Burgos on Easter Day, 5th April, 1366, 
according to the Grandes Chroniques ; this date, though not given elsewhere except in the 
Chronographia rerum Francorum, is at least correct as to the date of Easter in that year, and 
there seems no reason to doubt it : the prose Life of du Guesclin also mentions that it took 
place on a Sunday. 

1775-82. This is apparently true, though Chandos is not always very accurately informed 
as to the proceedings of Don Pedro;'' his treasures at Seville also receive frequent notice, 
Cuvelier making special mention of a certain golden table, which he describes later as given 
to the Prince of Wales. 

1785-7. There is probably an error here. The Lives of du Guesclin speak of Pedro as 
sailing to Lisbon and haying a personal interview with the King of Portugal,''' but Ayala, who 
is more likely to be well informed upon proceedings in Spain, after describing the failure of 
Pedro's negotiations with Portugal for the marriage of his daughter (who went to Lisbon, but 
unaccompanied by her father), gives the details of his journey overland to Galicia, through 
Albuquerque and Monterey, in which latter place he was joined by Fernando de Castro." 

' Molinier, 171. 37, 38. 

■■' Cuvelier, i. 364. ' Ayala, 403. 

' Chronique anonyme, 36; Cuvelier, i. 271; ' Molinier, 172. 

Molinier. '" Ayala, 401, 407 ; Grandes Chroniques, vi. 239; 

* Chronique du petit Thalamus de Montpellier Chronographia, 326; Chronique anonyme, 37; 

(Soc. Arch, de Montpellier, 1840, 4to); Arch. Nat., Cuvelier, i. 319. 

J 369-70; Molinier, 173. " Ayala, 403, speaks of his going to Seville. 

^ Froissart, vi. 189. '^ Cuvelier, i. 544 ; Chronique anonyme, 43. 

8 Froissart, vi. 190. '^ Ayala, 412 sq. 

' Cuvelier, i 287, 390 ; Chronique anonyme. 


1788-96. That all did homage to Henry is apparently true as far as the great nobles 
scattered about the country are concerned ; ' a certain number of followers, however, had 
remained with Pedro throughout his wanderings : Martin Lopez de Cordova, Master of 
Alcantara ; Matheos Fernandez, Chancellor ; and Martin Yanez, Treasurer, had accompanied 
him to Seville,^ and the names of the first two are on the Treaty made with the Black Prince 
and signed by Pedro at Bayonne.' 

1795. Fernandez de Castro. He had been an ally of Henry of Trastamare, whose sister 
he married, but had rejoined Pedro in 1354 and remained faithful from that time onwards.* 

Chandos has avoided a mistake made by the French chroniclers, who speak of Fernandez 
travelling with the King to Seville," whereas he was really governing in Galicia at the time.' 

1825. Corunna in Galicia. 

1834-7. In 1344 there had been negotiations for a marriage between Don Pedro and 
Joan, daughter of Edward III;' and treaties between England and Castile had been 
constantly confirmed during the previous years.' 

1847. The substance is correct, but the Council seems to have been held at Monterey, 
from which place the King journeyed to Santiago and thence to Corunna.* 

1867-84. Froissart also describes the sending of the letter, which, according to him, 
contained a direct request for help, with no mention of a desire to come to Aquitaine.'" 

1885-1942. For the narrative of the proceedings of this Council, held on receipt of 
Pedro's letter, Froissart's account is far fuller and the details are given rather differently." 
He agrees with the Herald that the King asked advice of Chandos and Felton, but they 
suggested, he says, the expedition to Corunna, which was at once prepared under the command 
of the latter ; but, having been delayed by contrary winds for several days at Bayonne, Pedro 
arrived in person before they had been able to set out. After his arrival a large Parliament 
was held, in which the exiled King won the favour of the barons, who were at first inclined 
to be hostile, by numerous promises ; and it was not until after this that Armagnac, 
Chandos and the Captal advised an alliance with Navarre, and that Chandos and Felton 
were sent to Pampeluna to arrange the matter. Ayala gives yet another account," for he 
says that a Gascon noble, the Sire de Poyanne, came to Corunna to invite Pedro to 
Bordeaux, and that on the Spanish King's arrival at Bayonne he was met by the Black 
Prince and Charles of Navarre, who conducted him to Angouleme. The latter part of this 
statement is obviously incorrect, and the first part is improbable in the face of more trust- 
worthy evidence (Froissart and Chandos both being on the spot), and therefore need not be 

It must be confessed that Froissart's account has an air of greater probability about it than 
that of Chandos. The pressing question was certainly what answer to make to Pedro before 
considering the difficulties of a passage into Spain ; and if Chandos and Felton really undertook 
the negotiations with Navarre it must have been after the attempted expedition to fetch the 
King from Corunna. That the Herald should have been inaccurate over facts which so 
closely concerned his master may be explained by his desire to pass quickly over these 
preliminary affairs, and to arrive at what evidently interested him more— the actual campaign in 


1943. The Treaty of Liboume was signed by ' Vexillarius Mayor Domini Sancii filii regis '. 
There is nothing to prove the presence of the Prince himself, but it is quite possible. The 

1 Ayala 408 ° Ayala, 408 ; Froissart, vi, p. Ixxxiv, note 2. 

« Ayala,' 412'. ' Rymer, ii, pt. iv, p. 166. 

» British Museum, Cotton MS. Vespasian C xii, * Rymer, 11, pt. u, pp. 60, 73, 91. 

folio 95. ,' Ayala, 416. 

« M^rim^e, 142, 164, 256. '° froissart, vi. 196. 

5 Froissart, vi. 191 ; Cuvelier, i. 329. " Froissart, vi. 197 sq. " Ayala, 419 sq. 



daughters who accompanied Pedro were Constance, Isabel and Beatrice, children, of Marie de 
Padilla. (Constance afterwards married John of Gaunt, and Isabel the Earl of Cambridge.) 

1955-8. A joint conference was apparently held at Bayonne between the Black Prince, 
Pedro and Charles of Navarre. The latter had already made an alliance with Henry of Trasta- 
mare, but was won over by promise of Guipuzcoa, Vitoria, Logrono, Calahorra, and Alfaro.' 
On 23rd Sept. 1366 a Treaty was drawn up at Libourne, in presence of Lancaster, Chandos, 
Felton, the Bishop of Saintonge, &c.,and signed 'Yo el Rey '. By this Pedro promised 500,000 
florins to the Prince, as well as payment to his followers, and the lands to Navarre.'' His three 
daughters and the wives of three Spanish nobles were to remain as hostages. These promises were 
confirmed at Bayonne on the 20th Feb., King Pedro touching the Gospels with his own 

1971-8. The return of the Companies, as here described, agrees in the main with the 
fuller account given by Froissart.* He includes, in the part played by Sir John Chandos, 
a mission to the Comte de Foix, to induce him to allow the passage of the Companies through 
his country. This is of interest : first because we find here the earliest mention of ' son Hdraut ' 
who was sent to the Companies to explain the arrangements made ; and secondly because 
Dom Vaissette has questioned the truth of the statement," on the plea of the improbability of 
the adventurers passing through Foix, which would entail a march through the hostile country 
of Aragon. Certainly it might have been B^am, which also belonged to the Comte de Foix ; 
but Froissart has taken particular pains to explain how disagreeable the King of Aragon had 
made it for them while they traversed his country, and how the Passes were all occupied so that 
they could not return. Another reason for believing what Froissart tells us about the Comte de 
Foix is that he was personally acquainted with Gaston Phoebus and even wrote part of his 
Chronicle while residing at his Court. 
1989. Sir John Devereux. 

Creswell. Froissart calls him ' Jean Carsuelle ' or ' Cresuelle ', and Luce has identified him 
as John Creswey de Burnham.^ But there certainly was a John Creswell fighting in the English 
army at various dates quite distinct from Creswey, since in the Gascon Rolls these names occur, 
on the same membrane, as fighting abroad in 1355. This John Creswell receives letters of pro- 
tection in 135s, 1371 and 1373, and may well be the warrior to whom Chandos here alludes.' 
Robert Briquet.' 

1991. Guardia Raymond, Sire d'Aubeterre.^ 
1993. Bernard de la Salle. 

The only two of these warriors not specially mentioned by Froissart as returning ■" are 
Aubeterre and Bernard de la Salle, but they had been fighting in Spain and were members of 
the Companies, as we know from other references.'' Our poem omits two names which are 
given by Froissart, namely those of Calverley and Gournay. This is in reality a proof of its 
accuracy, for Gournay had been sent by Henry on a mission to Portugal, whence he 
returned straight to Aquitaine,'^ and Calverley could not have come back with the others if it is 
true that he threatened Navarre by the capture of Puente la Reina and Miranda.'' 

2018-19. This date is curious — ' at the time when the gentle bird ceases to sing ', three weeks 
before Christmas. One would have expected the preparations to begin earlier. 

' Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 116. ' Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 8 (where both 

2 Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 118 ; Cotton MSS., Ves- occui), 45 m. 3 ; Fr. Rolls, 47 m. 27. 

pasian C xii, fol. 95. ' Froissart, vi, p. Ixxxiii, note 7. 

^Vespasian C xii, 95; Rymer, later edition, ° Froissart, vi, p. xciv, note 1, and Ixxxi, note 3. 

London, 1830, iii, pt. ii, p. 821. " Froissart, vi. 211. 

' Froissart, V. 2H-216. " Froissart, vi. 226; Ayala, 402. 

' Histoire de Langnedoc, ix. 782. "^ Diet, of Nat. Biography. 

' Froissart, vi, pp. 189 and Ixxxiii, note. '' Chandos, 148; Froissart, vii. 3. 


2031. Dax in the dept. of Landes. 

3049. The Prince waited in Bordeaux until after the birth of his son Richard, rather over 
the fortnight. 

2097. Richard of Bordeaux, bom January 6, 1367 ;i therefore roughly a fortnight after 
Christmas Day (see line 2049). 

2107-12. The Prince left Bordeaux loth January, and waited at Dax three days for his 
brother, according to Froissart. 

The Duke of Lancaster had apparently been in England when the first message was sent, 
to ask the advice of Edward III,'' and was then sent to Gascony to take part in the arrange- 
ments, for his name is found amongst those who witness the Treaty at Libourne 23rd Sept. 
He must have immediately gone home to collect troops, with which he was now returning, leaving 
England for the second time on January 5, 1367.' 

21 19. Froissart says Lancaster landed at Saint Mali^re de Fine Poteme, identified by Luce 
as a hamlet in Finisterre.* 

2125. John de Montfort, Duke of Brittany ; he met the Duke of Lancaster at Nantes. 

2129. Olivier de Clisson and Sir Robert KnoUes. 

2I3S~S3' All this agrees perfectly with Froissart's narrative. 

2158. Gaston Phoebus, Comte de Foix. Froissart says that he arrived at Dax just after 
the Duke of Lancaster.^ 

2183. Ayala gives his name with the English army at NAjera, but this is obviously 
a mistake ; Froissart agrees with Chandos that he returned immediately, presumably to his own 

Walter of Peterborough's poem says that Foix was left in charge at Bordeaux, together with 
Pommiers.' Froissart says ' il li recarga son pays, et li pria que il en volsist songnier dou 
garder jusques k son retour ' ; but does not speak of his going to Bordeaux, for ' sur ce s'en 
retouma li dis contes en son pays '. This is not perfectly clear, but may mean that he promised 
to guard the frontier in case of danger arising during the Prince's absence. No history of 
Gaston Phoebus seems to imply hi? Governorship of Aquitaine, and the Herald is more likely to 
be correct than Walter of Peterborough. 

2189-94. Charles of Navarre hsid, as we have seen, already signed a treaty with Pedro, 
by which in return for certain concessions he had promised to open the passes through his 
country to the English army.' The subsequent alliance with Henry, according to Ayala, was 
made at Santa Cruz de Campezo, by which King Charles undertook to prevent the passage of 
the troops.' 

2196. Chandos and Froissart seem to be the only contemporaries who mention the capture 
of Miranda and Puente-la-Reina ; '° but Ayala, with the authority of an eyewitness, speaks of 
Calverley leaving Henry directly after the latter's treaty with Charles the Bad." Navarre 
would be a possible route of return from Burgos, and, knowing of the recent engagement, 
Calverley may have wished to take revenge upon the perfidious Charles, or, more probably, he 
merely sacked the towns in passing, after the usual custom of the Companies, whereupon the- 
King in alarm thought the passage of troops would be less dangerous if they came as allies, and 
so hastened to renew his old alliance. (On 27th Sept. the Black Prince had signed a promise to 
forbid all pillage during the march."') 

' Froissart, vii. i. ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, vii, 149. 

2 Froissart, vi. 206. ' Rymer, iii, pt. 2, p. 116. 

' Dictionary of National Biography. ' Ayala, 435. 

* Froissart, vii, p. iv, note 3. " Froissart, vii. 3. 

5 Froissart, vii. 2. " Ayala, 437. 

6 Froissart, vii. 3. '* Brutails , Documents des Archives de Navarre 
'Wright's Political Songs, i. 104; Froissart, (Bibl. de I'Ecole des Hautes-Etudes, 1894), 155. 


2203. Martin Enriquez de La Carra, 'Alfarez' de Navarre.' He has already appeared on 
the scene as councillor and delegate for the King of Navarre in September, 1366 ; '' and he is also 
mentioned in an earlier document as placed in guard of an important place on the frontier.' He 
was certainly Charles's right-hand man, and may well have taken part in these negotiations, but 
he probably returned to look after the business of the kingdom when Charles arrived in person, 
for he is not mentioned as accompanying the army on its passage. 

2210. The arrival of Charles of Navarre at Saint-Jean-Pied-du-Port, and meeting with the 
Prince at Peyrehorade, is told by Froissart also.* Ayala says that directly after his treaty 
with Henry of Trastamare the King of Navarre made a second alliance with Pedro and the 
Black Prince at Pampeluna, because he thought them the stronger.^ In all probability Charles 
was anxious, as far as possible, to keep on good terms with both parties, and all this seems 
quite true. As to the renewal of the treaty with Pedro, the Herald is more likely to be correct in 
placing it at Peyrehorade rather than Pampeluna, as it must have taken place before, not after, 
the passage of Roncevaux. 

2242 sq. This long list of men who marched in each of the ' battles ' appears to have been 
copied with a few slight variations by Froissart, who unfortunately from this time onward loses 
his value as an original authority ; he remained at Bordeaux instead of accompanying the 
expedition, and there can be little doubt that this poem now becomes his chief source of informa- 
tion.* He may, however, have had some first-hand knowledge as to the men taking part in the 

2247. This is probably Sir Thomas d'Ufford, one of the Knights of the Garter.' The 
Earl of Suffolk at this time was Robert d'Ufford.' 

2249. Hugh of Hastings, probably a son of his namesake who fought in 1346 and 1360.° 

2250. Sir William Beauchamp, Lord of Bergavenny, youngest son of Thomas, Earl of 
Warwick, according to Dugdale.^" Beltz calls him Thotnas}^ 

2253. Probably John, Lord Neville of Raby,^'' who joined the Black Prince in 1366-7. He 
was knighted in 1360, and is identified in the Dictionary of National Biography with the warrior 
mentioned by Chandos. Froissart calls him Sire de Neufville, a Breton captured at Auray, 
who had served Chandos after that event." This is curious ; he cannot be the nephew of 
Audrehem mentioned elsewhere, who was fighting on the other side. 

2261. Kervyn de Lettenhove calls him Gerard Chabot, Sire de Rais or Retz." Froissart 
adds that he also was a Breton, like Neufville. 

2263. Guardia Raymond, Sire d'Aubeterre, was a famous member of the Great Company." 
There was apparently a Robert d'Aubeterre also, probably a member of the same family, unless 
the name is merely Froissart's mistake.'* 

2265. Garsis or Garsiot du Castel, Sire du Bois." 

2267. Called by Froissart Gaillart de la Motte, and mentioned several times in Spain." 
There was a man of this name in 1347 called a natural son of Bertrand de la Motte.'' 

2268. Aimery de Rochechouart, Sire de Mortemert.™ 

2269. Robert Camyn: not mentioned by the other authorities in this connection. 

' Yanguas y Miranda, Diccionaiio de Antigue- ''^ Beltz, 1 66. He was certainly going abroad in 

dades del reino de Navarra. Pampeluna, 1840-43, 1366 (Gascon Rolls, 40 Ed. Ill, m. 4). 

iii. 89. " Froissart, vii. 7. Hay du Chatelet, Vie de du 

^ Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 117. Guesclin, Paris, 1666, p. 134. 

' Brutails, 155. '* Froissart,Kervynde Lettenhove (Index),xxiii.i5. 

* Froissart, vii. 4. '° Froissart, vi, p. Ixxxi, note 3. 
^ Ayala, 435. '* Froissart, vi, p. xciv, note i. 

* Froissart, vii, p. iii, note I. " Anselme, viii, 357. 

' Beltz, 127. 8 Beltz, 95. '' Froissart, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, vii. 154, 

° Froissart, Kervyn de Lettenhove (Index), xxi. 172,212. 

528. " Arch. Nat., JJ 76, fol. 145. 

10 Dugdale, i. 328. " Beltz, 227. 2" Sceaux de Clairambault, ii, nos. 7795, 6, 8. 


2270. John Creswell (mentioned earlier, see note to 1989). 
Robert Briquet.^ 

2271. Sir Richard Taunton. Given in Froissart's list. 

2272. William de Felton, a relative of Sir Thomas. Froissart places him, together with 
Sir Thomas, in the Prince's detachment, instead of with Lancaster, as does Chandos.^ 

2273. Evidently identical with the Wm. le Botiller, or Hotelier, member of the Grand 
Company, summoned to do homage to Charles of Navarre (together with Briquet, Creswell, 
Cosinton and d'Aubr^chicourt) when passing through his territories April 1366.' There was 
a Wm. Boteler of Oversly, alive at this time ; * Dugdale makes no mention of his share in the 
Spanish war, but it is just possible that these two are identical. 

2274. Froissart calls him Penneriel ; but there were plenty of Peverells in the French 
Wars, mentioned in the French and GasconRolls. 

2275. John Sandes : not found elsewhere. 

2276. John Alein. He and Sandes may have been personal friends of the Herald, who 
was in the same detachment (see Index). 

2277. Hawley and Shakell captured the Count of Denia at the battle of N4jera.^ 

2283. Stephen de Cosinton is constantly mentioned in all records. He received letters of 
protection at this time.* 

2285. Guichard d' Angle had joined Edward after the Peace of Bretigny, and was made 
Marshal to the Black Prince in Gascony.' 

2294-5. There is a slight error here, for Feb. 14th that year fell on a Sunday, and it is 
probably the 15th that is meant.' 

2312-14. Froissart also says that the Prince and Don Pedro set out on Tuesday the isth 
(which should be i6th), the rear-guard on Wednesday. Buchon, in his notes, suggests the 
20th instead of the i Sth for the departure of the forces, but without stating his reasons.' In 
favour of the 20th it may be said that there is a document dated Bayonne, Feb. 20th, and 
signed by Don Pedro ; " but, on the other hand, there is a letter addressed to the inhabitants of 
Murcia which purports to have been written by Don Pedro from Pampeluna, Feb. 19th." As 
the 20th that year was a Saturday and not a Monday, and as the document of that date 
might possibly have been sent after the King for his signature, and as it was witnessed by only 
five officials (Spanish) instead of by the numerous knights whose names appear upon the 
Treaty of 23rd Sept. (e.g. the Duke of Lancaster, Chandos, Neville, &c.), it seems as though the 
weight of evidence were in favour of the earlier date. 

2321. Louis d'Harcourt, Vicomte de Chitellerault." 

2323. Sir Thomas Felton, Seneschal of Aquitaine. 

2324. Guillaume I'ArchevSque, Sire de Parthenay." 

2325. Jean, Hdlie and Amanieu de Pommiers, brothers of the Seigneur Guillaume Sans, 
placed by Froissart in the rear-guard, which seems more probable, since the majority of the 
Gascons were there.'* 

2327. Olivier de Clisson, who had joined Lancaster in Brittany. 

2328. Petiton de Curton (see pp. 189, 194). 

2329. There was a Roger de la Warre, mentioned several times in the Gascon Rolls.'^ 

1 Both did homage to Navarre. April, 1366. " Froissart (Pantheon Litteraire), 1.525 note. 
Brutails 151 '» Cotton MSS. Vespasian C xn, fol. 95 ; Rymer, 

2 Froissart, vii. 8. "'-, P*- ". P- I3i; f , , « j 

3 Tj^^toils TCI Cascales, Discursos histoncos, fol. 116 dorse. 
* rCdale i ^'q^. " Sceaux de Clairambanlt, ii, No. 4493. 

^ Rymer, iii,' pt. ii, p. 133- " ^'".*''"=/ '-.^34. 

« Gascon Rolls, 41 Ed. Ill, m. 3. " F™=^"^ ^j 9- „. ^ . ^„ _ , ,„ ^ 

' Beltz 182 Gascon Rolls, 30 fid. Ill, m. 4; 40 fid. Ill, m. 

8 Froissart, 'vii, p. v, note 2. H i 4^ Ed. Ill, m. 6, 


2331. Robert Knolles. Called by Froissart 'CanoUes', and placed not here, but in the 
3rd Company.^ 

2333. Louis, Vicomte de Rochechouart, nephew of Aimery.^ 

2335. John Bourchier (see Index). 

2337. The Seneschal of Aquitaine from 1363 was Thomas Felton;' already mentioned by 
name above. 

2339. William Felton (already mentioned in vanguard) was Seneschal of Poitou ; there 
was no separate seneschal for Angoumois.' 

2340. The Seneschal of Saintonge was Baldwin de Fr^ville from Sept., 1364.^ 

2341. Seneschal of Perigord and Quercy. Thomas de Walkfare.^ 
2344. Seneschal of Bigorre. Jean de Roches.^ 

2361-2. The passage of the rearguard began Wednesday, 17th Feb. 

2363. The King of Majorca is mentioned by Ayala, Walter of Peterborough and others. 
He was the son of James II, who had been driven out of his kingdom by Pedro of Aragon. 
Thus he was only king de jure, not de facto : some books call him King of Naples, because 
of his marriage with Jeanne I in 1362.* 

2365. Jean, Comte d'Armagnac de Fezensac et de Rodez, Vicomte de Lomaigne et 
d'Anvillars. One of the most important of the Gascon nobles. 

2366. This is probably Bdrard d'Albret, Sire de Puch Normand, since Froissart here calls 
him nephew of the Sire d'Albret.' Arnaud Amanieu had also a brother Berard d'Albret, Sire 
de Sainte-Bazeille, who deserted the English in 1370.^° 

2367. Raymond de Montaut, Sire de Mussidan et de Blaye.'^ 

2371. Bertucat or Perduccas d'Albret: probably an illegitimate son of Bernard Ezi, and 
a member of the Great Company.'^ 

2373. The bastard of Breteuil.'' 

2374-7- The rest of these names, Camus, Naudon de Bageran, Lami or Lamit, are men- 
tioned earlier in Froissart when he enumerates the members of the Great Companies." 

Bernard de la Salle, whom Froissart now names, was not in the earlier lists. 

2383. The arrival in the valley of Pampeluna was accomplished about 20th Feb.'^ 

2388. Arnaud Amanieu, Sire d'Albret, nephew of Armagnac. 

2389. Jean de Grailly, Captal de Buch, had been fighting for the King of Navarre, and being 
captured at Cocherel did homage to the French King (1364) ; but on his return to Guienne he 
re-entered the service of the Black Prince.-^^ 

2391. This mention of the 200 combatants, which each brought, indirectly supports the 
story given by Froissart " to explain the origin of the quarrel between the Black Prince and 
d'Albret : the former, thinking the latter dangerous, countermanded the 1,000 armed men which 
he had promised to supply, and requested him to bring only 200. Luce thinks that the dispute 
arose from a different cause ; namely, the failure of the Prince of Wales to pay certain rents due 

' Froissart, vii. 9. ' Froissart, vi, p. xiv, note. 

^ Anselme, iv. 653. * Froissart, vii. 9. 

^ Tanzin, in Reviie de Gascogne, 1891. ■"' Arch. Nat., JJ 100, No. 670. 

« Bibl. Nat. Foods Lat. i839i,fol. 677°: 'G^de " Anselme, vii. 603 ; vi.222. 
Feltoune S&^chal de Poiton ponr notre seignenr le '^ Froissart, vi, p. Ixxxi, note 3. 
prince d'Aquitaine,' Nov. 1366. " Froissart, vii. 9. 

^ Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 133? " Froissart, vi. 189. 

' Arch. Nat., J 642, 5fo. 2. Power to receive '° Froissart, vii, p. vi, note 3. 
money given to T. de Walkfare, ' Sen. de Caorsin et i' Secousse, M^moire pour servir \ I'histoire 

de Pierregort,' 16 Oct., 1366. de Charles le Mauvais. Paris, 1755, 410, 71, 

' Arch. Nat., J 642, No. 2. Similar notice, 72. 
29 Jan., 1366. 1' Froissart, vi. 230. 


to d'Albret, which the French King took upon himself to make good.* The story of the 
knights need not, however, be without foundation. 

2397. Perfectly correct, as we learn from Ayala.'' 

2402-40. Ayala does not mention this letter to the Black Prince, which has been copied 
almost word for word by Froissart ; ^ but we have no reason to doubt the truth of this event, as 
the Herald would certainly have had information on the subject, and, for the council held 
to discuss the matter, we may consider his authority good (2441-4). Unfortunately the letter 
has neither place nor date. Froissart, in the abridged Chronicle which he published at a later 
date, has tried to remedy this omission, and adds to the letter ' Burgos, 17th February '.* This 
must, however, be a mistake, for Henry, as we have seen, was at St. Domingo, and on the 17th 
the English army was still on the march ; the news could scarcely have been brought to him 
so early. 

2450-64. Our poem appears again to be the principal authority for this expedition of 
Sir Thomas Felton, and Froissart has reproduced it with very slight additions. The fact that 
the same name figures in the second more disastrous adventure, when an English detachment 
was cut off by a party of Spaniards under Don Tello (lines 2725 sg/.), has led to some apparent 
confusion between these two events by less well-informed chroniclers, and may perhaps explain 
the general omission of this previous undertaking. The Herald enters sufficiently into details 
to give his narrative every semblance of verity. 

2461. Froissart calls him Thomas du Fort," but according to Beltz, as we have seen, there 
was a Thomas d'Ufford amongst the Knights of the Garter.' 

2462. William Felton. Very likely to be in his brother's Company. 

2463. Hugh, son of Ralph, afterwards second Earl of Stafford.' Called Stanfort by 

Robert Knolles. 

2466. Simon Burleigh. 

2475. Luce has inserted a note to the similar account given by Froissart, that it is the 
Navarete in Alava to which reference is here made, because the army was en rouie to Burgos, 
through Vitoria, and that therefore it is a mistake to state that they crossed the Ebro at 
Logroiio.* If, however, Felton's motive was to spy upon the Spanish army while still quartered 
at St. Domingo, it must have been the Navarete nearest to that place which is here intended, 
and that appears from the map to be the one in the Province of Logrono, and on the right bank 
of the Ebro, which would entail crossing the river in coming from Navarre. The main army 
advanced later through Alava to Vitoria, but that was because their search-party had sent 
word of Henry's change of quarters ; in this case the words of the Poem would be absolutely 
correct. It is rather uncertain, however, how long Henry remained at St. Domingo: his 
positions after leaving that place were, according to Ayala, Banares (right bank of Ebro), near 
Trevino (left bank), Zaldieran (heights of Alava) : but he probably marched fairly rapidly from 
St. Domingo to Zaldieran. 

2479. The whole question of this imprisonment of Charles of Navarre is very complicated. 
That he was captured by Olivier de Mauny is universally acknowledged ; but the date of the event, 
the nature of the capture, and the length of the imprisonment are all matters of doubt. Ayala 
has no hesitation in asserting that it was all a matter of arrangement between Charies and 
De Mauny, in order that the former might save himself from the responsibility of taking a part 
in the war, and so embroiling himself with one side or the other. In recompense, he adds, 

1 Froissart, vi, p. xcvi, note 2. [ Froissart, vii, 13. 

Ayaia, 439. t tspif, ,,, 

= Froissart, vii. 11. , ""'/=' ^"- 

• Froissart, ed. Kervyn de Letteohove, xvii. 442- Froissart, vii, p. vu, note 3. 


Olivier was promised money and the castle of Gavrai in Normandy ; but, as soon as the necessity 
for his imprisonment was over, the King obtained his release by leaving his young son as 
hostage, and finally arrested Olivier de Mauny himself and repudiated his engagements.* This 
is doubtless the account of an enemy, but it is not without support. The Grandes Chroniques 
speak of it as a pre-arranged scheme,'^ and Froissart says that there was a general belief among 
the English that it was the King's own device.' A recent biographer and apologist of Charles 
the Bad has vehemently opposed this view,* declaring that Ayala's story is absurd on the face of 
it, that the promise of the cession of Gavrai was an impossible one, and that he could never 
have left as hostage a child of two or three years of age. He adopts, without hesitation, an account 
for which the Chronicle of the First Four Valois is the sole authority." According to this, 
Olivier de Mauny was sent by Bertrand du Guesclin to prevent Navarre from allowing the 
passage of the invaders, while the Black Prince was still engaged in his preparations at 
Bordeaux ; it was at this time that Charles was taken prisoner, but released on giving hostages. 
Thus, he concludes, the capture took place before any agreement was made with Don Pedro, 
and therefore Ayala's story is completely disproved. But this explanation is untenable. It 
neglects the obvious fact that Charles had made engagements with Pedro as early as Sept., 
1366 ; it does not answer the question what possible advantage could have been gained by 
Henry if the prisoner were released in time to continue the alliance with his enemies ; and it 
takes no notice of the fact that the other chroniclers agree with Ayala in placing these events at 
the later date. 

There are also, I think, other indications that the Spanish historian was not so far wrong in 
his conjectures. 

(1) Feb. II, 1368. Payment due to Lopez Ochoa, Captain of Caparroso, for sums spent 
during the captivity of ' Olivier Claquin '.' Olivier de Mauny was a cousin of du Guesclin, 
and as it certainly cannot refer to Olivier du Guesclin, Bertrand's brother, it probably alludes to 
the imprisonment of which Ayala speaks. 

(2) During the course of 1369 and 1370 there are records of various sums of money paid to 
Olivier de Mauny.' 

(3) Feb. 4, 1369. Homage of Olivier de Mauny at Borja, to Charles of Navarre, for castles 
and lands in Normandy. At the same date he makes this declaration : ' Whereas in times 
past the King of Navarre has had treaties with me, for which he gave me certain rents and 
towns, &c., I promise to restore these letters, the promises being no longer binding.' ' 

The conclusion to be drawn from the evidence we possess at present appears to me to be 
this. That Navarre, anxious above all things to remain at peace, and to avoid the devastation 
of his country from the passage of hostile troops, found himself forced to make arrangements 
with Pedro and the Prince of Wales ; that, with his usual duplicity, he did not hesitate to sign 
a treaty immediately afterwards with Henry of Trastamare, in the hopes of reaping some 
benefit from whichever side was successful. That finding his plan was discovered, and also 
possibly alarmed by Hugh of Calverley, he renewed his earlier alliance with the side which 
appeared to him to be the more formidable, and, to conciliate the troops, accompanied them 
into his own country, and entertained them when there. That anxious, however, to have an 
excuse for breaking his promise to assist the Black Prince, he made the arrangement with 
Olivier de Mauny which resulted in his own imprisonment before the fighting began. That after 
the battle of Navarete, thinking the immediate danger over, he contrived his release, and then 

1 Ayala, 436, 464. See also Cascales, Discursos " Chronique des quatre premiers Valois, 171. 
historicos. Mnrcia, 162 1, 410, fol. 116. " Chandos, Froissart, Grandes Chroniques. 

2 Grandes Chroniques, vi. 245. ' Brutails, Docts. des Archives de Navarre, 160. 

' Froissart, vii. 14. 8 igam, Comptes de Navarre; Bibl. Nat., Fonds 

* E. Meyer, Charles II, roi de Navarre. Paris, Fr. 10367. 
1898, p. 173. ' Brutails, 169. 


captured Olivier in his turn, as a means of diverting attention from his own duplicity, and of 
convincing the world that his imprisonment had been involuntary. That he subsequently recom- 
pensed Mauny with various gifts, although his original promises were not kept, the reward then 
offered being probably considered too high. That Mauny, being induced to surrender his just 
claims in return for what he could get, gave up the proof of this previous engagement, which is 
therefore never likely to be forthcoming. 

As for the exact date of the imprisonment, the Grandes Chroniques alone attempt to 
consider this question,' giving it as March 13, 1367. This should be approximately correct, 
according to what we learn from Chandos and Ayala. The troops were in Panipeluna on 
Feb. 20th, and the battle of Ndjera was fought on April 3rd, so that it took place some time 
between these two events, and it must have been early in March if the Prince did not leave 
Navarre until after hearing the news. Charles's release probably took place quite shortly after 
the battle : he was, in any case, back in his kingdom by June 20th, as we find him again signing 
an act on that date.'' (No acts are published by Brutails between Sept. 27, 1366, and 
June 20, 1367.) 

2482-90. Froissart also gives this incident ; but he dififers slightly from Chandos, in saying 
that the Queen came in person and afterwards sent La Carra to guide the Prince through the 

The one certainty is that La Carra did accompany the army and fought in its ranks in the 
battle of Nijera. 

2507-14. The Prince crossed the Pass of Arruiz, rode through Guipuzcoa, and came to 
Salvatierra in Alava. 

Froissart has the same account, even to the spelling of the names ; there seems no doubt 
as to his copying. 

2521. The surrender of Salvatierra without resistance is confirmed by Ayala.* 

2542-70. The account of all this has been copied by Froissart. We can verify from 
Ayala the fact that Henry took up his quarters at Zaldieran only a slight distance from Vitoria, 
to which place the enemy advanced."* 

2605-28. Froissart has given the same list of those knighted, and in the same 
order, but with a few differences of spelling ; ' he has also added the names of those 
knighted by Chandos, which our author does not insert until just before the battle of Ndjera 

2609. Thomas Holland, afterwards second Earl of Kent ; he was only seventeen at this 
date, so that his knighting is most probable, it being his first expedition.' 

2611, 2612. Hugh, Philip and Peter Courtenay were all sons of the Earl of Devon.* 

2613. John Trivet." Nicholas Bond had letters of protection.'" 

2615. Ralph Camois. Possibly the same as Camies ? " 

2617. Walter Ursewick, In a grant for services at Ndjera his knighting on that day 
is mentioned." 

2618. Possibly this may be a Thomas Daventrie who travelled to Aquitaine with 
Ursewick." Froissart calls him Thomas de Daimeri, and Kervyn de Lettenhove suggests 
Damory de Bradley." 

1 Grandes Chroniques, vi. 245. ,^ Gascon Rolls, 40 Ed. HI, m. 15. 

2 Bratails, 158. '° Gascon Rolls, 41 Ed. Ill, m. 3. 
' Froissart, vu. 14. H Ayala, 553. .. 

* Avala AAH Rymer.m, pt. n, p. 13a. 

6 Ayala 445 447. " Chandos, ed. F. Michel, 363 ; Gascon Rolls, 

Froiss'art, v'ii. 18, 19. 4° Ed. Ill, m. 4. 

Beltz 217. " Kervyn de Lettenhove (Index), XXI. 

8 Kervyn de Lettenhove (Index), xxi, 


E e 


2619. John de Grendon is mentioned together with Ursewick in Lancaster's retinue 1369.' 
He does not, however, have ' Chevalier ' after his name as Ursewick does. 

2652. Don Tello, Lord of Biscay, second brother of Henry of Trastamare. 

2667. Don Sancho, Lord of Albuquerque, youngest brother of Henry. 

2669. Marshal Audrehem, we have already seen, had joined Henry's forces with B. du 
Guesclin : Froissart in his earlier version says he did not go,'' but in the Amiens MS. that he 
did ; " Ayala specially mentions him. 

2673-6. Froissart says elsewhere that Bertrand had been sent first to Aragon, then to the 
Duke of Anjou at Montpellier, and finally to France to seek for help ; though Luce questions 
the latter part of this statement* 

Certainly Ayala distinctly says that Henry's position at Zaldieran had been adopted on the 
advice of du Guesclin : ° there is no reason why he should have accompanied this party of 
reconnoitrers even if he were present at the time. 

2727. Sir Thomas Felton and his company had already marched two leagues from the 
English army at Vitoria (2647-50). They were at Arinez in Alava, a little village on the way 
from Vitoria to Burgos and Madrid." 

2729. Froissart calls him ' Monsigneur d'Agorisses '. F. Michel suggests De Grey ; Luce 
thinks possibly Gregori Seys, Sieur de Gencey.' 

Ralph de Hastings. Froissart calls him Hugh, who has already been mentioned ; but 
there was a Ralph who accompanied Lancaster to Spain.* 

2731. Froissart calls him Gaillard Vighier, really the same name. Found in Gascon Rolls 
in Richard H's reign.' 

2735~58. This important incident has been recorded in every chronicle, but with per- 
plexing variations. All agree that a skirmish took place between a Spanish and English force, 
and the death of Felton has been commemorated by the name of the Englishman's Mound, 
which is still pointed out near Arinez (environs of Vitoria) 1°. The poem of Lancaster's secre- 
tary speaks of the Bastard rushing down like a whirlwind into the camp, in which sudden 
attack Felton was killed and Hugh Hastings captured, after which Lancaster drove the enemy 
back into the mountains ; and, although another party renewed the attack next day, it was 
repulsed with loss.'' (The general confusion in this account is proved by the fact that reference 
is made to the capture of Navarre, as though occurring on the same occasion, a note adding 
that he was taken by Lord Oliverum !) The prose Life of du Guesclin says that Bertrand and 
Denia fell upon William Felton, who had been sent out to forage, and that he fell in the 
skirmish ; Cuvelier, with a very similar story, adds that he was killed by du Guesclin himself.'" 
Even Ayala is not very explicit as to the origin of the struggle. He says that an English 
company in Alava were seeking provisions when Henry sent against them Denia, Tello, 
Audrehem and others : this force defeated them at Arinez in Alava, and William Felton, the 
English commander, was slain, the rest being taken.'' These varying accounts have evidently 
been caused by a confusion between three separate skirmishes which took place about this 
time: (l) Thomas Felton's exploit before reaching Vitoria (2546-60); (2) the surprise attack 
made by Don Tello on the outskirts of the English camp (2686-2724) ; (3) the defeat of an 
English detachment again under Sir Thomas Felton, and the death of William in the fight 

' Gascon Rolls, 43 Ed. Ill, m. 15 ; Rymer, iii. " Gascon Rolls, 40 Edw. Ill, m. 4 ; Dugdale, 

871- . i. 579- 

2 Froissart, vn. 21. » Gascon Rolls, 5 Rich. II; Chandos, ed. 

' Froissart, MS. d'Amiens, vii. 271. F. Michel, 364. 

* Froissart, vi, p. xc, note 3 ; vi. 213. '» Froissart, vii, p. ix, note 4. 

5 Ayala, 444. " Wright's Political Songs, i. no. 

« Ayala, 445. Froissart, vii, p. ix, note 3. " Cuvelier, 389, 393. 

' Froissart, viii, p. Ix, note. " Ayala, 445. 


(2725-58). The Herald gives by far the clearest and most comprehensible description of 
these events. 

2780. Audrehem was presumably with Don Tello all the time ; therefore this must mean 
not that a fresh force arrived, but that the enemy, whose superior numbers would enable 
them easily to divide, had sent a party of their men to create a diversion in the rear. 

2781. Evidently Jean Neufville, nephew of Audrehem, who had accompanied his uncle 
into Spain, together with du Guesclin and the Companies. 

2805. That is, the two brothers of Sir Thomas as well as himself. There was a John de 
Felton in the English army in 1367, who was probably one brother:' there was an elder 
brother named Hamo, who may very likely have been present. The latter was accompanying 
the Earl of Cambridge to France in 1369, so that he was evidently a warrior.'' 

2807, Possibly Thomas de Mytton (see Index). 

2811-19. Froissart explains the Prince's inactivity by saying that he knew nothing of 
the whole affair. Either solution is probable. He may have missed Felton's party without 
knowing the cause of their absence, and he would not have ventured to send out another force 
in search of them. 

2841-60. Ayala is less detailed on all this part of the story and does not describe Bert* 
rand's advice : but he does say that the Black Prince could not get to Castile because the 
Passes were held, so that he left Alava and returned to Logrono.' 

2861-2. Froissart speaks of the English army going and camping outside Vitoria, after 
the loss of Felton's detachment, and staying ther* in great distress for six days.* 

2885. It is a great pity that Chandos has not dated his Itinerary; it seems impossible 
to fit in the different accounts. A note to Ayala, quoting from Cascales' Discursos hist6ricos, 
gives the date of this retreat as the ist of April,^ but this must be too late. The Black Prince 
is apparently writing a letter from Navarete on April I St.* 

The Latin poem speaks of the skirmish between English and Spaniards as taking place on 
the 30th day in spring-time, the Feast of the Annunciation.' There is an inconsistency here, for 
the Annunciation of the Virgin falls on the 2Sth March, which would be a more probable date ; 
and this would fit in with Froissart's six days before Vitoria, and Cascales' date for the march 
on April ist. But it would not allow time for the two days spent on the way at Viana according 
to Froissart, nor for the letter which he dates from Logrofio, 30th March, nor for the day of 
the week named by Chandos. Chronology was, however, never a strong point amongst the 
chroniclers, and particularly not so in the case of the Herald. 

2889. Pass of La Guardia, on left bank of Ebro. 

2903-5. Ayala says that Henry's army moved from Zaldieran towards Ndjera, and 
placed its camp near the town, on the river Najerilla.' He does not mention St. Vincent, 
but its position would render it a likely halting-place en route. 

2go7-So. Chandos does not date the Prince's letter, but puts it immediately after his 
arrival at Logroiio, and makes his advance to Navarete occur on the Friday (which was 
the 2nd April, the day before the battle : but in the Poem it appears to be the day after the 
letter was written). 

Froissart has practically reproduced the same letter, allowing for the differences between 
prose and verse, and dates it from Logrofio, March 30th. 

Ayala, on the other hand, says that Pedro and the Prince came to Navarete and 

1 Gascon Rolls, 41 Ed. Ill, m. 3. * Froissart, vii. 28. 

2 Bury and West Snffolk Arch. Institute, 1874, Ayala, 447. 

Playford and the Feltons. Gascon Rolls, Edw. Ill, « ^^^f ','"' ?.'•."' P' '3'- . 

^ i ' Wright's Political Songs, 1. 1 1 J, 

■'Ayala, 447. » Ayala, 448. 


thence sent a letter to Henry.' As this agrees with the document in Rymer dated Navarete, 
April 1st,' his information appears to be the more correct ; and he gives a copy of Henry's 
reply written at NAjera on April 2nd, which is omitted in the poem. As for the substance 
of the first letter, the essential part— the oflTer of mediation — is the same in all, but Chandos 
has not given by any means an exact summary of the actual document, whereas Ayala has 
reproduced it, which is another reason for attaching particular value to his testimony. Cascales 
has published a letter from Don Pedro dated from Logrono on April 1st:' but, as this is 
only about six miles from Navarete, that does not render this date any more unlikely. 
The Poem of Walter of Peterborough becomes more detailed towards this point, and expatiates 
on the hardships endured on the march, but is not very explicit. The author tells us, 
however, in a note, that it was on April ist that the Prince crossed the river and encamped 
in the fields of Navarete: another first-hand witness to this date.* (The Duke's secretary 
does not seem well informed as to events going on around him, or else he is fond of drawing on 
his own imagination, as, although he alludes to the second letter from Prince Henry, he gives 
it as containing a request for two knights from each side to choose the place of battle ; 
a proposal absolutely foreign to the contents of the document, which was a recapitulation of 
the charges against Don Pedro, and a defence of his own claims by national right of election.) ^ 
On the whole it seems possible to accept the following Itinerary : — Monday, 2gth March, 
departure from the camp before Vitoria ; that and the following nights spent at Viana ; 
31st, at Logroilo ; ist April, departure to Navarete, and the letter sent from the Black Prince 
to the enemy's camp ; 2nd April, Friday, reply of Prince Henry and preparations for battle. 

2984-3004. The numbers of the Spanish army are given differently by every writer, 
ranging from 40,000 (Cuvelier) to 99,000 (Henry's speech according to Froissart). The 
numbers which Chandos puts into the mouth of Henry, added together, come to 66,000, so 
that he may be considered to have struck a very fair average, allowing for a little of the usual 
exaggeration on the part of an enemy : Ayala does not give a full estimate, but only reckons 
4,500 lances.^ 

3060-2- The Herald omits to mention a fact upon which Ayala lays stress, and which 
might have detracted somewhat from the glory of the victory ; namely that Henry had left 
the favourable position in which he was at first encamped, and had crossed the river on to 
the plain facing Navarete, so that no one might accuse him of taking any unfair advantage.' 
This is doubtless what is meant by the chroniclers of du Guesclin, who lament that the 
battle was lost because Henry would not take the advice of the great captain.' Certainly 
nothing could be more opposed to the military experience of Bertrand than this chivalrous 
but mistaken action. 

3063-77. Ayala also places Bertrand, Audrehem, Sancho and the Bfegue de Villaines iii 
the vanguard ; Jean Neufville would naturally accompany his uncle : but the Comte de Denia, 
according to the Spanish historian, commanded the cavalry on the right wing." This I cannot 
in any way decide from the details of the battle, as there seems to have been considerable 
confusion between the different divisions. 

3067. Alfonso, Comte de Denia and Marquis of Villena, was son of the Infant Pedro 
of Aragon. 

3069. Pierre de Villaines dit le Bfegue had gone out with the Companies." 

3078, 3079. Ayala agrees as to Don Tello being on the left wing, and then adds that the 
right was under Denia. 

1 Ayala, 449. ^ Cuvelier, 410 ; Froissart, vii. 30 ; Ayala, 453. 

■' Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 132. ' Ayala, 453. 

' Cascales, Discursos historicos, fol 1 16, dorso. ' Cuvelier, 410. 

' Wright's Political Songs, i. IT3. ° Froissart, vi. 188. 

5 Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 132. "> Ayala, 456. 


3078-99. Ayala also describes this force as composed of cavalry and infantry, without 
mentioning any names. The idea we gather from Ayala of the arrangement of the army, 
with a vanguard on foot, wings of horsemen and a large mixed force in the rear, is more 
practical than the description of Chandos, which seems to imply a very large force of cavalry 
on the left of the vanguard, while the main portion of the army was on the right, mostly 
consisting of infantry, but with a smaller body of horse on one side. The discrepancy probably 
arises from the fact that, while Ayala gives the actual disposition of the troops before the battle, 
Chandos is making a rough plan gathered from the subsequent course of the contest. 

3102. Gomez Carillo de Quintano, Chamberlain of Henry. 

3103. Gomez Perez de Porres was prior of the Order of San Juan in 1367.' 

3107. There was an Order of Santiago or Saint-Jacques both in Castile and Galicia. Of 
the former apparently Gomez Perez just mentioned was Master.' Here the reference is more 
probably to the latter, of which the Grand Master was Gonzalo Mejia at this time. He had 
succeeded Garcia Alvarez de Toledo, who had deserted Pedro for Henry, but resigned his office 
before 1367.' 

3109. Pero Mofiiz de Godoy, of whom Froissart speaks in the battle.* He had succeeded 
Diego Garcia de Padilla, who had been Grand Master of the Order of Calatrava under Pedro." 

3121-44. Chandos had been made a banneret in 1360, when he received the estate of 
Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte, but was now displaying his banner for the first time in battle. That 
this was no new honour conferred upon him is borne out by the fact that he is said to have 
brought his banner to the Prince, who merely unfurled it ; not, as a later historian has said, cut 
off its tail,' which would have signified the conversion of a pennon into a banner. Chandos 
could not have brought his banner to the Prince if he were still only a simple knight. 

3161-71. Walter of Peterborough puts similar words into the Prince's mouth, as to the lack 
of food and the necessity of taking it from the enemy's camp, but earlier in the narrative, before 
the arrival at Navarete.' 

3172-95. For all these events — the Prince's prayer and words to Pedro, &c.— the Herald 
appears to be the original authority. 

3200-5. Froissart also states that these warriors were knighted by Chandos, but he mentions 
the ceremony as taking place earlier, when the Prince and the Duke of Lancaster were making 
new knights before Vitoria." 

3201. In Froissart we find Courson in one version ; Courton in another. 
Prior, Thomas (see Index). 

Eliton, called by Froissart Cliton. 

3202. William de Ferinton in Froissart. 

3224. John of Ypres was a Fleming in the service of Edward, present at Ndjera, and 
evidently an important personage." 

3225 sq. The Herald treats the history of the battle with great vigour and detail ; he 
is better informed than Cuvelier, clearer than the Latin Poem, fuller than Ayala and is the source 
of Froissart's description ; his account is evidently of first-rate importance. The positions occupied 
by the different combatants are impossible to verify for certain ; every one has distributed them 
somewhat differently, even Froissart not actually reproducing the same divisions, though the 
names mentioned can all be found in one or other of the narratives of the battle. The principal 
events and nature of the combat can, however, be traced out with suflficient precision in the 

1 Catalina Garcia, Castillay Leon. Madrid, 1892, " Froissart, vi, p. Ixxxvi, note 2. 

,. . 6 Barnes, 707. 

^** j5id_ ' Wright's Political Songs, i. ill. 

Merim^e, 424 ; Froissart, vi, p. Ixxxvi, note 3 » Froissart, vii. 19. 

Catelina Garcia, 340, 426. ° Kervyn de Lettenhove (Index), xxui, 306. 

Froissart, vii, p. xvii, note 4. 


Poem ; and from what we are able to verify of this description the accuracy of the rest can be 

inferred : an accuracy, that is, as great as can be expected from the account of one who was 

himself in the thick of the conflict. 

3310. Martin de La Carra, as Navarre's representative, bore his banner.^ 

3321. Ayala says that Tello's flight was caused by the advance of Armagnac and Albret 

with the Gascons ; and that this force, on the departure of their adversaries, turned their arms 

against the vanguard of infantry which was already engaged.^ 

3329. There were two Percies living at this time : Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, 

who fought in France in 1370, and his younger brother Thomas Percy, Earl of Worcester, who 

was in the Black Prince's Council at Bordeaux in 1369. The latter, therefore, seems the more 

probable of the two.' 

3329. Olivier de Clisson before mentioned. 

3330. This must be a mistake, since he had just been made prisoner at Ariiiez. He was 
exchanged finally, but not, I think, until after the battle. 

3331. Walter Hewet is mentioned by Cuvelier.' 

3335- Ayala says that the English left wing also attacked the Spanish infantry, so that 
they were surrounded by enemies." 

3348. Guy de Sdvdrac, one of the principal Seigneurs of Rouergue.' 

3370. In Ayala also we find that Henry led his cavalry three times to the attack, but was 
at last forced to fly. Cuvelier likewise testifies to the courage of the Bastard, whom he describes 
as being led by force from the field by du Guesclin.' 

3401. The biographers of du Guesclin describe him as surrendering to the Black Prince 
himself.' This may only be added for the purpose of extolling his prowess ; it is mentioned 
neither by Ayala nor by the Herald, who would probably have gladly recounted an event of 
such interest had it really occurred. 

In studying this battle Ayala furnishes by far the most valuable commentary on Chandos. 
Walter of Peterborough's Poem,'' although the work of an eyewitness, is confused, and differs so 
much from Ayala and Chandos that any comparison seems hopeless. We read there that 
Lancaster led the way, followed by the King of Majorca and Armagnac; as to numbers, 
that not quite 2,000 destroyed fully 40,000 ; that the Duke tried to get at the brothers, 
who avoided the conflict ; and some lines later, that Henry and Tello fled (as though together). 
The principal aim of the poet is to sing the praises of the Duke of Lancaster, and he seems 
to have sacrificed any accurate account of proceedings to this object. Cuvelier seems to have 
little genuine knowledge ; according to his account the Captal began the battle by attacking 
Henry, who was rescued by du Guesclin ; while the prose Life says that the Count of Denia 
put Lancaster to flight, but that the Captal de Buch, coming up, restored the battle and slew 

3401-10. Ayala mentions all these prisoners, except Jean Neufville, whose name I have 
only found in this connexion in Froissart, which is not much testimony ; Ayala, however, is not 
at pains to make a long list of the French who were captured, but gives more Spanish names ; 
he was himself amongst the number. 

3412. Adam de Villiers dit le Bfegue, Seigneur de Villiers-le-BeL Froissart mentions him 
as slain, and also adds a few more names.^" 

3421. Called by Froissart Raoul, which seems to connect him with the Ralph Ferrers 

1 Merimee, 467. xx. 145 ; Froissart, vii, p. xxxviii, note 3. 

^ Ayala, 455. ' Cuvelier, 419. 

' Beltz, 154, 221. ' Cuvelier, 424: Chronique anonyme, 49. 

< Cuvelier, 400. ^ Wright's Political Songs, 1 13-21. 

= Ayala, 455. i" Froissart, vii. 43. 

" Froissart, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, vii. 203 ; 


who was Captain of Calais in 1360. There was certainly a Ralph Ferrers still alive after 
N4jera, who was Admiral of the fleet in 1370,^ but he may have been a son. This Christian 
name, however, which is only found in some editions of Froissart, may possibly be a mistake, 
in which case this Ferrers could be identified with the John Ferrers of Charteleye, who was 
certainly with the army in 1366,' and is not mentioned later. 

3425-33. The battle was fought between N4jera and Navarete, and is therefore called 
sometimes by one, sometimes by the other name. The Herald spells it as Naddres, Nazarz, 
or, as here, Nazareth ; the differences being probably due to the French and Spanish pro- 
nunciations combined with the exigencies of verse. In Froissart it is always Nazres or Nazares. 

3434. The river was the Ndjerilla. The great losses of the Spaniards, especially on the 
bridge and in the river, are mentioned in various accounts. The numbers who thus perished 
must have rendered any calculations practically impossible. The Herald is doubtless repeating 
rough guesses when he speaks of 7,700 reported to have perished. 

3453. i. e. the town of Nijera 

3456. Pero Moniz de Godoy, Grand Master of the Order of Calatrava.' 

3457. Gomez Perez, Prior of San Juan and Master of the Order of Santiago in Castile.* 
Cascales, in' enumerating some of the warriors from different parts, speaks of the Prior of San 
Juan amongst those who came from Castile." 

3459. Master of the Order of Santiago in Galicia, probably Gonzalo Mexia. Garcia Alvarez 
de Toledo had filled the place under Pedro and still disputed the title with Gonzalo Mexia.^ 

In one edition Froissart gives only two names in this connexion : ' li grans prieus de St. Jame 
et li grans mestres de Caltraue'.' In the Amiens MS., however, he seems to have copied 
Chandos almost exactly and gives the three. 

In Walter of Peterborough, where all the names are very curiously spelt, we find : ' Baro 
Caletrag sive custos militiae Christi ' ; and ' Magni praelati lacobique lohannis amati '." 

3475. This date is exact. All the authorities agree on this point, and it is also mentioned 
in a letter written by Pedro himself from Burgos on the isth of the same month." 

3520-33. Ayala says that Pedro promised to spare the prisoners who submitted, and we 
learn the Prince's part in this by the fact that a quarrel arose later between them at Burgos, 
because the King had broken his word to Edward.'" 

3540. We learn from Ayala that not only Gomez Carillo de Quintana was killed on the 
Sunday, but also Sancho Sanchez de Moscoso and Garcia Jufre Tenorio. Besides these three, 
Pedro himself had slain Inigo Lopez de Orozco immediately after the battle." 

Gomez Carillo, however, appears to have been a specially marked enemy of Pedro. 
He was excepted from the amnesty arranged with Aragon in 1361, and was evidently in 
high favour with Henry, being his Chamberiain. He came also of a family of rebels : his 
uncle had been an adherent of Don Juan Nuiiez, claimant to the throne in 1350 ; and his cousm, 
accused of treating with Trastamare, had been murdered by command of the Kmg." 

3565. Donna Juana, wife of Henry of Trastamare. Her flight from Burgos to Saragossa 
is also described by Ayala. The King of Aragon apparently received her very badly. 

3597 Briviesca. Froissart adds that the halt was from Monday to Wednesday. 

3598-9 Pedro set out for Burgos on Monday, 5th April, parting from the Prince at Briviesca ; 
the King was evidently hurrying on with a small force, while Edward travelled with his army. 

X Devon, Issue Rolls of the Exchequer, 47 l^^^^^Son,.,i. r.u 

» Gascon Rolls, 40 Edw. Ill, mm 2 and 3. » Aya a, 461. 

» Cascales, Discursos hist6ricos, fol. 116, dorse. J» Aya a, 461, 47i- 

« Catalina Garcia, 354 (see note on line 3103)- " Ayala, ,458, 47 1- 

» Cascales, fol. uetdorso. " Minmee, 302. 
* Ayala, 411. 


3603-4. Ayala says the Prince arrived in Burgos two days after Don Pedro> They both 
celebrated their Easter there. 

3631. Chandos is extraordinarily inconsistent as to the Prince's stay at Burgos. Before 
this he says he sojourned at Burgos a month (3607), and later he talks of his moving to 
Valladolid, and waiting there six months for Pedro's return (3645). 

Froissart, who has no longer slavishly followed the Poem, is nearer the truth in his 
chronology. He gives a similar description of the numbers who flocked to Burgos to make 
their submission to Pedro, and then says that after three weeks the Prince demanded money 
from the King. 

3632-8. Ayala gives the details of the discussions on the point of money payments,^ 
which ended in a renewal of the old promises, in a treaty dated Burgos, May 2, 1367.' 

3641. Froissart agrees that the Prince went to Valladolid, but Ayala gives his quarters 
at Amusco,* a town midway between Burgos and Valladolid. Probably he was not definitely 
fixed at one place or the other ; Chandos says he was in the town and its neighbourhood, and 
his troops must have been more or less scattered over the country, owing to the difficulty of 
procuring provisions. 

3645. This is certainly wrong, since only about five months passed between the battle of 
Ndjera and the Prince's return to France. Froissart says he stayed till the feast of St. John in 
the summer (24th June), so that possibly six weeks should be read instead of six months. 

3664. This is possibly Amusco, since Ayala speaks of the Prince's residence there. 
F. Michel has translated it Almazan, but a note states that this is purely conjectural, whereas 
the other explanation has some support. 

3665. Medina del Campo. 

3677-92. For this letter of Pedro we find no details in Ayala. Froissart gives some 
which differ slightly from those of the Herald. According to him, the Prince, becoming 
impatient after St. John the Baptist in the summer, despatched three knights to Pedro, who 
sent back an answer similar in substance to that given by Chandos, though couched in rather 
more respectful terms, and holding out hopes of a full payment in a year. The English 
Council, summoned to consider the matter, strongly advised return on account of the climate.' 
All agree as to the fatal effects of the Spanish summer on the army and on the Prince 
himself: Walsingham is only expressing a very general belief at the time when he speaks 
of Edward as having been poisoned in Spain.' 

3708. Henry, after Ndjera, had established himself in the Castle of Roquemaine, not far 
from Toulouse, whence he made incursions into Aquitaine. Finally he invaded Bigorre and 
seized Bagnferes.' 

3714. This is the first mention made of Madrigal, but it is only slightly to the south 
of Valladolid, and close to Medina del Campo, one of the towns to which the army had resorted 
in search of provisions. 

3716-17. The month's delay in Soria must have been to give time for the mission of 
Chandos to Aragon and Navarre to negotiate for passage of the troops. 

3718-19. Ayala in his account substitutes the name of Calverley for that of Chandos as 
negotiator.* Froissart, who in his first edition speaks of ' les plus especiaulx de son conseil ' 
being sent,^ adopts the Herald's version in the Amiens edition : ' Endementroes eut grans 
conssaux entre monsigneur Jehan Camdos et le consseil dou roy d'Arragon.' ■" He adds that 

1 Ayala, 473. e Walsingham, Ypodigma Neustria, 313. 

2 Ayala, 479-83. ' Froissart, vii, p. xxii, note i. 
» Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 133. s Ayala, 465. 

* Ayala, 495. 9 Froissart, vii. 60. 

6 Froissart, vii. 57, 58. '« Ibid. 300. 


the King promised to allow the passage on condition that everything was paid for and no 
violence done. 

3726-7. The King of Navarre, says Froissart, offered passage for the Prince, the Duke of 
Lancaster and several knights ; but hoped that the Companies would not pass through Navarre. 

3737. F"roissart says that he was accompanied by the King and La Carra as far as 

3753. According to the Grandes Chroniques, which, as we have seen, are as a rule 
exceedingly precise in the matter of dates, the Prince's return took place in August, 1367 ; ^ and 
Luce speaks of his arrival at Bordeaux early in September.' This would allow the month of 
July to have been spent in the valley of Soria, while arrangements were made, if the long period 
of waiting at Valladolid is renounced as impossible. The Companies were certainly arriving at 
Montpellier on the isth and i6th of September." 

3783-8. Here comes to an end the most valuable part of the Poem, and that which the 
author himself evidently regards with the greatest complacence. The conclusion loses its 
personal interest ; for although the Herald was still in France, and taking an active share in 
events, a share which continued even after the death of his master (he was sent by Cambridge 
and Pembroke with a message to the Duke of Bourbon in 1370), he spends no time over the 
recital of all that he must himself have witnessed, but merely gives a brief summary of the close 
of the Prince's career in France. But though little but a summary, it appears to have been 
conscientiously written, and can be verified by comparison with Froissart and the Grandes 

3845. The Comte d'Armagnac was the real leader of the deserters : he had refused to pay 
fouage as early as 1367." Jean, Comte de Lisle en Jourdain, Captain of Moissac' does not 

appear to have been amongst the number of those appealing to Charles, but he is mentioned as 
taking part against the English in the subsequent struggle. 

Roger Bernard, Comte de Pdrigord was a sharer in the treaty made with Charles V in 1368 
(see note on 3855-64) ; his son Talleyrand deserted the English about the same time ; Archam- 
baud, his successor in 1369, during that year or the next. 

3846. Amaud Amanieu, Sire d'Albret, married Marguerite, sister of the French Queen, on 
May 4, 1368.' 

Pierre Raymond, Comte de Comminges, is mentioned by Froissart and the Grandes 
Chroniques as another deserter.' 

3855-64. June 30, 1368. Charles made a treaty with Armagnac, P&igord and 
Sire d'Albret, by which he agreed to receive the appeal of the Gascons ; mutual aid was promised 
in case of war SLndfoteage was never to be imposed on them against their will.' 

Nov. 19, 1368. Charles granted money to Albret, who had appealed to him, and promised 
aid in case of war against England.'" In March, 1369, certain towns and castles were given to 
the Comte de Pdrigord, who had appealed against the English.^' 

There were also appeals from various towns, e.g. Montaubon," Sauveterre, Villefranche," &c. 

3865-76. Dec. 25, 1368. Charles summoned a Council to discuss his action in regard to 

these appeals.'* 

The summons of Edward to appear beforcthe Parliament of Paris, to which allusions are 

1 Froissart vii 61 ' Froissart, vii. 94; Grandes Chroniques, vi. 282. 

2 Grandes Chroniq'nes, vl. 248. ° Arch. Nat., J 293 ; see also Bibl. Nat. Fonds 
^ Froissart, vii, p. xxiv, note i. Fr. 15490, fol. 22™. 

* Chroniqne dn petit Thalamus de Montpellier, i" Arch. Nat., JJ 105, No. 67. 
1840 p ?8i. " Arch. Nat., JJ 100, No. 431. 

5 RouquettcLeRooergue sous les Anglais, MiUau, '^ Bibl. Nat. Fonds Doat, vol. Ixxxvu, ff. 64, 171. 

1869, 133. 

1' Arch. Nat., JJ 102, No. 16 ; 100, No. 783. 

6 Sceanx de Clairambault, ii. No. 4087. » ^'<'^^. ??^Vt' ^ <^'^' '^'°; ^ ' J'T"'' JV' ^'\f' 

' Le Ronergue sous les Anglais, 140. note 3 ; Bibl. Nat. Nouv. Acq. Fr. 6214, fol. 32""- 



made in various letters of the French King to the appellants,^ was conveyed to him by Ber- 
nard Palot and Jean de Caponval, and dated from Paris, according to Froissart, isth January, 
1369. This date seems rather late ; Luce thinks it must have been delivered at the end of 1368, 
or in the first week of 1369.'' As King Edward was preparing help to send out to the Prince on 
Jan. 16, 1369, war must certainly have been declared by that date.' 

3881-8. This answer is given in practically the same terms by Froissart. 

3898. War began Jan., 1369. The Duke of Anjou had prepared an army which included 
in its ranks the Counts of Armagnac, Pdrigord, Comminges and Vendome.* 

3918. Edmund Langley, Earl of Cambridge. 

3921. John Hastings, Earl of Pembroke. 

3925. They must have arrived by April, 1369, and were sent into Pdrigord in the 
following May.^ 

3927-30. Froissart recounts the siege of Bourdeilles, but does not mention the knighting of 
Pembroke (vii. 150-3). 

3932. La Roche-sur-Yon was invested by the English in July, 1369, and was given up by 
a traitor, Jean Belon, its captain. This town had never been handed over to England after the 
treaty of Br^tigny, as it should have been by right." 

3933. Chandos was in Montauban at the end of January, 1369, where he was guarding the 
frontier with the Captal de Buch and others ; ' but Froissart narrates various other undertakings 
in which he was engaged and names him at the siege of La Roche-sur-Yon. He must in any 
case have left Montauban before the 15th June, at which time the town submitted to the Duke 
of Anjou.* 

3943-5. According to James and Francisque Michel,' both Chandos and Froissart are 
mistaken in placing here the death of the celebrated Sir James Audeley, who, in their opinion, 
returned to England at this date, and did not die till 1386. It would be curious, however, 
for the Herald to be mistaken in an event touching his master so nearly, and about so well 
known a person. May not the Audeley who died in 1386 have been a son of the warrior and 
not Sir James himself? Froissart says his death took place at Fontenay-le-Comte, which is at 
a very short distance from La Roche-sur-Yon. 

3950-1. Chandos was mortally wounded in the skirmish at Lussac, January i, 1370, and died 
one or two days after at Mortemer, where he was buried, and where his tomb is still to be seen.^" 

3975. Bertrand du Guesclin had been ransomed after the Battle of Navarete and released 
on 27th December, 1367 ; he had rejoined Henry of Trastamare before Toledo, which he was 
besieging in the following year. After his recall, he arrived at Toulouse about the middle of 
July, 1370, where he met the Duke of Anjou. 

4009-10. Anjou and du Guesclin had in their company a large number of the discontented 
Gascons ; they marched towards Agen, taking Moissac, Agen, Port Sainte-Marie, Aiguillon, 
Tonneins, Montpazier, and laying siege to Bergerac." 

401 1. The Due de Berry had been made Lieutenant-General on the 5th Feb. 1368.^'' On 
the 6th April, 1372, he received a large sum of money from Charles for his services and conquests 
in Guienne." 


1 Arch. Nat., JJ 99, No. 345 ; J 105, No. 67. ' Froissart, vii. 145, 147, 161. 

^ Froissart, vii. 96 ; ibid., p. xxxix, note 3. * Froissart, vii, p. Ixxv, note i. 

^ Gascon Rolls, 42 Edw. Ill, m. i. Letters of ' Chandos, ed. F. Michel, 374 ! Froissart, vii, 

safe conduct to Pembroke to go out to Aquitaine, p. Ixxiv, note i. 
Jan. 16, 1369. '" Meyrick, Jean Chandos, in Archaeologia, xx. 

• Le Rouergne sous les Anglais, 169. '^ Froissart, vii. 226, 227. 

5 Froissart, vii, p. lii, note 2. " Delisle, Mandementsde Charles V, Paris, 1873 

" Gu^rin, Archives du Poitou, vol. xvii, 387, note ; (Documents Inedits), No. 495. 
Froissart, vii, p. liv, note 3. " Arch. Nat., K 49 B, No. 59. 


Louis de Bourbon, Comte de Clermont.' Named also by Froissart as accompanying Berry. 

4014. Berry and his army arrived before Limoges on the 21st August." 

4025-7. According to the Grandes Chroniques, Lancaster arrived in Calais towards the 
end of 1369 ; ' but he did not come south till this time (Aug., 1370), when he joined the Prince's 
army at Cognac* 

4037-8. This was the work of the Bishop, Jean de Cros, who ' turned French ', as Froissart 
expresses it ;° and the town was occupied by the Due de Berry in the name of King Charles, 
22nd August. 

4040-1. Possibly the Herald thought it better for his hero's reputation to leave this 
incident without comment : even Froissart spares pity for the townsmen on this occasion. ' II 
n'est si dur coeur ... qui n'en plorit tendrement du grand meschef qui y dtoit ; car plus de trois 
mille personnes, hommes & femmes, et enfans, y furent delivrds et d6col6s celle journde. Dieu 
en ait les imes, car ils furent bien martyrs.' « The siege was from the 14th to 19th Sept., 1370.'' 

4043. Roger de Beaufort was a son of Guillaume Roger, Comte de Beaufort and Vicomte 
de la Motte." 

4045. Jean de Villemur, son of the Vicomte de Villemur.' 

To these two Froissart adds Hugues de la Roche, who had married a sister of Roger de 

4061-2. Prince Edward, according to a note by Buchon, died in January, 1371, aged 6.'° 
The Prince was probably in Angoul^me before this, since the massacre of Limoges took place 
in September, and he was too ill to remain long in the field. 

4069. The Prince must have left for England before Jan. 15, 1371, since the Duke of 
Lancaster is mentioned in an act of that date as governing for him.'' 

4074. Sept. 8, 1372, La Rochelle surrendered to the Dukes of Berry and Burgundy." 

4076. Pembroke was taken in a sea-fight with the Spaniards outside La Rochelle, June 23, 
1372, before the town fell into the hands of the French." 

4077-92. In August Edward began to prepare a force to go to the help of La Rochelle, in 
which the Prince insisted on taking part despite his illness, and his son Richard was declared 
Guardian of the Kingdom during their absence. They must have been about eight weeks at 
sea altogether, since they embarked at Sandwich 30th August, and on the 31st August the 
King signed a document there arranging for the custody of the kingdom during his absence, 
while he was back in Westminster by the 28th October ; for there is a document of that date 
' teste rege apud Westmonasterium ', whereas on Sept. 14th we find at the close of an Act ' teste 
Ricardo filio . . ."* 

4165-85. The account given by Chandos of the Prince's death agrees closely with that 
given by a monk of St. Albans in a chronicle which is very valuable for the history of home 

The date is correct : Trinity Sunday, June 8, 1376. 

4189-252. Francisque Michel suggests that this list of principal oificers, which follows as 
a sort of appendix, may have been added by another hand. There are several arguments in 
favour of this view : — 

' Chazaud, Chronique de Loys de Bonrbon (Soc. '" Froissart, Pantheon Litt^raire, 625, note, 

de I'Hist. de France). " Froissart, viii, p. x, note i. 

2 Froissart, vii, p. cii, note I. " Delisle, Mandements de Charles V, No. 918. 

= Grandes Chroniques, 307. " Guerin, Arch, du Poitou, vol. xix, introduction. 

* Diet, of National Biography; Froissart, vii. 240. " Rymer, iii, pt. ii, 206; Froissart, viii, p. liii, 
5 Froissart, vii. 242. notes i, 3. 7- 

* Froissart vii. 250. ' Chronicon Anghae anctore monacho quodain 
' Froissart,'vii,'p. cxiii, note 4. Sancti Albani, ed. Maunde Thompson, 1874 (, Rolls 
8 Arch. Nat., K 44, No. 7. Series), 85. 

s Gn^rin, Arch, du Poitou, vol. xiii, 41, note. 


(1) Chandos has wound up his poem in the previous canto : 'Et ci fyn je lui ditz du trfes 
noble Prince,' &c. 

(2) The list is a mere pretence of verse, without the life and spirit which characterize the 
rest of the poem, and even its lists of names. 

(3) There are a few slight variations of spelling — ^as for example, Estephen, instead of 
Stephen, which is generally found ; Poytoo instead of Poitou ; Anguymis for Angoumois ; 
Cressy, whereas elsewhere it is called Cressin and Cressyn ; Per^gore instead of Perigos ; 
Gwichard for Guychard. This is, however, very little proof, since Chandos is rarely consistent 
in his spelling of names, and there are no radical differences. 

(4) The list is certainly incomplete and not always correct, whereas Chandos is particularly 
accurate in all such questions. 

(5) It is not given on the author's own authority : twice it refers to a list — ' Aprfes sa mort 
comme dit lestille ' (4228). 

4197. Sir John Chandos, Constable of Aquitaine, 1361-1370.' 

4196. Captal de Buch, Constable of Aquitaine, 1371-1373." 

4197. Guichard d'Angle, Marshal to Black Prince in Aquitaine.' 

4200. Stephen de Cosinton.* 

4201. Sir Thomas Felton was Seneschal of Aquitaine from February 8, 1363, onwards : 
before that there had been Chandos 12 Nov., 1361, Chiverston 8 June, 1362.' 

4203. Sir William Felton, Seneschal of Poitou.^ 

4206. Sir Baldwin de Frdville was Seneschal of Poitou, 1367.' 

4209. Thomas Percy was certainly Seneschal of Poitou in March, 1369 and in 1371, 
although Chandos is mentioned in a document as holding that office in Nov., 1369.* Possibly 
Sir John took Percy's place when he went to La Rochelle, and the latter resumed his office after 
the death of Chandos at Lussac. 

4212. Sir John Harpeden was Seneschal of Saintonge in 1369, and still held the place in 
1371.' Chandos has not mentioned Baldwin de Frdville, who was certainly Seneschal in 1366.'° 

4213. Sir Henry de la Hey is called by Froissart Seneschal of Angoulime in 1372." 
Angoumois was, I think, generally united to some other place. 

4215. Thomas de Roos is mentioned by Froissart as fighting in 1367, but with no title. 
In 1369 he speaks of John Devereux as Seneschal to the Prince of Wales in the Limousin.'^ 

4218. Sir Richard Abberbury is mentioned in the Gascon Rolls as receiving letters of 
protection in 1369, but no title is added." 

4219. Sir Thomas Wetenhale became Seneschal of Rouergue in 1365, in place of 
Amanieu Fossard, who had been appointed in 1361." 

4223. Sir Thomas de Walkfare was Seneschal of Quercy and P^rigord in 1366.^'' 
Gaujal, in his book on Rouergue, says that he succeeded Fossard in 1364 ; but that is pro- 
bably a mistake." 

4227. Sir Richard Baskerville. 

4229. William le Moigne is called Seneschal of Agenais by Froissart in 1369." 

' Dictionary of National Biography. p. Ixxiv, note I. 

2 Eeltz, Duchy of Lancaster Records. 'o Rymer, lii, pt. ii, 115. 

Beltz, 183. 11 Froissart, viii, p. xxxviii. 

See Index. 12 Froissart, vii. 156. 

Tanzm, in Revue de Gascogne, iSgr. " Gascon Rolls, 42 Edw. Ill, m. 3. 

6 Gnerin, Archives du Poitou, xvii. 46 ; Bibl. Nat. " Le Rouergue sous les Anglais 02 

Lat. 18391 speaks of him in 1366. '6 Arch. Nat, J 642, No. 2. 

' Rymer, iii, pt. ii 133. le Gaujal, Etudes historiques sur le Rouergue, 

» Froissart, vii, p. Ixxiv, note T ; p. Ixxv, note r. Paris, 1858, i. 513. 
9 Fillon, Vie de Chandos, 30, 31; Froissart, vii, " Froissart, vii. 98. 


4234. Sir Richard Walkfare had letters of protection in 1356 and 1365.^ 

4236. Sir John Roches was Seneschal of Bigorre in 1366.'' 

4237. There certainly was a Seneschal of the Landes, since he is mentioned in Acts of the 
Black Prince.' I have not found the name of the Sire de Pyan. In 1371 the office was filled 
by Mathew de Gournay,* in 1375 by William d'Elmham.' 

' Rymer (1836 edition), iii, pt. ii, 40, 763. • Delpit, Coll. des documents, i. 180. 

" Arch. Nat., J 642, No. 2. " Gascon Rolls, 49 Edw. Ill, m. 8. 

' Bibl. Nat. Nouv. Acq. Lat. 1 265. 


Square brackets indicate that the enclosed word or form has been supplied by the editor, 
round brackets that the enclosed word or form has not been adopted in the critical text. 

The persons of the verb are denoted by the figures I, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, the ist, 2nd, and 
3rd persons of the plural being denoted by 4, 5, 6. 

Abateis, abatis 3336, overthrowing. 

Abuvrer 765, to water. 

Accroistre : indie, perf. 3 accreut, accreust 

1256 ; to become greater, more serious. 
Acoeillir : past part. fem. acoeillie, acoillee 

1709, {quillie) 3730. — sa voie 1709, 3730, 

to start on one's way. 
Acompte, see Aconte. 
Aconte, acounte, acompte 344, 876, 1205 &c., 

account ; estre granz — 288, estre uns 

granz — 1481, to be of great account, very 

numerous ; faire — de 96, [192], to take 

account of; faire grant — de 556, faire un 

grant — de 338, to esteem highly ; tenir — 

de 16, to take account of. 
Aconter, acountier, act. 427, to relate, tell ; 

neuter with prep, a [1341], to have regard for. 
Acorder, accorder, act. 2937, to reconcile, 

1866, 2229, to agree, decide, 846 &c., to 

grant ; refl. 1806, 2222, 2665, 2932 &c., to 

Acort, acort, acord, acorde, accord, accorde 

1707, 1810, 2410 &c., agreement ; d' — 1862, 

willing; estre d' — 550, 1955, 3851, 4003 &c., 

to agree ; mettre a — 818, to reconcile. 
Acovrir : past part, acovert 371 ; to cover. 
Acquerre : indie, perf. 3 acquist 384, 1308, 

3236 ; to gain, win. 
Ades 266, always. 
Adevancier : indie, perf. 3 adeuantcea 760 ; 

to outstrip. 
Adonc, adonques, adont, adonqes, adon^, 

adont 447, 724, 905, 1070, 1295 &c., then. 
Adrecier, adresser; refl. with preposition a 

44, 80, 1650, to turn to, set oneself to. 
Afaitie, afaite 322, prepared, ready. 
Affaire 1927, 2969, see Faire. 
Affaire.aiFere 1328, 1540, 1838,2078 &c., rank, 

position, state, disposition, 2970 opinion. 
Affier : neuter 710, 1080, 1528, &c., to assure ; 

refl. 1895, to trust. 
Agu 566,eager, impetuous ; cf. agu in A. Scheler 

Geste de Lidge, Glossaire Philologique. 
Ahan, ahan, aham, ahen II36, 1314, 3458 &c., 

labour, tribulation ; faire — 726, to lament, 

cf. Cotgrave. 
Aide, eyde 275, help. 

Aidier, aider, eider 1350, 1977 &c. ; impera- 
tive 5 aidiez, aidez,2iy]i ; subj.pres. 3 aide 2567, 
3212, eide 2714, ait, aid 3187, aiuwe [3448], 
4153 ; to help. 

Aincois, ancois 3053, but. 

Ajorner, ad journer 3044, to dawn, become 

Alegier : pres. subj. 3 aliegge, alegge 2349 ; to 
alleviate, diminish. 

Alentir, alentir, alenter, alentier, allenter 
1047, 2012, 2520, 2790, to slacken, flag, delay. 

Aler 365, 776, 1676 &c., alier 2042 ; indie, 
pres. I vois, voise 2375, 3 va 2488, 3196, 
3231 &c., 4 alons 1138, 6 vont [313], vout 
1223 ; perf. 3 ala 358, 1949, 1973 &c., 6alarent 
2639, alerent 3562 ; cond. 3 iroit, irroit 554, 
2666, 2668 &c., 6 iroient 1697 ; imperative 4 
alons, atoms 2569 ; subj. pres. 5 alez 793 ; 
subj. imp. 3 alast 1631 ; past part, ale 1253, 
2673, 2816, to go ; — son voiage 2042, to set 
out on one's journey. 

Alongier, alongier, alonger, act. 202, 633, 
862, 1954, to lengthen out, delay ; [refl.] 1482, 
to be lengthened out. 

Amasser 227, 735, 736, to assemble. 

Ambedeux 271, 1161, ansdeux, ambedeux 
2937 ; nom. ambedoy 297, andoi, ambedeux 
1433 ; both, the two. 

Ame, alme 1388, 3423, soul. 

Amener : indie, pres. 3 amayne 3338 ; perf. 3 
amena, amesna 2354, 2694 &c. ; to lead. 

Amenteveur, amenceuetir 4, one who is 

Amer 832, 1757, aymer 3806, 3824; indie, 
pres. 6 ayment 537 ; imp. 6 amoient 1620, 
1623 ; perf. 3 ama 462, 1598, 4142 ; past part, 
ame 1760; to love. 

Amiablement 2082, 2144 &c., graciously, 

Amont 2703, 2742, up. 

Amoureus 1512, lovable, charming. 

Ancelle 1454, maidservant. 

Angle, angle, agle 1 196, 3240, angle, corner ; 
mettre en 1' — 2286, to hold of no account, 
to pass over. 

Apartenir : indie, pres. 3 apartient 1423 ; 
imp. to be fitting. 




A.ppa.T&iaier,apparatUer, act. 226, 2013,2982 

&c., [neuter] 2236, refl. 2312, to prepare, make 

ready ; past part. 3998, ready, willing. 
Apparant 176 1, evident, clear. 
Appellement 3876, appeal. 
Appeller, refl. 3859, to appeal, with de 

[3853]. to appeal against. 

Approchier, approcher; act. 2206, to bring 
nearer, facilitate. 

Arbalastier, arblastier 2997, 3087, 3283, 

Archigaie, archigair 3358, archigai 2765, 

archegay, assagai, dart. 

Ardoir: indie, perf. 3 ardi 170; pres. part, 
ardant 221 ; past part. fem. arse, arsee 1009 ; 
to bum. 

Ariere, ariere, arere, a rsre 2903, 3550,3588, 
4089, back. 

Armee 487, expedition, 4077 army. 

Arroi, arroi, array, aroi, arroie, arrai 108, 
283, [298], 388, 946, 1035, 4068 &c. arrange- 
ment, disposition, military equipment, army, 
1762, situation, state. 

Arroier, arrcder 980, to bring into a situation 
or plight, to treat. 

As 1449, [3545], contracted form of ' a les '. 

Ascoulter, see Escouter. 

Assaillir, assailler 2004, 2519, 2789 &c. ; 
indie, imp. 6 assailloient 2763 ; perf. 3 assailli 
1352 ; to attack. 

Assamblee, assemblee, assemble 735, 2031, 
2465, muster. 

Assambler, assembler, nssemblier; act. 580, 
2045, to bring together, assemble; neuter 
I167, 1289, 1292, to enter into action, attack ; 
refl. 2033 &€., to assemble, 2717 with prepo- 
sition a, to join. Infinitive used as substan- 
tive 786, engagement, fight. A 1 — ensamble 
3260, when they joined battle. 

Assaut 3376, attack; prendre sur — 713, 
prendre par — 3927, gaigner par — 4041, to 
carry by assault. 

Assavoir ; faire — 3436, inform. 

Assener 2053, to destine, call, 3590, to marry. 

Assentir, assentier 856, approve, agree to. 

Asseiir, asseure 3462, secure, safe. 

Assez, assetz, assetez 205, 272, 472, 1474, 2172, 
very, much ; 287, 2807, 3654, many, 3653, 

[Asouffire]: past part, asouffit {a. suffice) 
805, to satisfy. 

Asur, aseure, asure 986, 2595, azure. 

Ataindre : past part, ataynt 3293 ; to hit, to 

Atant 1 193, then. 

Atargier, atargier, atergier, atergiere, eter- 

gier; neuter and refl. 1591, 2200, 3010, 3722 
&c., to linger, delay. 

Atemperance 1627, temperance, moderation. 

Atour 742, 2106, equipment; [1692], character, 

Attendre, refl. 3153, to wait. 

Attente, attent 3138, delay. 

Attiser 3180, to urge, incite. 

Attrait, atret 861, reception ; 2677, arrange- 
ment, preparation. 

Aucun, ascum 4, 38, 1916, some. 

Autre 915 &c. ; stressed oblique pronominal 
form, pi. autrui, anlru 1723 ; other. 

Aval 2703, down. 

Avaler, avaller, act. 3056, refl. 2770, to 
descend, come down. 

Avancier ; act. 3912, give prosperity to; 
neuter 1 154, to come forward, reach. 

Avant 81, 1114, 1175 &c., on, forward. 

Avanter, refl. 482, to flatter oneself, boast. 

Avenement 316, the coming of Christ. 

Avenir 46, 1652, 3955; indie, pres. 3 avient 
1074, avyent 3958, 5 a.ytnez,auiendrez 1087 ; 
perf. 3 avint 3815, anient I16, 480, 2209 
&c., avynt, auyent 2892 ; neuter 46, 1087, 
2499, 4060, to come, arrive, reach, befall ; 
imp. 116, 417, 480 &c., to happen, come to 

Aventure 494, 2424., good fortune, success; 
mettre en — 3301, risk, expose, imperil. 

Avis, avis, auys 1404, 1898, opinion, 1851, 
2740, wisdom, prudence ; m'est — 470, (3222), 
3882, it seems to me. 

Aviser; act. 366,10 recognize, 1830, devise, dis- 
cover; refl. 21 1 1, 2400, to decide; estre avisez 
1833, to remember. 

Avoec, avoecques, ouescqj, ouesqe 118, 274, 
679 &c., with. 

Avoier 662, 758, 2099 &c., to guide, direct. 

Avoir III, 1831, 2030 &c. ; ind. pres. i ay 
93, 1285, 2064 &c., ai 1273, 1894, 1902 &c., 
3 a 936, ad 772, 799, 809 &c., 4 avons 1900, 
2433, auom 2914, 5 avez 1822, 1896, 3175 &c., 
6 ont 448, 514, 539 &c., ount, (34), 541 ; imp. 
3 avoit 178,278,287 &c., 6 avoient 882, 1634, 
1802 &c., avoyent 332 ; perf. 3 ot 122, 138, 
168 &c., out 128, eut, out 1248, eust 142, 161, 
446 &c., 6 orent 295, eurent 515, 574, 747 
8i.c.,eussent 3634, (erent) 1709 ; future i averai 
2986, avroy, aueroy 1097, avray, aueray 2994, 
3 avra, atira 788, auera 3964, 4 avrons, 
auons 983, auerons 1 137, 5 avrez, auerez 
949, 966, 1 1 50, aueretez 951, aueretz 963, 
averez, aueritez 1080 ; cond. 5 averiez, auerez 
2940 ; imperative 5 aies 957, aiez 1076, 2984, 
3193 ; subj. pres. i aye, ay 3004, 3 ait 2424, 
eit 2758, 3423, 4181, 4 aions 1 179, 5 eiez 817, 
aies 1006 ; subj. imp. 3 eust 449, 450, 2705, 
euist, eust 162, 1336, 1791 &c., 6 eussent 
2176, euissent, eussent 188, 1255 ; past part, 
eu, ev 1900, 2176, fem. eue, ev 1835 ; to have. 
En lui ot bon chevalier 942, he was a good 
knight. En ly n'avoit que corecier 3369, he 
was filled with anger. 

Avoir used substantively 514, 1832, 2836, 
money, property, valuables. 



Bachelerie, bachelrie 612, bachelry, bachelors 

Bacinet 3895, bacynette 2027, bassinet. 
Bail : nom. sing, bans 2482 ; governor, regent, 
Baillie, baillie, bailie 796, 1546, keeping. 
Baillier 1545, 2440, 2953, 3142, to give. 
Baneret, baneret, banerer 119, 193, 1368 &c., 

banneret, knight banneret. 
Baniere; estre a baniere, banter 3 1 33, to have 

a banner, be a banneret. 
Barnage, baronage 486, 15 18 &c., baronage, 

barons, 748, valour. 
Baron 119 &c., baron, 279, a man of noble 

Baronie 118, 3630, barons. 
Barre 632, obstacle, hindrance, cf. Scheler, 

i^tude Lexicologique sur les Poesies de Gillon 

le Muisit. 
"BaXaXWe, bataille, baiail 1128 &c., battle, 302, 

964, 991 &c., battle, corps, battalion. 
Baus, see Bail. 
Baut, bauf, baud [596], 2954, 3928, [4042], 

joyful, glad. 

Benir : past part. fem. benoite 3488 ; to bless. 
Beubant, beaubant 3396, pride, presumption. 
Bienveignier : 1448, 1504, to welcome. 
Biere, bere 369, coffin. 
Blicier: indie, imp. 6 bliceoient, blisceoient 

3363 ; to wound. 
Boire : past part, beu 3653 ; to drink. 
Bondir, bonder 989, to resound. 
Bonte, bontee 1280, merit, prowess. 
Borde 2684, cottage, hut. 
Bourdeour 18, buffoon, jester. 
Bouter, act. 1305, to thrust, drive home ; 

neuter 3260, to thrust ; refl. 1 196, to put one- 
self, go ; — avant, 81, 2225, to push forward. 
Brief 342, 1 105; nom. bris (brysmos) 767, 

brifs 2228, bries, briefs 3846 ; brief, short. 
Bries, bris, see Brief. 
Buisyne, bussyne 988, trumpet. 

Capitaine, capitaine, chieftayne, chieftaine, 

chifteine 541, 944, 2338, 3070, captain, leader. 
Car 1292 &c., for, 464, 775, 812, now, I pray 

you, 1877 that. 
Cariage 1084, coriage 2699, baggage. 
Carkier, carker 369, place, 603, load. 
Cas ; pour — de 1873, on account of. 
Cave 3455, cellar. 
Ce, see Cest. 

Ce, ce, ceo, see Introd. p. xl. 
Cel, cele, ycelle, ciaux, ceux, cil, oils, cis, 

celui, celi, see Introd. p. xli. 
Celi, see Cel. 
Celestial 1272, celestial. 
Certain, cetain, certain, certein, 1732 &c., 

certain, 3318 firm, resolute. 
Cest, ycest, ce, ceste, yceste, ces, cez, cis, 

cesti, see Introd. p. xl. 
Cesti, see Cest. 

Champaigne 368, field. 

Cheminer, chiminer 2438, 2511, 2890, to 


Cheoir : past part, cheu 3276 ; to fall. 
Chescun 832, 1096 &c., each. 
Chevalereusement, chiualrousement 315, 

1225, chivalrously, valiantly. 
Chevalerie, chiualrie 2246, 2289, 3924, 

chivalry, knights. 
Chevaucherye, chiuacherye 1674, mounted 

Chevauchie, chiuache, chiuachie 376, 687, 

709 &c., expedition. 
Chevauchier, chiuacher; act. 169, 912, to 

ride over. 
Chief 3895, head. 
Chier ; avoir — 1510, to love ; se faire — 3926, 

to win renown. 
Chiere, chiere, chier [2032], 2718, 3147, 3282, 

countenance, bearing, demeanour. Faire 

mate — 4090, to look downcast. 
Choisir 761, 2522, to perceive, see. 
Chor 988, horn. 

Ci, cy 815, 1244, 2658 &c., here. 
Ciaux, see Cel. 
Cil, see Cel. 
Cis, see Cest, Cel. 

Clamer 1759, 2910, to call. For 1759 cf. Cot- 
grave under 'Subiect', Qui de ses subiects 

est hai n'est pas seigneur de son pais. 
Coer 6, 462 &c., heart. 
College 1452, probably here the members of 

a Collegiate Church, perhaps those of Saint- 

Seurin and Saint-Andre. 
Combien que 15, although. 
[Cement que] 27, although. 
Compaigne [197], 2302, company, com- 
panionship ; 1738, 2124, 2396, company, troop. 
Compaignon 1740, 2459 &c., companion, 

comrade, member of one of the companies ; 

258, fellow. 
Compleindre : indie, imp. 3 compleindoit 

3595 i refl., to lament. 
Compleinte 592, lament. 
Comprendre : perf. 3 comprist 996 ; past 

part, compris 2677, fem. comprise 1928 ; 996, 

to cover ; 1928, 2671, to arrange. 
Comunalment 1607, 2101, all. 
Comunes 244, the forces levied by the 

Conclusion 3783, conclusion, end. 
Conduire: imp. 3 cofaAxciimtjCondussoit \oi,\ ; 

perf. 3 conduist 2354, 3737 ; to lead, guide. 
Conduit, conduyt 2472, 3572, escort, guides ; 

1952, feast (?). 
Conforter: act. 917, 1957, 2071, 3334 &c., to 

help, comfort, reinforce; refl. 3913, to 

strengthen oneself 
Congie, conge, congie 2176, 2660, 2950 &c., 

leave ; se doner — 2088, to take leave of each 




Conjoir, conioier d,Ti, 637, to do honour to. 

Conoistre, conustre 366 ; indie, pres. 5 co- 
gnissiez, cognoissea 2975 ; imp. 6 conissoient, 
1796 ; past part, coneii, conu 3616 ; to know, 

Conquerir, conquerer 1702, conquerre, con- 
querere 3159; indie, perf. 6 conquirent, con- 
querent 173, con(\m%&aX, conquistrent 1743; 
past part. fem. conquise 1744, 181 1 ; to con- 
quer, win. 

Conquester, conquester, conquestre 364, 685, 
3168 &c., to win, conquer. 

Conseil, conseil, conseilt, conselt, conseilh; 
nom. sing, consiaux 2481, [1925 &c.] ; 1847 
&c. council, 1907, 1 929, 387 1 , counsel, decision. 
Trouver en son — 544, to decide. 

Conseillier, consetller, act. 2501 &c., to 
advise, 2447, decide ; neuter 3870, to deli- 

Consentir 1803: indie, perf. 3 consenti 2357 ; 
past part, consentu 1 899 ; to agree to, permit. 

Consiaux, see Conseil. 

Conte, counte 123 &c., nom. sing, cuens, 
counte £67, countes 1172, quens, counte 2183, 
see Introd. p. xv ; count. 

Conte, compte, counte, coTnpte ; faire — de 
15, 124 &c., to take account of, honour. 

Conter, counter 201 &c., to relate ; with a 
2730, to value at ; ne — rien a 1183, 2593, to 
have no interest or stake in. 

Contre, centre, countre 1949, 2124, [3761], 
towards, to meet ; — lour retour 437, on 
their return. 

Contredire ; sanz — 24, 2468, 4032, unques- 

Contrefaire : cond. 3 contreferoit 20 ; to 
counterfeit, imitate. 

Contremont 1218, 2693, up. 

Contrestant, contreesteant ; nient — 835, 

Contreval, contrevale 2695, down, along. 

Corage 359, 2767 &c., heart. 

Corecier, coreucier, coroucer 3879, to anger ; 
inf. used as subst. 3369, anger, wrath. 

Corps 307, man, person ; ton — 3590, you ; 
son — 103, 1499, 3301, he, himself, in person. 

Coureur, courreur 2582, 2700 &c., currour, 
light horseman acting as scout or skirmisher. 

Courir 1 109, currir 1 138, courrer 3251 ; indie, 
pres. 3 court 26, 6 courent, curront 1093 ; 
imp. 3 couroit, curroit 2749, 6 couroient 2583, 
courroien 2703 ; perf. 3 courirent, currerent 
1114, courrerent 1171 ; to run, to be current, 
in progress ; — sus, active and neuter 1 1 38, 
1 171 &c., to attack, set upon, charge. 

Courroi 1016, battle, battalion, corps. 

Cours ; plus tost que le — , see Tost. 

Coursier, courser 263, 1112, courser, charger. 

Court 1692, see Critical Note to line. 

Couvant, couenant ; avoir en — 2433, to 


Couvine 3025, position, arrangement. 

Covenir: indie, pres. 3 covient 1073; imp. 
3 covenoit 2133, 3388,4065; perf. 3 covint, 
couient 1069, 1302, 1754; future covenra, 
cotiiendra 4115 ; imp., to be necessary. 

Coveyteus, coueytous 2010, eager. 

Coyntement 3058, skilfully. 

Crembre : indie, imp. 3 cremoit 1722 ; to fear. 

Cremeus 3291, terrible. 

Croire 186, croiere 2849 ; indie, pres. I croy 
672, 934, 982 &c. 5 croies 1855 ; pres. part, 
eroyant 1264 ; to beheve. 

Crueus, cruos 1682, [1826], cruel. 

Cuens, see Conte. 

Cul, cult 1 154, crupper. 

Damage 747, 781 &c., damage, mischief, mis- 
Dampnedieu 141 8, Lord God, God. 
Dan, Dan, Daun 1708, 2984 &c., Sir, Don. 
Dansele, damoselle 1511, maiden. 
Darrein 519, last. 
Debatre 1534, 4030, to contest. 
Debonairement, debonairment zTyit gently, 

Decea; par — 2409, 2557, this side of. 
Dedenz, dedeinz 1787, in; de par — 4048, 

Deduit, deduit, deduyt, desduit 661, iioo &c., 

pleasure, delight. Faire — 436, 143S, 3780, 

to rejoice, hold revel. Demener — 2180, 

mener — 3486, to make merry. 
Dedure, refl. 2593, to be amused, find 

Defaut ; sanz nul — 2438, without fail. 
Defaute (3163), 3648, lack. 
Deguerpir, de guerper 175 5, to abandon, give 


Del 2258, 2541, contraction of ' de le '- 
Dela (de lors) 2553 ; par — 250, beyond. 
Delit 3996, 4020, pleasure, delight. 
Delivre, deliure, deliuere; a — 1570, freely, 

without reserve. 
Delivrer, deliuerer, act. 428, 1543, to deliver, 

1479, to dispatch, deal with the business of; 

— bataille 2435, to give battle ; neuter 2095, 
to be delivered ; refl. 1523, to hasten, 4097, 
to dispatch, finish. 

Demain 2137, 2232, delay. 

Demener : indie, pres. 6 demaynent 2826 ; 
imp. 6 demenoient 3766 ; perf. 6 demenerent 
458, demesnerent 2159,2180; 2826, to treat. 

— deduyt, see Deduit. — joie 458, 2159, 
3766, to rejoice. 

Demoere 1145, delay. 

Demoeree, demoeree, demoree 22, 392 &c., 

Demorance 3858, 3974, delay. 

Demorer: with varying radical, indie, pres. 
3 demeure, demoere 2185, 6 demeurent, 
{demoere) 2999 ; perf. 3 demoera, 191 ; 





6 demourerent, (demoerent) 479 ; neuter 191, 
295, 1 61 7, 1 97 1 &;c., to remain, dwell, delay; 

• refl. 1807, to remain ; imp. ne demoura gere 

. 411, 517, 1586 &c., it was not long. 

Demour, demoere 2387, delay. 

Demoustrer 28, to set forth, describe. 

Deniers 2014, money. 

-Departie 4155, departure, death. 

Departir 2815, departier 589; indie, imp. 3 
departoit 924; perf. 3 departi 1295, 2150, 
2959, departy 889, 6 departirent 2228, 3742, 
dej>tren( 347, depterent 1346 ; fut. 6 departi- 
ront 899; past part, departy 739, (1252), de- 
parti (2116), 3751 ; act. 2815, to divide ; refl. 
2228, 3742, to part, separate, se — 739, 3751 
&c., s'en — 347, 2150 &c., to depart. Infini- 
tive used as substantive 589, departure. 

'De-pori,deport,despor£ ^y^o, delight, pleasure; 
n'avoir point de — 957, to be pitiless, not to 

Deporter, act. 3540, to spare ; refl. 903, to be 
delayed, put off. 

Derier, derere 11 77, last. 

Deriere, derere 1364, 2636, behind. 

Desaroy 434, confusion, rout. 

Desconfir, desconfire 2851 ; perf. 6 descon- 
firent ; disconferent 1209 ; past part, desconfit 
2845, disconjit 3564, desconfi, discoufit 497, 
disconfit 897, 3397, fem. desconfie, (desconfist) 
1237 ; to defeat, rout. 

Desconfiture, disconfiture 3445, destruction, 

Descort, discord 3994, strife. 

Descovrir, descouer mo, to discover. 

Desenner, deseruier 1420, to disarm. 

Deservir 3501, to deserve, repay. 

Desirier, desirer 2895, {desire) 2011, desire. 

Deslogement 3047, raising (of a camp), 

Desoubz 2753, 2905, (35S4\ par — 2280, 
2898, under, below. 

Desployer, desployer, desploier, disployer; 
act. 985 &c., unfurl; refl. 1904, to be de- 

Desroi 656, damage. 

Desseparer : indie, pres. 3 dessepere, desap- 
pere 1770 ; refl. with de, to part from, aban- 

Destourber, destober 1098, 2208, 3354, 
3936, to disturb, hinder, interrupt. 

Destourner, act. 785, 853, to avert, prevent ; 
refl. 41 16, to avoid, escape. 

Destre 3082, 3235, (adestre) 3308, right. 

Destroit, destroy t 1700, defile ; 3646, hard- 

[Desur] 271 1, on. 

Detri, detri, detry, destri 1 742, 1884, 3460 &c., 

Detriance 859, delay. 

Detrier : act. and neuter 934, 1097, 1592, 1953, 
delay, hinder. 

Deux 1599; nom. doy 1575, doi, ^^«*- 1114, 
1278 &c., two. 

Devaler 2813, to go down. 

Devant: prep, (of place) 2556 &c., (of time) 
719, before ; adv. (of place) 3196, 3229, in 
front, (of time) 3222 before; par — 182*3, 

Devant que 1211, before. 

Devers745, 777, &c., towards, to ; •pzx^par^per 
— 374, 741 &c., towards, to, 895, on, from. 

Devier 4172, to die. 

Deviser, devyser: act. 302, 577 &c., to 
arrange, 2241, 2291, 2444, 3678, to describe, 
enumerate, set forth, relate, 3005, to talk ; 
refl. 1099, 1433, 2581, to talk. 

Devoir: indie, pres. i doy 470, 2318,4124, 
doi 1424, 1854 &c., doie 3346, 3 doit 29, 454, 
832 &c., deit 2932, 4 devons 1429, 6 doient 
32, (1753), 2853 ; imp. 3 devoit, III, 146, 1938 
&c., 6 devoient [1753], 1828, 3824; cond. 5 
deveviez, deuevoiez 2928 ; subj. pres. 5 doiiez, 
deussez 2417, 2418 ; imp. 3 deust 2818, 3660, 
deuist, deust 2930, 6 deuissent, deussent 3032, 
3824; to owe, ought &c., 146, to be about to, 
832, to be wont to. 

Di ; touz dis, tut dis, toutdiz 2863, 3252, 3673, 
always, all the time. 

Dieuesse 2052, goddess. 

Digne 1571, noble, precious, 2486, worthy. 

Dire 23, 144, 153 &c. ; indie, pres. i di 2345, 
2450, 2537, die 1549, 2348, dy 2015, 2600, 
315s, 3473. dye 63, 3 dit 214, 279, 344 &c., 
5 dites, ditez 823, ditez, ditz 2843, 6 dient 
2101 ; imp. 3 disoit 547, 921, 1243 &c., 6 
disoient 1119, 1914, 3602 &c. ; perf. 3 dist 
229, 463, 727 &c., 6 dirent 3858, disent, 
disrent 3143 ; fut. i diroy, dirroy 702, dirai, 
(dirrd) 638, 3 dira, dirra 3584 ; cond. I 
diroye, dirroy ^42 ; imperative 5 dites, 
ditez 1909, 2165 ; subj. pres. I die 456, 1235, 
dye 3377, 3 die 836; pres. part, disant ill, 
1472, 2402 &c. ; past. part, dit 961, 2075, 
3147 See, dist 1276; to say, 23, to compose 

Dit 2, 30 &c., poem; 1638, 2115 &c., word, 

Ditter, dieter 1892, 2951, to compose, write. 

[Doel] 278, 1826, grief. 

Dolant 1824, 21 17 &c., sorrowful. 

Dolouser 592, 2090, 4160, complain, lament. 

Doner : indie, imp. 6 denoient 3265 ; perf. 3 
dona 2956 &c., 6 denerent 1772, donerent 
2088 ; future i dourroi, dourroie 2839 ; subj. 
pres. 3 doint 3884, {donast) 3893 ; imperative 
5 donez 3515 ; past part, done 1839, 3135 ; 
to give. 

Dent, done, don, dont, dount, doun 485, 791, 
[999] &c., then. 

Dormir : indie, imp. 3 dormoit 2690 ; to sleep. 

Doutance, doutance, dotance 2984, fear, 3194, 



Doute, doute, double 1634, 1 763, fear. 
Douter, refl. 280, to suspect, 2973, to fear. 
Drecier, diescer ; refl. 3880, to rise. 
Droit, adj. 631, 830, 2059 &c., true, lawful, 

proper; 1523, 2287 &c., right ; adv. 673, 1405, 

363s &c., exactly, just, directly, straight. 
Droittire 71, 1627 &c., right, justice, equity. 
Droiturier, droiter 2296, just. 
Dnit 1190, 3228, 3361, thickly. 
[Drut] {dure) 3496, friend. 
Due, nom. dues 1013 &c., dus 1377 &c. ; duke. 
[Duire] : past part duit, (droit) 3062 ; to 

Dur 493, 3291, fierce, violent. 
Dure, duree 1682, duration. 
Durement 1598, 2152, 2678, 2763, 3279, 

violently, mightily, greatly. 
Durer 113, 3433 &c., to last, 2786, to hold out. 
Durte, duretee 2358, 3673, hardship. 
Dus, see Due. 
Dusque ; — a 686, 3433, 3771, as far as, to. 

Effort, effort, esfort 1334, 3390, effort, 
struggle, 1727, army. 

Einz, einz, eins, ains 398, 1 197, 2573 &c., 
rather, but. 

Embataillier : past part, embataillie, ein- 
bataille 1533 ; to prepare (for battle). 

Embatre, act. 3285, to drive, plunge; refl. 
2068, to rush, enter. 

Emprendre 2837 > indie, perf. 6 emprissept 
2530; subj. imp. 3 empre'ist, emprist 1643; 
to undertake. 

Emprise, emprise, empris 1642, 1927, enter- 
prise; 408, 1743, 1812, 4058, spirit of enter- 
prise, prowess. 

En 6 &c., in, 363, 1266, 2297, on. 

En, see On. 

Enchaus, enchatts, enchace 3432, 3437, pur- 

Enclore: past part, enclos 231 ; to shut in. 

Encombrier, encombrer 2000, annoyance, 
damage ; faire — 3214, hinder. 

Encontre 1733, 2793, 3527 &c., against; 707, 
1261, towards; \et contre) 3876, to; (len- 
contre) 1497 ; — de, (encontede) 3600, towards, 
to meet. 

Encontre: venir en 1' — de 1451, a 1' — de, 
2155, a r — a 2212, 2546, to come to meet. 

Encontremont, 690, up. 

Encontrer, act. 2697, 2727, to meet : refl. 3768, 
to meet one another ; with a 3256, to meet. 

Encontrier, encontrer 1303, meeting, en- 

[Encoste]; par d'— , {p deux costees) 3461, 

Endroit 553, 767, 806 &c., used with la to 
emphasize it. 

Endurer 3646, to endure, 3365, to hold out. 

Enforcier, act. 3356, to render fiercer, more 
violent, 3662, to constrain ; refl. 3335, to re- 

double in violence, wax fiercer, 2724, 3360, 

to make efforts, endeavour. 
Enfuir: indie, imp. 6 enfuyoient 1 131; refl. 

to flee. 

Engrant, egrant 179, 1141, eager. 
Enhort 1541, advice, counsel. 
Enseigne, ensegne 4060, sign. 
Ensement 406, 550, 756 &c., thus ; 504, 1063, 

3067, also ; — que 2488, as, exactly as. 
Ensi, ensy, 1 01, 479 &c., thus ; — que, come, 

[com] 672, 1464, 1524 &c., as. 
Entalente 323, 614, 3351, desirous, eager. 
Entendre, neuter 1853, to attend, listen, 

3154, to give one's attention, devote oneself. 
Entente 838, intention, 3867, proposal ; 

mettre s' — 39, to devote oneself, strive. 
Entet 1222, complete, whole, cf. Jeanroy, 

Rom. xxii, p. 62. 
Entier 1322, loyal, steadfast. 
Entieu 821, sad; cf. Froissart, Poesies, ed. 

Scheler : plours entieus, vol. i, p. 290, 1. 2330, 

S'en sui entieus Et tres pensieus, vol. ii, 

p. 109, 1. 3669, see also Glossary. 
Entour, prep. 1439, round; adv. — s 2524, 

round about ; la — , thereabouts, 3641, near 


Entracoler, entrecoUer, entcoller, entre caller, 

refl. 2087, 3767, to embrace one another. 
Entre ; — lui et ses compagnons 1207, he and 

his companions. 
Entreci ; — jusques, [iesges), a 2298, as far as. 
Entremettre 31 ; indie, pres. 3, entremet 

(entrement) 3314 ; refl. with de, to set about, 

apply oneself to. 
[Entr' encontrer], refl. 313 (entre acountier), 

2160 (entre contrer) to meet one another. 
Entreset, entre set, entrefeat, entre fait, en- 

treet, 623, 2623, 3036, 3490, at once. 
[Entreus] (en trois, entre eux, en trewes) 

3718, meanwhile; — que 1939, 2478, while. 
Entroes, see Entreus. 
Entr'oublier, entre oubleer 2375, to forget. 
Entrues, see Entreus. 
Envaie 3250, onset, charge. 
Envair, envaoir 1228, to attack. 
Envers 1726, to. 
Environ, enuiron, enveron; prep. 125 1, 

around ; adv. 1604, 2683, 3428 &c., around, 

round about, 2620 thereabouts, 3451 about. 
Envoier 551, 1881, envoir 545; indie, imp. 3 

envoioit 3734 ; perf. 3, envoia 1460, 3021, 

3918; past part. fem. envoiie, enuoie 1477 ; 

to send. 
Enz, eins 1491, [2035], [2704], 2901, [3029], 

[3209], in, used with en to emphasize it. 
Ermyn, hermyne 987, 2957, ermine. 
Errant, errantz, 2664, at once, straightway. 
Erraument 1868, 2542, 3033, speedily, 

Es 655, [2035], 2517, 2901, [4129], contracted 

form of ' en les '. 



Esbahir, active 308, 1336 &c., to dismay ; 

neuter 1250, to be dismayed. 
Esbatement 3583, pleasure. 
Esbatre, [refl.] 236, to amuse oneself; infini- 
tive used as subst. 3652, pleasure. 
Escarmuche, scarmouche, escarmuche, 

escarmiche, escarmusshe 21 1, 267, 1 102, 

2873 &c., skirmish. 
Escars866, 1162, chary. 
Esclari 3008, light, bright. 
Escouter, escouter, ascoultier, ascouter 1 648, 

to listen, 1976, 2072 to hear. 
Escrier 1174, to call to. 
Escrire: indie, pres. 3, escript 1868 ; past 

part. fem. escripte 824 ; to write. 
Esfraer, (enfraer) 2198, to frighten. 
Esfrois 2534, tumult. 
Esjoir : indie, perf. 3 esjoy 1470 ; subj. pres. 

esjoye 1456, 1506; act. 1456, 1506, refl. 

1470, to rejoice. 

Eskipper 607, to put on board ship. 

Esle, eele 2989, [3082], wing. 

Eslire: past part, esleu 1684, esly 2238; to 


Esmay 1554, anxiety, emotion. 

Esmayer, act. 2398, to dismay ; refl. 852, 
1230, 2076, to be dismayed, afraid. 

Esmoudre : past part, esraelu, esmellu 2765 ; 
to grind ; past part., sharp. 

Esmouvoir : past part, esmeu, esmou 3158, 
fem. esmeue 2587 ; 2587 to move, past part. 
3158, eager. 

Espace, space, espace 996, 1516, space, extent. 

Espardre : past part, espars 1393 ; to scatter. 

Esparnier, act. 974, to spare ; refl. 1049, to 
spare no pains. 

Espie 2899, 3045, spy. 

Esprendre : past part, espris 312, 1155, 1588; 
to fire, inflame, animate. 

Esprouver, neuter 1181, to strive ; refl. [2794], 
to prove oneself, to show one's mettle. 

Essilier, see Exillier. 

Estal ; estre en — 3394, to stand firm. 

Estille, estille, estilt 737, 868, 1374, 1 522, 2348 

Estoch, estocfl ; d' — et de taille 3392, with 
the point and edge of the sword, with cut and 

Estoire 3048, story, account. 

Estormye 816, fight, battle. 

Estour, estour, estoure 696, 2632, 2761 &c., 
attack, fight. 

Estrange 3616, stranger. 

Estre 308, 455, 887 &c., yestre 3342 ; indie, 
pres. I sui 1560,2494, 2830 &c., su 849, 1264, 
2986, 2 es 1269, [3580], 3 est 8, 9, 10 &c., 4 
somes, sumes 2919, 3998, 41 14, soms, sumes 
3163, 5 estes 1265, 2910, (3580), estez 
792, 1 148, 241 1, 3990, 6 sont 739, 824 &c., 
sount 24, 218, 2554, 2916; imp. i estoie, 
estoi 3577, 3 estoit 215, 245, 288 &c., 4 

estiemes, estoiasmes 1 177, 6 estoient 3, 321, 
481 &c. ; perf. I fui 467, 3] fu 156, 488, 877 
&c., fu, ^Mjfuisi, ffuist 56, 60, 356, 407 &c., 
fust 37, 530, 671 &c., fuiste 577; fut, 
ffut 2889, 2952, 3113 &c., fui 2106, 2329, 
3356 Sue, fuy 476, 1797, 3386, 3450, fuit 
3336, 3345, 3403, 3405, fiu 3091, fut, fifut 
2951, 3239, 3262, 4038 &c., 6 furent, ffurent 
264, 346, 442 &c., feurent, ffeurent 184, 222, 
497 &c. ; fut. I serai, (serra) 14, seray, sar- 
ray 3 131, 3 sera, serra 780, 781, 901 &c., 

4 serons, serrons 1 1 78, serrom 2434, 5 
5^xe.z,serrez 804, 1088, seres, serres 947, 962, 
6 seront [904], serront 2988 ; cond. 2 se- 
roies, serroiez 2063, 3 seroit, serroit 34, 
1052, 1699 &c., 6 seroient, serroient 546 ; im- 
perative, soiez 1473, 1863, 2772 &c. ; subj. 
pres. 3 soit 469, 918, 974 &c., 4 soions 911, 

5 soiez 1 152, 6 soient [34], 977, 2980; subj. 
imp. I i\xi%^, feusse 465, 3 {nst, fuist 1182, 
2644, 2673 &c., fut 3044, 3380, feust 2817, 
6fussent 2175, feussent 2777, fuissent 3389; 
past part, este 449, 450, 3530 &c., estee 466, 
572, 2705 &c. ; — a with infinitive, 148, (256), 
552, 568, 941, to merit, to deserve to be. See 
Critical Note to line 256. 

Estroit 2298, painful, difficult. 

Estudie; mettre s'— a 47, 70, to study to, 

apply oneself to, 
EU363, 4162 [1087, 1093 &:c.], contracted form 

of ' en le '. 
Excuser, excuser, excusier 863, 1067, 1128, to 

Exillier, exiller, exiler 170, 221, 647 &c., to 

lay waste, sack. 
Expres; par moz — II19, 2831, expressly. 

Faille; sanz — , 306, 512, 720 &c., assuredly, 
in truth, without doubt. 

Faillir : indie, pres. 3 faut 2170, 2942, 3168, 
4097 ; imp. 3 faloit 3661 ; perf. 3 failly 2800, 
failli 4088 ; sub. pres. 3 faille 2065 ; past 
part, failli 1827 ; neuter 1827, 2065, to fail; 
imp. 2170, 2942 &c., to lack, be necessary. 

Faindre: subj. pres. I, faigne 1639, 3 faigne, 
faine 3339 I to be backward, to hesitate. 

Faire, ffaire 48, 179, 192, \t)\/i,&iz.,feare 21, 
fair 146S, 1845, 12171, 2629; {em, feare 2418 ; 
indie, pres. i fa.i 377, fay 1679, ia.c,/ace 3436, 
3 fait 468, 535, 773 &c., 4 fakons, faceojns 2934, 

6 font 588, 2169, 2663, 3572 ; imp. 3 fesoit 
338, 556, Jioijfesot 990, {ffaissoit) 1515, 6 
faisoient, ffaisoient 2, 402, 437, fesoient, 
ffesoient 618, 697, 757 &c. ; perf. 3 fist, ffist 
no, 147, 189 &c.,_/f/32ii, fit 2655,6 firent, 
ffirent 211, 216, 1491 &c., fissent [1939], 

firent i'j()i, fesissefft 3031, fisent [4007]; fu- 
ture I feroy, feri-oy 632, 1034, 1583, feroi, 

ferroy 1706, 3556, ferai, ferrai 804, 855, 
2,?>%6, ferray 841, 3 fera., ferra 1096, 1146,4 
ietoT\%, ferrous 795, 982 ; cond. iexme., ferroie 



330, 2057, 2137, ferroi 2939, 3 feroit, fer- 
rott 22, 3104, 31 1 1, 6 feroient, ferroient 1698, 
2680, fferoient 1701 ; imperative 4 ffaceons 
1 179. 3170, 5 ffetez 817, faitez 1294, ffaites, 
ffaxtez 946, 3544, isxt^^jacez 2855,/az/2 3136; 
subj. pres. I face 839, 3 face 15, 914, 3217, 5 
faciez, facez 2982 ; imp. 3 feist, fist 194, 
193 1, fesist \yii\,faisist bin, feisist 2505, 
fetstt 1 86 1 {fecist 732), 5 i^%\%€\t.z, faisissez 
S44; pres. part, faisant 314, fesant 1224, 
1576 ; past part, fait 34, 161, 386 &c., fet 
3784. /««^ 3206, fem. {a.he,/ati 2671, /^/ 1505, 
1507; act. 48, &c., to make, do; act. and 
neuter 2146, 2165, 2169, 2663, to be, to bear 
oneself (of health or situation) ; neuter 468, 
535 &c., to say ; [— a with inf.] 256, to de- 
serve to be; — d'armes 161, 2795, 2797, to 
perform deeds of valour ; refl. 3926, see Chier, 
se — fort 4044, to pride oneself, boast. 
Y^W., fait, faitejeet, fet 134, 386, 862, 1720, 
2201 &c., deed, feat, matter, business ; de, du 
— ^yji, in truth ; du — [de] 97, concerning. 
Fauxete, fauxetee, fatixtee 3909, deceit, 

Yereis, ferrets, 3335, smiting, blows. 
Terir 1048, 1244, 1307, 2743, 28si,/«r^r 1329, 
3169; indie, pres. 3 fiert 1299, 1694; imp. 3 
freoit 1 197, 6 feroient 140; perf. 3 fri 2739, 
6 frirent 2531 ; past part, feru 263 ; act. 1048 
&c., to strike ; neuter 1197, refl. [1299], 2531, 
2739) to rush, charge. 
Festoier 464, 474, 3765 ; indie, imp. 3 fes- 
toioit,^j/oz/ 622, festioit,/«j/ozV 3778, 6 fes- 
tioient, festoient 3746, festoioient, festoient 
3758; perf. 3 festoia 461, 1417, 1558 &c., 6 
festoierent 1502, fifestierent 3740; past part. 
ffestoie 530, 1447, 1503; act. 464, 530, 1417 
&c., to make much of, do honour to ; neuter 
474, to make merry. 

Fflorir 13, to flower, flourish ; past part, flori 
2742, painted with flowers. 

Fi 2846, 2986, certain, sure ; de fi, fit, 245, 
498 &c., assuredly, of a truth, for certain. 

Fiance 391 1, trust, confidence. 

Fiancier 2920, to pledge. 

Fie ; a ceste — 959, this time ; a une ' — 261, 
at once. 

Tier, feer; — vestu 910, soldier in armour. 

Fier, fier, feer, 317, 566, 3124, &e., fierce, 
proud, courageous. 

Fierement, fierment, 2791 fiercely. 

Fieux, see FUz. 

Filz, filtz,fitz 1354, &e. ; ace. pi. fieux 1943 ; 

Fin; mettre a — 1 1 87, to kill. 

Flum 248, tide. 

Foial 3705, loyal, faithful, 

Foison, foisdii, fuyson, fuysone, fuison 143, 
426 &c., multitude, number. 

Fonde 3089, sling. 

Fors, flfors 3119, 3178, — que, forsque 65, 
1861, 2169, &c., except, but. 

YTSiTi.c, franc, frank, 55, 63, 74 &c., noble. 

Franchise 66, 3179, &c., nobility, high-minded- 

Frayn, frayne, fraine ; ordener ou frayn de 
575, to appoint as tutor or adviser to ; cf. ' De 
par le Roy Sire de Moreul vous savez comme 
nous vous deymes I'autre jour que nous vous 
aviens orden^ pour estre avecques Jean n6tre 
fils et a son frain.' Moreri, Grand Diction- 
naire Historique, under Moreul. Cf. Littr^, 
under ' Frein '- 

Freoit, see Ferir. 

Yteiffreet, cold. 

Fri, frirent, see Ferir. 

Frontier, Frontiere, frontier, fifrontier 3090, 
frontier, front line or foremost part of an 
army ; venir en — 3925, to go forward, see 
Critical Note to line. 

Frun 3938, frowning. 

YMXtAsre, fimiere 3271, steam, reek. 

Fut,/«zV2i6, wood, beam. 

Fuyer 4064, fuir, fuyer 3388 ; indie, pres. 3 
fuit 3393, 6 fuyent 1 143 ; perf. 6 fuirent, 
ftiyerent 1345 ; pres. past, fuyant 3384; act. 
4064, to flee from, escape ; neuter 1345, 3384, 
3388, refl. s'en — 1 143, 3393, to flee. 

Fyn 122, 992, &c., loyal, noble. 

Fyner 4184, to finish. 

Gage; tenir son — de bataille 3621, seems to 
mean ' to preside at combats following upon 
a gage of battle ', cf . the corresponding passage 
in Froissart, ed. Luce, vol. vii, p. 51, 1. 13 : 
' y tint gage et camp de bataille.' 

Gaignage 1394, gain, plunder, booty. 

Gaires ; ne . . . gaires 295, 1485 &c., not much, 
but little. 

Gait 2529, 2532, watch. 

daXes, ga.laye 1781; galley. 

Galle, 1994, pleasure, merriment (possibly in- 
tended for a play upon words, cf. Tobler, 
Vermischte Beitrage zur franzosischen Gram- 
matik, zweite Reihe, p. 199, ' Gales'). 

Gantilette 2028, gauntlet. 

Garant 3216, protection, defence. 

Garde ; prendre — 254, examine, investigate, 
354, to note, observe, 2240, to apply oneself 
to ; se prendre — de li 3042, to be on one's 
guard, look to oneself. 

Garder; act. 293 &c., to guard, 2962, to look 
at; neuter 955, 1005, ion, to take care. 

Garir, garrer ; [refl.J 1 846, to extricate oneself 
from one's difficulties. 

Garnir67,toendow; past part. garni 3629, rich. 

Garnison, garison 3900, fortified place. 

Gaster 221, 650, 799, to ravage, pillage. 

Geneteur 2005, 2873 &c., genetor, a soldier 
riding a jennet. 

Gent 251 &c., graceful, beautiful, 2916 
gracious, courteous. 

Gentieux, see Gentil. 

Gentil : nora. sing, gentieux 1797 ; noble. 



Genz, gentz\ — d'armes 1933, men at arms, 

Gesir: indie, imp. 3 gisoit 368, 3961, 4018 ; 

perf. 3 gist 3995 ; neuter 368, 3961, 3995, 

refl. 4018, to lie. 
Gille 1028, deceit. 

Glaive, Glayve, gleyve 952, 2028 &c., lance. 
Gorge; a haute — 1391, 3399, with all their 

Goules 987, 2596, gules. 
Governer act. 1626, 2110, 3101, 3823, govern, 

have command of, sway ; refl. 326, 2477, to 

bear oneself. 
Gracieri4i8, 3487, 3759, 3963, to give thanks to. 
Granter, grantler 2454, to grant. 
Gre 856, 1675, will, pleasure; bon — , 927, 

gratitude ; prendre en — 4065, to accept with 

Grever, greuer, greiiir 979, 1 765, 2774, 3829, 

injure, harm. 
Grief 784 ; nom. sing, [gries] 3449 ; grievous, 

Gries, see Grief. 
Grimache 19, grimace. 
Gueredon, guerdon 4127, reward, payment, 

Guigne, gynge 2730, a kind of cherry. 
Guyse 86, 2493, manner, way. 

Hair, keier 2417. 

[Hante] 3142, handle, staff. 

ila.Tiexa.en.t,hardement,hardtement 188, 1 1 50, 

2748, boldness, courage. 
Hatiplat 1330, buffet, blow. 
Hautece, hautesce 68, excellence, nobility. 
Hautein 87, high, lofty. 
Hayette 1 221, little hedge. 
Herbergier, act. 291, 675, refl. 693, 764, to 

lodge, encamp. 
Hermyne, see Ermyn. 

Hat, wish. En — de 3350, anxious, eager to. 
Home 1333, 1763 &c. ; nom. sing, hom, home, 

home 1269, 1300, i860 &c., home 1692; man. 
Hoatage, hountage 2680, shame. 
Hos, Host, see Ost. 
Hostagrier 676, to lodge. 
Hosteller 2234, 3482, to lodge. 
Huee, huee, heuee, W2.\, 1157, outcry, clamour. 

laux, see La. 

II, see Le. 

Illoec, illoecques, illoeqes, ylloeqes, illoqes 

346, 390, 453, 883 &c., there. 
Ire, 278, 312, 1 168, sorrow, anger. 
Issir : imp. 3 issoit 3443 ; to issue. 

Ja 1213, 3675, already; expletive 1006, 1150, 

3618, 4159 &c. 
Jadys 42, formerly. Du temps — I , in bygone 

Ja.nglour, jangelour 17, chatterer. 

Je, see Moi. 

Joglour, jogelour 18, itinerant minstrel and 

Joiant, ioiant, ioyant 1390, 2954, joyful, 
Joindre: perif. 3 joindi 3173; pres. part. 

joindant, ioinant 147 1 ; to join, fold. 
Joli, ioli, ioly, 1553, 3594 &c., merry, fair. 
Joliement 3013, fairly, in order. 
Joliete, ioliette, iolitee, iolite 76, 478, 663, 

gaiety, good humour. 

Jouvente, imienfe 837, youth, young men. 
Jus 2746, 3 1 16, down. 
Jusquas, iusqes, iesqes 723, 1501, 1529 &c., as 

far as, up to. 
Justemant 2551, accurately. 

Kanu 878, white, hoary. 

[Laire] : indie, pres. 3 [lait] 2018 ; to leave off, 

Largece, largesce, largesse, largitee 62, 75, 

1619 &c., liberality. 
Larmoyar 4130, to weep. 
Las, wretched, unhappy ; invariable, with the 

force of an interjection, 3576. 
Le, la, les, li, ly, luy ; art. see Introd. p. xxxvii? 
Le, las, il, ella, lui, li, ly, lour, yaux, iaux, 

eux ; pron. see Introd. p. xli. 
Leece, leesse 1056, 16 18, joy, gladness. 
[Legal] (legasi) yyo, envoy. 
Lequel, liqueus, pron. see Introd. p. xlii. 
Les, les, lees 1037, 3308 &c., side. 
Leur, leure [682], 3977, where. 
Lever: neuter 1122, 1158, 3226, refl. 300, to 

rise, arise. 
Li, see La. 
Lie, lee 596, 3928; fem. lye 2718, lie, lee, 

3147; joyful, glad. 
Lieu ; prendre — 2570, to take up a position ; 

avoir son — 3964, to have its course ; bone 

parole tient bon — 774, cf. Cotgrave, ' bone 

parole bon lieu tient : a good word hath great 

acceptation, good language brings its welcome 

along with it.' 
Lieuwe, leuge, lenge 2637, 3017 &c., league. 
Lignia 1660, lineage. 
Lire : past part. fem. lue 1887 ; to read. 
Logement 2710, 3483, lodging, quarters. 
Logiar, lager; act. 395, 1532 &c., to lodge, 

encamp, quarter ; neuter 1436, 3597 &c., 

refl. 2036, 23 1 1 &c., to lodge, take up one's 

quarters, encamp, be encamped. 
Logis, logiez, loges, 2702, 3492, quarters. 
Loial, loial 2266 &c., loyal 2933, legal. 
Lointain, lointayn, lointaigne 2046, distant, 

3557, long. 
Los, los, loos 440, 692, 882 &c., honour, 

Ly, see Le. 
Lymache 20, snail, cf. Cotgrave, ' Faire le 

limagon : to wind, twirl or turne round about.' 



Main, see Maint. 

Main 2138, morning. 

Mainsne, maisnee 1646, younger. 

Maint, main, tnaint, main, meint, ment, 1186, 
1239, 1676, 1741, 2336 &c., — de, 630, many 
a, many a one. 

Maintenir : indie, pres. 3 maintient 21 10 ; imp. 
3. memtenoit 3934 ; perf. 3 maintint, main- 
ttent 1 14 ; cond. 6 maintenroient, maintien- 
droient 4148; act. 114, 21 10, 4148, to main- 
tarn, carry on ; refl. 3934, to bear oneself. 

Mais; onques — 445, — one 4153, never ; — 
que 54, 3532, provided that. 

Malmetre : past part, malmis (mahiais) 650 ; 
to devastate. 

Mander, act. 579, 1730, 1920 &c. to send for, 
1480, 2400, to send; act. 1713, 2171 &c., 
neuter 195, 1856, 3975, to send word, com- 

Manecier: indie, imp. 3 manecoit, manceot 
206 ; to threaten. 

Maneir: indie, pres. 3 mest, mist 1820; to 

[Mar] 2833, to his cost. 

Marir 358, 11 16 &c., to grieve. 

Mat 4090, sad. 

Matere, matiere, matter 44, 81, 202 &c., 
subject, 454, 843, 1848, matter, affair. 

Matinet, matinet, matinent; le — 1441, 2661, 
early in the morning, at dawn. 

Mautalent, mautalent, mautalant 312, 1149 
&c., anger. 

Me, see Moi. 

Meismement, meisment 3663, even. 

Meismes 1499, self. 

Meistrier 3593, to overcome. 

Membre 2032, wise, prudent. 

Memore, memorie, mem.oire 1 343, sense, 
wisdom ; avoir en — 2555, to intend. 

Mencion, mencion, mencioune ; faire — de 377, 
1679, 3414, 3784, to mention, speak of. 

Mencoigne, mencoigne, Tnecoigne 526, 1319, 
lie, falsehood. 

Mener 1597, 2259 &e. ; fut. 3 merra, mesnera 
1091, 5 [merrez] 1002 ; to lead. 

Menour, M,einour 1 774, lesser. 

Mentir 826, 2944, 3657, mentier 3514 ; indie, 
pres. I menk 260, 268, ment [11 26], 3 ment 
790, 3048 ; perf. 3 menty 3942 ; fut. i men- 
teray 1602, 2382, 3618, 3738, menterai 3872 ; 
cond. I mentiroie 2629, mentiroye 3773.! 

■ subj. pres. I mente 375 ; past part, mentit 
3788 ; to lie. 

Mercier 3800, to thank. 

Mesavenir (mys a venir): imp. 3956, to 
happen (of misfortunes), to mishap. 

Meschief 1087, 3896, 3957, 3959, mischief, 
misfortune, harm. 

Mesfaire: perf. i mesfis 2415 ; to injure. 
■Mesprendre : perf. i mespris 2416 ; to trans- 

Message 1884, messenger. 

Mest, see Maneir. 

Mestier, mestier, mestrer 314, 1224, pro- 
fession; avoir — -2981, avoir — de 3690, 
3989, to need, require ; estre — a 926, faire 
— a 1982, to be necessary to. 

Mestire, mestiere 18 18, authority, power. 

Mettre 32, 39, 47 &e. ; indie, imp. 3 mettoit 
1065, 3301, 4082, 6 [mettoient], (mentoient) 
3463 ; perf. 3 mist 608, 643, 666 &c., 6 mirent 
1219, 2759, 2784, 2824, misent, mistrent 237, 
3931; imperatives mettez 1007; subj. pres. 
5 mettez 958, 975 ; past part, mis 434, 932, 
2286, mys 273, 3367, mise, ?nis 1 187, 3588 ; to 
put; [3134], to spend. 

Mie, mie, mye, my 2634, at all. Non — , ne 
. . . mie 25, 184, 243 &e., not at all, not. 

Misericort 2356, merciful. 

Moi, mi, me, je, see Introd. p. xli. 

Mon, ma, mes, see Introd. p. xliii. 

Mont, monde 4170, world. 

Mont 3436, see Moult. 

Morir 784, 2680, mourir, moriryZS, 2858, 3440, 
3581 ; perf. 3 morut, morust 3420, 3945, morist 
4180, 6 morurent, morirent 3417 ; subj. pres. 
I moerge 837 ; past part, mort 33, 507, 1239 
&c., (morte) 904 ; to die ; past part. 33, 368 
&c., dead, 333, 497, 507 &e., killed. 

Mot ; de — en — 2492, every word, right 

Moul, see Moult. 

Moullier, moullier, muUere, mulliere, muUef 
603, 1509 &c., wife. 

Moult, moul, mont 134, 476, 529, 3436 &c., 
very, much ; — de 386, 2246 &e., many, much. 

Moustrer 5, 1891, 2443, to show, 1848, to 

Mucier, refl. 1 364, to hide oneself. 

My, see Moi. 

My ; par — , see Parmy. 

Naistre: perf. 3 nasqui 378, 1550, 2021, 3015, 
nasquy [64], 102, 2016 ; past, nee 471, 
1609, 4062, {nasquy) 64, fem. nee 3576 ; to be 

Ne: eonj. 10, 51, 979 &c., nor, or, and; ne 
... ne, 191, 1832, 3583, either ... or. 

Nef, nief ^ia &c., ship. 

Neige, niege 2305, snow. 

[Neis] 4101, even, just. 

Nepour quant, nepquant, ne pur quant 281, 
3671, 3913, nevertheless. 

Nient, see Contrestant. 

Niviier 2880, to snow. 

No, see Nostre. 

Noet, nuyt 363 &c., night. 

Noise 1 122 &e., noise, clamour. 

Nombre 993, enumeration, list. 

Noncier 3649, relate, repeat. 

Noriture [72], 1820, nurture, j?^ Critical Note 
to 1. 1820. 



Nostre, no, noz, nos, see Introd. p. xliii. 

Nul, pron. and adj. masc. sing. nom. nus, nul 
1 162, nuls, mdi 1756, 2068 &c., nulli, nult 
3120; ace. nuli, nul 329, nulli {miUe) 928, 
nul, nul, null, nult 4^ i, 582, 1763 &c. ; dative 
nulli, nulf 2950 ; no one, no. 

Nuli, nulli, see Nul. 

Nus, see Nul. 

Nyce 1788, foolish. 

O, ou, oue 251, 388, 2645 &c., with. 

Occire 3280, 3392, to kill. 

Get, oepl, oep 1553, 2468, eight; dis et oet, 
disoept 180, eighteen. 

Oir 1821, oier 53, 105, 1647 &c, ; indie, pres. 
loy 508, 3852, 4004, oi [888], 1930 ; perf. [i 
01 394- oy 734], 3 oy, 277, 743, 1469 &c., oi 
211 5, [2626], 6 oirent, orent 4031; future 5 
orrez 104, 2403 ; subj. imp. 3 oist 2589, 5 
oissiez, oissez 989 ; past part, oy 1902, 3481, 
3649 &e., oi 1822, (2626 &e.) ; to hear. 

On, hom^om 474, 522, 1557, 1558, 2098, 
home, home i, 8, 1465 &e.,en 162 ; one. 

Onques, unqes 37, 307, 316 &c., ever. 

Ordenance, ordenance, ordinance 578, 932, 
1065 &c., arrangement, marshalling, order of 
battle, preparation ; a son — 3624, at his dis- 
cretion, in his control. 

Ordenement 299, arrangement, disposition. 

Ordener, ordeigner 301, 998, 1016 &c., to 
arrange, marshall, arrange in battle array ; 
553 [2941], to ordain ; 575, 2379, 3642, 3691, 
to appoint, assign. 

[Ordonner] 2941, see Ordener. 

Orfanyn, orphanyn 239, orphan. 

Orgoeil, orgoille 836 ; nom. orguieus, orgoilles 
782 ; pride. 

Orguieus, see Orgoeil. 

Ort, hort 2876, foul. 

Ose 976, bold. 

Ost, ost, oost, hoost, hooste 758, 807 &c., 

Ottroier, ottroier, ottroiere 1431, 3534 &c., to 

Ou 2184, oue 2524, contracted form of 'en 
•e' ; 575, 2184, 2193, confused with 'au'. 

Ou, see O. 

Ous, see Vous. 

Outrage 782, 854, 2679, outrage, excess, 

Outrageus 166, presumptuous, rash. 

Outre 1213, 2355 &c., beyond, across. 

Ouvrir, ouurer 1701, ovrir, ouerer 1717, 
ouvrir, ouuer i,\\% to open. 

Par 164, 247, 283 &c., intensitive particle 
generally separated from the word it modifies. 
Parage 1663, rank. 
Parfaire 2924, to carry out. 
Parfit 60, 452, perfect. 
Parfltement ^^, 1072, perfectly. 

Parlement 883, 2181, 3556, speech, conversa- 
tion, conference. 

Parmy, par my 616, 722 &c., through, across ; 
758, 989, 2301, in the midst of, 190, throughout. 

Parole ; bone — tient bon lieu 774, see Lieu. 

Vaxt, part, pie 2940, share, 1060, 1317, 3906, 
side, hand, direction, party. 

Parti, ■partie ; tenir son — 3905, to take sides. 

Partir 1754, 2503, 3171, 3321, partier 2066 ; 
indie, pres. 6 partent 919 ; imp. 3 partoit 
4158; perf. 3 parti 858, 2103, 3729, party 
2048 3559, 6 partirent loio, 2823, 331 1, 
3813 ; subj. pres. I parte 2498 ; past part, 
fem. partie 1050 ; act. 1050, to divide ; neuter 
loio &c., refl. 919, 2103 &c., to depart. 

Partraitier, partraiter 847, to treat fully. 

Pas 259, 1221, 1700 &c., passage, pass, ford ; 
prendre — 27 11, to take up a position ; plus 
tost que le — , see Tost. 

Passer, act. 2888 &c., to pass through, 141 o 
to pass over, 1882 to bring across; neuter 
2134 &c., to pass, pass over. 

Payne; a grant — 3535, with great difficulty, 

Pechie, pecchie ; par — 418, a — (a pieciez) 
800, sinfully, wrongfully. 

Peignon, penon 2280 &c., pennon, 1974, 2370, 
pennon, knight bachelor. 

Pener : indie, pres. 3 payne \yi(i,payn 3261 ; 
imp. 3 paynoit 3279, 6 [penoient], \tenoient) 
271 ; eond. i peneroye 2938 ; refl. to exert 
oneself, labour, endeavour. 

Per, pier 2061, equal. 

Percevoir 3026, 3364, to see, perceive. 

Perir, perrer 506, to destroy. 

Petitet ; un — 3097, a little. 

Vie, pee 1094 &c., foot, 978, man, soul. 

PietaUle, pee taillie 3391, foot soldiers, in- 

Pisson 3166, fish. 

Plain, palnie 3426, plain. 

Player 3281, to wound. 

Pleindre 4159 ; indie, pres. 6 pleindent 3888 ; 
neuter 4159, to lament; refl. 3888, to com- 

Plente, plente, plentee 3856, great number ; 
a — 3735, in plenty. 

Plere: indie, pres. 3 plest 892, 1176, 2500; 
imp. 3 plesoit 3906 ; perf. 3 pleut, plust 2633, 
pleust 3494, 3941 ; fut. 3 plera, ^/^rriz 2949 ; 
pres. subj. 3 plese 775, 1877 ; imp. subj. pleust, 
pluest 2453, plust 3689 ; neuter 892, imp. 
1 1 76 &e., to please. 

Plesant 1589, agreeable, gracious. 

Ploovoir : indie, pres. 3 pleut, pluit 2880 ; 
imp., to rain. 

Plueve, pltiine 3362, rain. 

Poeste, poestee ; par leur — 2750, with all 
their might. 

Poi, poy 229, 639, 727 &c., little; a — 4158, 



Poindre : 

pres. part, poignant 1 193 ; past 

part. fem. pointe 319; 319, to embroider, 
1 193) to prick, spur. 
Point; a — 1908, opportune, in season; en 
tel — 2084, en ce — 2809, in such, in this 

Pooir: inf. used as subst. see below; indie, pres. 
I puis 3885, (piuis)84S,puisse 845,2495,2995, 
3319. 4126, 3 poet 914, 1056, 1534 &c., poii 
785, (818), peut, poet 1301, (peust) 3294, 
IJiurra) 298 ; imp. i [pooie], {purroie) 2937, 
[pooye], (>«rroj/tf)3965, 3 pooit 186, 192, 840 
&c., poeit 308, pooyt 165, 6 pooient 887, 2786, 
2797; perf. 3 pot,/£70/2592,(/o«V)3568,[peut] 
298, 6 peurent, (purroient) 2823, 3320, 3365, 
4087 ; fut. I pourray, purray 3501, pourroi, 
purroi 3935, 3 pourra,/«fra 1095, 5 pourrez, 
pttrrez 53, 18 14, 182 1 &c. ; cond. i pourroie, , 
purroie 1666, 3582, pourroye, purroye 2207, 
purroy 1953, 3701, 3702 ; 3 Tfomxdw., purroit 
21, 778, 820 &c., 6 pourroient, purroient 
255. 815, 1703 ; subj. pres. I puisse 776, 
2497, 3 '33. 3264, 4 puissons 31 7 1, 5 puissiez, 
puissez 1 15 1, 6 (puissent) 2042; imp. 3, 
peuist, poist 610, 121 1, 1466 &.C., peust 1765, 
1985, puist 3264, peust 4083, 6 [peussent] 
2042, 2774 ; to be able. 

Pooir 2975, poir 841, poair 189, 227, 708 
&c. ; 1327 power ; faire tout son — • 841, to do 
all in one's power ; 189, 227 &c., army, force. 

^OTt, port, porte 1711, 1918, 2187 &c., defile. 

'Pott&xre, poriure 1476, offspring, child. 

Possesser 831, to possess. 

Pour ; — ce que 552, 2421 &c., because, 375, in 
order that. 

Pouraler, pur aler 1 702, to go about (.''). 

Pourchacier, purchaser, purchacer 2000, 
3637, 3725, to seek, procure, obtain. 

Pourpos, purpos, ppos, ppose 45, 232, 165 1 
&c., subject, opinion. 

Pourriere,^(7K'i?r 3226, dust. 

Poursivre : indie, imp. 3 poursuoit, pur- 
suoit 2264 ; perf. 3 poursuit, [poursuirent) 
1992; — guerre 1992, 2264, to follow the 
profession of arms. 

Praiel, praiell 698, meadow. 

Prendre 146, 158, 254 &c. ; indie, pres. 3 
[prent] 1749, 4 prenez, preignez loil, 6 
pendent, preignent 2A77 i ™P- 3 prendoit 
[230], 728, 1306 ; perf. 3 prist 72, 75, 585 &c., 

prise 595, 6 prisent 11 59, 3670, pristrent 
175, 220, 688 &c., prirent 212, 920, 2532 &c., 
prissent,/>w/r^«^i6o; fut. 5 {prendrez) 812 ; 

• cond. I prenderoye 3966 ; imperative 4 

preignons, preignoms 3216, 5 [prendez] 812; 
subj. pres. I preigne 2240; past part, pris 
177. 465, 717 &c. ; fem. prise (pris) 1494 ; 

to take ; — terre 146, 158 &c., to land ; — a 
nil, [1159], se — a 1250, 3321 &c., to 

begin to. 
Pres, see Prest. 



Pres 3163, almost ; a . . . pres 3039, except, but 

for ; — a — 3246, side by side. 
Present ; en — 4132, present. 
Prest 2632 ; nom. sing. pres. 601, 2610 ; ready, 

Preu 3144, profit. 
Preudhomye, pdhomye 4105, excellence, 

Preudome 3829 : nom. '^x&xismi, pdhom 559, 

preudom, pd home 1414, preudhom, pdhome 

1858 ; pi. nom. [preudome] 904, preudhome, 

prodhomes 2282 ; a man of moral and intel- 
lectual excellence. 
Principalment 1572, certainly (?). 
Principaute, principalte, principaltee 2008, 

3795. principality. 
Pris 178, 440, 466, 1587 &c., reputation, 

honour, prowess, worth. 
Prisier, priser, act. 148, 200, 205 &c., to 

honour, esteem, value ; refl. 229, 727, to 

esteem oneself. 
Prive, priue, priuee 1913, intimate, familiar, 

2046, belonging to the country. 
Promettre : perf. 6 promisent, promistrent 

4146; past part, promis 1286, 3001, 3698; 

to promise. 
Proprement 1608, 2812, 3068, 3484, truly, 

justly, properly, exactly, 
Prover; refl. 441, 503, to show one's mettle, to 

distinguish oneself. 
Publique, /aWz^ 4108, public-spirited (?). 
Pucelle 1453, maiden. 
Puis, prep. 51, 102, 2209 &c., since, after; 

adv. 501, 2618, 3820, &e., afterwards, then. 
Puisque 798, 2296, 3015, (of time) since. 

Quant ; tout — que,/«/ — 3128, all that. 

Quant ; — de 2945, as for. 

Quart 1017, fourth. 

Quartime ; lui — 284, himself the fourth, he 
and three others. 

Que, qui, quoi, quoy : relative and interroga- 
tive pron., see Introd. pp. xliii and xliv ; qui, 
1631, 3653, if one ; que . . . que, guei . . . guei, 
2734, 3074, both . . . and, whether ... or ; que 
mieulz mieulz, ge meulz % meulz 2713, in 
emulation of one another, for the fastest ; de 
quoi 3134, the means. 

Que, conj. 2, &c., that ; causal use [364],i589, 
1839 &c. ; modal use 38, 194, 3010 &c. 

Querre, quere 1934, 1973, querir, querer 
3749 ; indie, imp. 6 queroient, quoient 678 ; 
to seek, fetch. 

Qui, see Que. 

Quidier, neuter 203, 231, 1125 &c., [refl.] 
1 127, refl. 2715, to think, intend to. 

Quite, (verbal adj. from quiter) abandoned, 
given up. 

Quoi, see Que. 

Rade, radde 248, 2474, 3430, swift, rushing, 



Raison, rayson 1628 &c., reason, 824, 31 10, 

speech, words, 2444, substance, matter ; estre 

— s 1639, 1641, to be right. 
Raler, realer ; s'en — 1577, to return. 
Ravoir, reatioir 2495 ; indie, pres. 4, ravons, 

r canons 796; fut. 5 ravrez, reauez 1864, 

reaueretz 3192 ; to have back, have again. 
Rebatre, rebater 2723, to beat back. 
Reconforter, active 1242, to encourage, 1088, 

2080, to support, succour, reinforce ; refl. 

3916, to strengthen, succour oneself. 
Reconissance, 4102 (41 10), recognition. 
[Reconoistre] : pres. part, reconissant 41 10; 

to acknowledge. 
Recorder, recorder, recordir 41, 48, 93 &c., 

to relate, tell. 
Recort, recort, record, recorde 34, 1930, 3852 

&c., report, account. 
Refaire3477: indie, perf. refist, 709, 1517; to 

make again, once more. 
Referir : indie, pres. 3 refiert 3290 ; reil. with 

en, to dash into once more. 
[Regestrir] 1822, to record, relate. 
Regracier 3508, to thank. 
Regreter 359, 594, to lament for, 2052, to 

Relenquir : indie, perf. 6 relinquerent 3847 ; 

eond. 3 relinqueroit 1 799; to abandon. 
Relure 2594, to shine. 
Remander 3889, to send word in his turn, to 

send back word. 
Remanoir : indie, perf. 3 remest, remist 1792 ; 

to remain. 

[Remanant] 1944, remnant. 
Remembrer, refl. 2066, to remember. 
Remest, see Remanoir. 
Remettre: ind.perf.3remisti644; toputback. 
Remordre: subj. pres. 3 remorge 2287 ; refl., 

to remember. 
Renforcier : indie, pres. 3 reenforce 327^ i to 

grow fiercer. 
Renvoier 2448, to send back. 
Repairier, repairer 3689, to return. 
Reposer, act. 641, to give rest to, rest. 
Requerir, reqiierer 1878 ; indie, imp. 3 re- 

queroit, requiroit 1961 ; to beg, ask. 
Rescourre : indie, perf. 3 rescoust 432, 453 ; 

to rescue. 
Resvertuer, refl. 532, to grow more coura- 
geous, be encouraged. 
Retenir 30: past part, retenu 1115 ; to keep, 

30, to remember. 
Retraire 1070, 1386, 1387 &c., retrere 1566; 

indie, pres. 3 retrait 346 1 ; perf. 3 retraist, 

retrahist 41S7; act. 1386, 1566, 2798, 4187, 

to relate; neuter, sanz — 1070, 1387, 3143, 

without hesitation, delay ; refl. 3461, to retire. 
Revel, reicelt, 475, 1615, 3268, 3750, revel, 

delight; faire — , reviaux, reueaux 618, 652, 

1484, 3812, demener reviaux, reueaux '2,<^^'^,X.o 


Revenir 1667 : indie, perf. 3 revint, reuient 
1987, revynt 4059, 6 revinrent, reuindrent 
412, reuiendrent 2538; past part, revenu 
1966; neuter4i2, 1667; refl. 1966, 1987 &c., 
to come back. 

R avoir: fut. 4 reverrons, reuerons 2083 ; refl. 
to see one another again. 

Riche 945, 1013, 3984, powerful, 2106, rich, 

Rien 2170, anything; ne . . . rien 3031 &c., 
nothing, 2415, 3010, not at all. 

Roial 1755, royal state, kingdom (?). 

Roine, Royne, Roigne, Roygne, Royn, R eigne 
586, 1462, 3577 &c., queen. 

Romant, romant, roinance 1113, 1205, French 

Route 950, band, troop. 

[Royon], [roialme) 1565, kingdom. 

Sage; faire — 2934, to inform. 

Saieler, sealler, seailler 1868, 2436, 2952, to 

Saiete, seatte 606, arrow. 

Saillir, sailler 2003, (fallir) [3439] ; perf. 3 
sailly 2710, sailli 3288 ; to spring, spring out, 
sally forth. 

[Saisson], {ffarson,faison,faisson) ; en courte 
— 1593, 1712, 3793, 3931, in a short time. 

Salvement 1882, safely. 

Samblance, semblance 1066, opinion ; avoir 
de — 665, to believe. 

Sanler, sembler 570 &c., to seem. 

Sauf 804, safe, secure. 

Saus, see Sauf. 

Savoir 820, 2431, 2918 &c. ; indie, pres. I 
say 144, 349, 885 &c., sai 351, 3 siet, sciet 
3887, 4 Savons 2421, 2426, sauoms 823, 5 
savez 107, 536, 828 &e., 6 seevent 31 ; imp. 3 
savoit 637, 2189, 3831, 391 1, 6 savoient 
(1990), 3837, 3967 ; perf- 3 sceut, sciet 1830, 
2965, 31 18, scieust 1997, sclent 1947, scieut 
2900, sot 2543, 2548, [3567], 6 sorent 2541 ; 
fut. 3 savra 902, 5 savrez, sauerez 3191 ; 
cond. I savroie, sauoroi 153, 3 savroit, saue- 
rolt 23 ; imperative 5, sachiez, sachez 112, 
154, 190 &c., saches 2372, sachies, sachez 
245, saches 2179, 2995 ; pres. part, saehant 
84, 792 ; to know ; pres. part. 84, 792, wise. 

Scarmouche, see Escarmouche. 

Se, si 105, 230, &e., if; se . . . non 3720, 
if not, except. 

Seigniourie 2432, dominion. 

Seintisme 1270, 4128, most holy. 

Selonc, solonc 3429, along, beside, 1404, ac- 
cording to. 

Semblant ; ne faire — de rien 3031, to give 
no sign. 

Semondre : pres. indie. 3 semont, semonte 
3180; to incite, urge. 

Sendal 2599, 3095, sendal, a kind of silk. 

Senestre 3078, 3317, left. 



Sentir, sentier 2744, 3513, senter 2928 ; indie. 

imp. 3 sentoit 4157 ; to feel. 
Serement, sierement, serement, dement, 

seurement, ii'ix, 3373, 3634, oath. 
Servir 1753; mdic. imp. 3 servoit 3978, 6 

servoient4i22; subj.pres.s servez4i38: past 

part, servi 3127, 3680, 3807 &c. ; to serve. 
Si, se. «, adv. so 83 &c. ; expletive particle 

sometimes used as copula, sometimes between 

subject and predicate to indicate a pause 

(cf. Introd. p. xxiv) 8, 115, 510, 691 &c. ; conj. 

introducing an optative clause 293, 758, looi 

&c.; 29,541, yet; si que 1637,1 758 &c., so that. 
Si, sy ; sanz null — 289, 582 &c., without fail, 

without doubt. 
Si, see Son. 
Siecle 2056, world. 
Sien, see Son. 

Sigler 61S, 616, 1492, 1785, to sail. 
Sivre : indie, imp. 3 sievoit, seuoit 266 ; perf. 

6 suirent 2751 ; cond. 3 siewroit, sieweroit 

105 1 ; to follow. 
Socourir, socourer 1845, 1877, 2816, 4084 ; 

past part, socouru, socurru 467, socoure 1962 ; 

to help, succour. 
Soer 587, sister. 
Sojour, soiour, seioure 668, [695], sojourn ; 

2105 delay; prendre — 3018, 3731, to halt; 

sanz — 2762, 2770, without ceasing. 
Solas 1601, 3583, 3798, pleasure, happiness. 
Solempnite 88, solemn feast. 
Some 2316, list, enumeration; ce est le — 

814, 1764, 3830, that is all, in short. 
Son, sa, si, ses, sien, soen, senes, see Introd. 

p. xliii. 
Soubgit, subgit 1 621, subject. 
Soubtil, subtil 3101, cunning, resourceful. 
SoufBssant, suffictant ^1%, 3402, noble. 
Souffrete, suffrete 2040, privation. 
SoufFrir, soeffrir 2883, 3710, soeffrer 3105, 

soeffrer 3258, soeffur 3458 : indie, imperf. 6 

souffroient, suffroient 2300 ; perf. 3 souffri, 

suffrist 2358, soeffri 2509, 6 souffrirent, 

soeffrerent 3672 ; to suffer. 
Souprendre: past part. fem. souprise, sup- 
prise 2706 ; to surprise. 
Sourdre : indie, imp. 6 sourdoient 3959 ; to 

arise, to come to pass. 
Sourvenir : indie, imp. 3 sourvenoit, (venoit) 

1257 ; perf. 3 sourvint, suruient 2465, 6 
survinrent, suruiendrent 2779 ; to come un- 
expectedly, to eome up. 
Soustenir, sustenir 89, sustiner 825, 2927 ; 
indie, imp. 3 soustenoit, sustenoit 1625 ; 
perf. 3 soustint, sustient 91 ; pres. part, 
sustenant 113 ; past part, soustenut, sttstenut 
3178; to maintain, uphold, celebrate. 
Soyng, seyng 2894, wish. 
Space, see Espace. 

Supplier, neuter 4143, to beg, to implore. 
Surveoir; past part. fem. surveue, survewe 
1888 ; to read through. 

Sus 1039 (desus), 3463, on, on the 
Synnoble 2597 (heraldic), sinople, 

:, vert. 

Taille, taillie; d'estoch et de — 3392, see 

Talent 884, opinion. 

[Tamaint] 2194, many. 

Tamps, temps ; par — 1 132, soon. 

Taner, tasner 3702, to weary. 

Tant, tant, taunt, adj. 837, 904, so many ; 
adv. 68, 164 &c., so much, so; quatre tanz 
escuiers 1614, four times as many squires; 
pour — 3687, therefore; — poy que 2419, 
the little that ; — que, — eome, tanque 390, 
659, 1219, 2439 &c., tant . . . que 600, until ; 
— faire que 216, 804 &c., to do so much that, 
arrange, act so that. 

Tantost, tantos, tantost, tantos, tantostz 2401, 
2440, 2821, 3122, 4023, at once, soon. 

Tarder, refl. with a 1666, to delay. 

Targier, targier, targer (\-i.-i,6,), 3200, to delay. 

Tas ; a — 1329, with might and main. 

Tel, tel, tiel 1055 &e., such ; ace. pi. [teus] 
1726 ; tele fois fut 3273, on one occasion. 

Temprement 2974, soon. 

Tenant ; en un — 389, consecutively. 

Tencier 3650, to dispute. 

Tendre 106, to aim. 

Tenir 362, 1804, 2852 &c., tener 831 ; indie, 
pres. 3 tient 774, 2936, 4 tenons, tiegnons 
2922, 6 tienent, teignont 3883 ; imp. 3 tenoit 
1162, 1836, 1984 &e., 6 tenoient (271), 1279, 
1607 ; perf. 3 tint 4070, tient 387, 400, 1794 
&e., 6 tinrent, tiendrent 1773, tenirent yjTi ; 
future 6 tenront, tiendront 3002 ; eond. 3 
tenroit, tiendroit (16), 1906, 6 tenroient, 
tiendroient 1573; subj. pres. tiegne [16], 
27 ; past part, tenu 3, 1610, 2830, 3697 ; 
to hold ; — rien de 27, to think nothing 
of ; estre tenuz a 2830, to be beholden to ; 
refl. with de 29, to abstain from. 

Tentir, tenter 990, to resound. 

Termine, termyne 2195, 3026, time, 3161, 
issue, end. 

Terrien, terriien, terrien, terreen 1704, 1850, 
2422, holding land. 

[Teus], see Tel. 

^o\iT,tollir, ^c//^rl 985, 241 8, 2833,to take away. 

Tost; plus — que le pas 1 144, 3306, plus — 
que le cours 2787, at full speed. 

Tour 1830, means, expedient. 

Tournier 50, [1632], to extend. 

Tourser, Trousser, tourser, trusser i486, 
1 781, 1939, 3570, to load, pack. 

Tout ; [a] — 604, with. 

Trahin, trahin, trahim, traim 746, 1219, 
4010, train, convoy, troop. 

Traire 270, 1160, 1247 ; indie, pres. 6 traient 
3227 ; imp. 6 traioient, 3252, 3361, traoient 
1189 ; perf. 3 traist, trahist 1671, 6 traissent, 
trahierent 3857 ; past part. fem. traite 2749 ; 

act. 1671, 2749, to draw; neuter 270, 1160 



&c., to shoot ; refl. 1247, 3857, to go, betake 

Traitie 417, treaty. 
Tramettre: indie, perf. 3 tramist 372, 2199, 

2437 &c. ; subj. imp. 3 tramessist 1465 ; to 

Traveillier, act. 3324, 3862, to do damage, 

to harass, oppress ; refl. 3022, to take pains, 

make great efiforts. 
Tres 78, 90, from ; — a 3061, at, just at; 

— dont que 73, from the time that. 
Tresbuchier, tresbuschier, trebbucher, tres- 

bouchier 2301, 2746, 3269, to fall. 
Trestout, trestout, tretout 667, 2127 &c., em- 
phatic form of ' tout '. 
Trieuwe, triewe 415, truce. 
Tristour 1829, sadness. 
Trop235, 637, very. 

User 1 00, to employ, spend. 

Vaillance 496, 1880 &c., excellence, valour. 

Vaincre: past part, vaincu 356 ; to conquer. 

Valoir : indie, pres. 3 vaut 3375 ; perf. 3 valli, 
vailli 135 1, 1750, vailly 2T^7, (vaille) 2799; 
subj. imp. 3 vallist, (vailli) 1798 ; to avail. 

Valour 3172, 3218, valour. 

Vassalage, vasselage, vassellage , vessellage 
485, 1844, 3207 &c., valour, prowess. 

Venir 45, 309, 621 &c., venier 3783, vener 
4089; indie, pres. 3 vient 2109, 2565, 3957, 
6 vienent, veignont 1144, veignent 3129; 
imp. 3 venoit 265, 2676, 2698 &c., 6 venoient 
3333> 3757, 3863 &c. ; perf. 3 vint 1884, 2514, 
3597 &c., vient 392, 525, 589 &c., 6 vinrent, 
viendrent 1216, 145 1, 1483 &c., vindrent 726, 
3601, venir ent 2i'jy, ^TJl, viendroienf 213, 
385, 634, vindroient 241 ; fut. 4 venrons, 
viendrons, 1 142, 6 venront, viendront 1120, 
2832 ; cond. 3 venroit, viendroit 2546, 6 ven- 
roient, vindroient 2556; imperative 5 vei- 
gniez, veignez 2164, 2580, 3602; subj. pres. 
6 veignent, (beignent) 3533 ; subj. imp. 3 
venist 3613, 3874, 6 venissent 2634, 3749 ; 
pres. part, (venant) 2747 ; past part, venu, 
25, 468, 872 &c., venue 2588, 3573, venu 
2515. 4073; s'en — [3925], 3983, to come; 
bien — 2164, 2580, 3602, estre bien venuz 25, 
468, 2829, to be welcome. 

Venir, used as subst. 90, youth ; cf. Glossary to 
Froissart, Podsies, ed. Scheler, under Venir. 

Veoir 165, 611 &c., veoer 1259, voier 298, veir 
327, 3059, veoir li'Z'] ; indie, pres. I vol 1894, 
3882, 3 voit 3955, 5 veiez 1908; imp. 3 veoit 
318, 1172, 2299 &c.,6 veoient 2785 ; perf. i vys 
1652, 3 vit, vist 317, 1058, 1249 &c., veist 
474, [veil] 1069, 6 virent 2783 ; fut. 5 verrez 
2858, 2990, varrez 2857 ; cond. I verroye, 
■verray 1287 ; imperative 5 \tz,veiez 913, 3137, 
3148 &c., veissez 1193, veetz 1244, veez 2102, 
veiez, w^2 3164; subj. imp. 3 veist 309,2605, 

3246, 5 veissiez, veissez 590, 620, 985 &c., 
veisses 1329; past part, veu 2572, 2578,2586, 
3092, view 1896, fern, veuwe, vewe 3447, 
viewe ^l^ii^; to see. 

Vers 597, 808, 1344, 3857 &c., towards, to. 

Verser, act. 3273, to throw; neuter 1302, to fall. 

Vertu 1900, strength, power, 1018, 2330, 
valour; plural 1839, 1965, 2 1 14, virtues, 

Vespres 2639, evening. 

Vesque, [euesqe) 1797, bishop. 

Vestir: past part, vestu 910; to dress. 

Veve, veofe 238, widow. 

Virge 2021, virgin. 

[Vis] ; estre — a, 2586, 2650, 3222, to seem to. 

Vitaille; sing. 2S56, (3163), 3667, 373S, pl- 582, 
604, provisions, victuals. 

Vivre : pres. part, vivant i860, 2980, 4162; 
to live. Pres. part, used as subst. 3500, life. 

Vivres, vieures 2512, [3163], provisions, vic- 

Vo, see Vostre. 

[Veer] 1285, to vow. 

Voidier, voider \ neuter 3686, [refl. 1068], go 
away, depart. 

Voir, adj. 8, 185 &c., true; used as subst. 
94, 547, 610 &c., truth. 

Voir, voire 1293, in truth, 2238, that is to say, 
be it understood. 

Volee ; a le ■ — 1 189, 3227, quickly, thickly, at 

Voler 15 13, to hawk. 

Voloir, inf. used as subst. see below ; indie, 
pres. I voeil, voil 39, 47, voille 835, 976, 
1290 &c., 3 veut, voet 1485, 1591, 31 15, voet 
1879, voit 3535, 4 volons 825, voillons 7'^'ii 5 
volez, voillez 907, 1235, 2849 &c., voilleitz 
1648, voilliez 2659, 6 voeillent, voillient, 
848, voillent ■^ii'^, 3154; imp. 3 voloit, voil- 
lait 1247, 1845, 1977 &:c., voleit \?>Zl,voilleit 
3511, voleit, voilleit 69, 6 voloient 3464, 
voilloient 1801, 3859 ; perf. 5 vosistes, voi- 
sistes 1267 ; fut. I vorai, (voloi) 45, vorray 
980, 2256, (vorroi) 2260 ; cond. i vorroie 
3538, 3581, 3 vourroit, voudroit 19, 5 vour- 
riez, vouldroiez 2918 ; imperative 5 veuilliez 
464, voillez \'2,7Q, 1734; subj. pres. 3 voeille, 
voille (^17,1717, 2236, 2681, 5 veuilliez, voillez 
l'2,<)\, 2430, voeilliez, voilliez 3183, voillez 
4118; subj. imp. 3 vousist 405, 1067, 1715 
&c. ; to wish. 

Voloir : inf. used as subs, voloir, voilloer 121^, 
voilloir 1248, 1294, 3510, voiller 3544, will, 

Vostre, vo, vos, see Introd. p. xliii. 

Vous 469 &c., [ous] 2944, you. 

Ycel, see Cel. 

Ycest, see Cest. 

Yre 3386, sad, angry. 

Ytant ; pour — 1684, 2659, 2835, therefore. 


(■y\ < (f ^ The spellings in brackets are the variants which occur in the text of the MS. 
^2; Kervyn de Lettenhove ' means his Index to Froissart. Vols, xx-xxiii contain index of 

persons ; xxiv, xxv, of places. 

Abberbury, Richard, 42 1 8.— Fighting abroad 
m 1356 (French Rolls, 30 Ed. Ill, m. 15), 
Mid in 1366 and 1368 (Gascon Rolls, 40 
Ed. Ill, m. 14, and 42, m. 4). 
AbbeviUe (Aueuille), 282.— Dept. Somme. 
Agen (Agent), 686.— Dept. Lot-et-Garonne. 
Aimery de Pavia (Amery de Pauye), 422.— 
A Lombard mercenary, in service of Ed- 
ward 1 1 1. 1348. Captain ofthe King's Galleys. 
1349. Captain of the Castle of Calais. Share 
in plot for surrender ofthe town. 1352. Taken 
at Frethun, Froissart says, by Geoffroi de 
Chamy, and put to death at St. Omer 
(Froissart, iv, p. xxxviii, n. 2). 
Airaines, p. 183. Note to 240-76.— Dept. 

Somme, arr. Amiens, c. Molliens-Vidame. 
Albret, Amaud Amanieu, Sire d' (Prince 
de la Bret or Labret), 2388, 3313, 3846. — Son 
of Bernard Ezi and nephew of the Comte 
d'Armagnac. Succeeded his father in 1358. 
1363. Did homage to the King of England. 
1366. Accompanied the Black Prince on 
the Spanish Expedition. Offended, either 
by rejection of his oflfer of a large force, 
or by non-payment of rent (Froissart, vi, p. 
xcvi). 1368. Appealed to the King of France 
(Arch. Nat., JJ 99, no. 345), and married 
Marguerite de Bourbon, sister of the Queen. 
1372. Was granted lands of the Sire de 
Poyanne captured at La Rochelle (Bibl. Nat., 
Colbert, 31, f. 1085). 1382. Was made Grand 
Chamberlain of France. 1401. Died. (L'Art 
de verifier les dates ; Anselme, Hist, genea- 
logique, vi. 209 ; Kervyn de Lettenhove ; 
Arch. Nat., J 293, no. 16 ; JJ 105, no. 67 ; 
JJ 99. no. 345, &c., &c.) 
Albret, Berard d' (Berart or Berard de la 
Bret), 2366, 3349. — There were two of this 
name: (l) The son of Bernard Ezi, who 
married Helfene de Caumont, dame de Sainte- 
Bazeille, and took that title. In 1369 he was 
made Captain of Lavardac, Durance and Feu- 
guerolles ; he joined the French in 1370 (Arch. 
Nat., JJ 100, no. 670), and is probably the 
Bdrard d' Albret spoken of as prisoner to 
Sir Thomas Felton in 1374 (French Rolls, 
48 Ed. Ill, m. 7). (2) Chandos is more 
probably referring to a nephew, not a brother 
of Amaud Amanieu ; the son and heir of 
B6rard d'AIbret, Sire de Puch Normand 
(Gascon Rolls, 28 Ed. Ill, m. 13). The 

father, in 1354, signs a truce between Eng- 
land and France and is already on the English 
side. The son, in 1359, receives a reward 
for services done for England (Rymer, iii, 
pt. i, p. 183), and in 1373 is spoken of as 
'dear and faithful', and restored to posses- 
sion of his father's lands (Rymer, iii, pt. 
iii, 4). 

Albret, Bernard Ezi, Sire d' (Prince de la 
Bret, Breet), 624, 1323.— Vicomte de Tartas, 
father of Amaud Amanieu and Bdrard, Sire 
de Sainte-Bazeille. Married (i) Isabelle de 
Gironde, (2) Mathe d'Armagnac. An early 
ally of England, doing homage in 1 340. 1 354. 
Given lands in recompense for what he had 
lost in English service (Gascon Rolls, 27 
Ed. Ill, m. 7), and again in 1356 (Ibid., 
29 Ed. Ill, m. 5). 1358. Died. (Anselme, 
vi. 209 ; Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Albret, Bertucat d' (Bertrukat de la Bret), 
2371, 335°— A younger brother or bastard 
ofthe House of Albret (Froissart, vi, p. Ixxii). 
Captain of Companies. Fought at Cocherel 
and in Spain, at Najera on side of BlackPrince. 
Fought for England in S. of France (Frois- 

Alby, William (Guilliam Alby), 3156.— Called 
by Froissart ' Alery ' (Froissart, vii. 35). He 
carried the banner of Sir John Chandos at 

Alein, John, 2276. — Fighting under Chandos 
at the Battle of Najera. Possibly the John 
Aleyn who received letters of protection in 
1372 (French Rolls, 46 Ed. Ill, m. 19). 

Alenpon, Charles, Comte du Perche et d' 
(Alencion), 338.— A brother of Philip VI of 
France. Was killed at Crecy. 

Amusco (Haumousque), 3664. — Spain, Pro- 
vince Valencia. 

Anbeguy. See Aubigny. 

Angle, Guichard d' (Guychard or Gwichard), 
1041, 119s, 2285, 3239, 4199.— Lord of Pleu- 
martin, Boisgamault and Rochefort-sur-Cha- 
rente. Lived about 1 323-1 380. At first 
served the French King as Seneschal of 
Saintonge (Beltz, 182, and Bibl. Nat. Fonds 
Fr., 2619, fol. 80) ; fought at Poitiers (Frois- 
sart). 1 360. Ordered by King John to go to La 
Rochelle and take oath to the King of Eng- 
land (Bibl. Nat. Fonds. Fr., 23592,fol. 7). 1363- 
71. Marshal to the Black Prince in Aqui- 
taine (Froissart). 1367. Joint Marshal of 




English army in Spain, and distinguished at 
Ndjera. 1370-2. Still fighting on side of 
the English (Arch, Nat., JJ 102 and 104). 
1372. Made a Knight of the Garter (Beltz;. 
Was taken prisoner with Pembroke at La 
Rochelle (Froissart). 1374. Released and 
went to England. 1376. Governor of Richard, 
P. of Wales. 1377. Earl of Huntingdon. 
1380. Died in England. (Beltz, Order of the 
Garter ; Doyle, Official Baronage ; Kervyn 
de Lettenhove ; Archives du Poitou, vol. xvii, 
258, note.) 

Angouleme (Anguileme or Anguyleme), 161 6, 
3816, 4059.— Dept. Charente. 

Angoumois (Danguymois), 4214. 

Anjou, Louis, Due d' (Danio, Danioo), 102 1, 
4009. — Second son of King John of France. 
1339-84- Was only Count of Anjou when 
he fought at Poitiers. 1360. Created Duke. 
One of King John's hostages in England, but 
escaped by breaking his parole. 1370-7. 
Fought against English in Guienne. 1382. 
Crowned King of Sicily. 1384. Died in Italy. 
Married Marie de Bretagne, daughter of 
Charles de Blois. (L'Art de verifier les dates ; 
Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Aragon (Daragon), 1716, 2676, 3573. 

Arinez, Note to lines 2735-55. — Spain, Pro- 
vince Alava. 

Armagnac, Jean I, Comte d' (Darmynak), 
1921, 2365, 3347, 3845, 3855, 3868.— Comte 
de Fezensac and de Rodez. 1319. Became 
Count. At first allied with French King and his 
Lieutenant in Languedoc (Arch. Nat., JJ 76, 
June 1347, and Sceaux de Clairembault, ii. 
273, 1353). 1363. Did homage to England. 
1366-7. Fought with Black Prince in Spain. 
1368. Appealed to King Charles (Arch. Nat., 
J 293, nos. 16 and 18; JJ 100, no. 881). 
1371. Did liege homage to Charles (ibid. 
no. 20). Fought under Duke of Anjou. 1373. 
Died. (Froissart; Kervyn de Lettenhove, &c.) 

Arruiz (Sarris), 2507. — Spain, Province 

Artois, 1525. — Old province. Now depart- 
ment of Pas-de-Calais. 

Artois, Charles d'. See Longueville. 

Athenes, Gautier, Due d', Comte de Brienne 
(Dataine, Datainnes), 943, 1378. — 1341. 
Being driven out of Duchy came to France, 
and took part in war in Brittany. 1356. 
Made Constable of France (Arch. Nat., JJ 
86, no. 16}. Was killed at the Battle of 

Aubeterre, Guardia Raymond, Sire d', 
(Dambeterre), 1991, 2263. — A great recruiter 
of the Anglo-Gascon Companies, who first 
went with du Guesclin, but returned and 
fought at N4jera under Lancaster (Froissart, 
vi, p. Ixxxi). There was also a Robert 
d'Aubeterre of the same family, whom Frois- 

sart names as with the Prince in Spain, but 
he was not the Sire. 

Aubigny, Renaud, Sire d' (Dangebuguy, An- 
begiiy), 1043, 1201. — A French noble cap- 
tured by Winkfield at Poitiers. In 1358 
money was paid to Winkfield for his prisoner 
'Lord Dauboneye' (Issue Rolls, 32 Ed. Ill, 
ed. Devon). Was released in 1360 (Bibl. Nat. 
Fonds Fr., 23593 ; cf. Rymer, iii, pt. i, 216). 

Aubrdchicourt, Eustace d' (Dabrichecourt), 
1106, 1691, 1988, 2322. — A Knight of Hai- 
nault, who became Captain of a Company ; his 
brother Sanchet was a Knight of the Garter 
(Beltz, 90) ; he himself fought for the English 
and was one of their plenipotentiaries at Calais 
in 1360. Fought in Gascon campaigns of 1355 
and 1356 (Froissart). First accompanied 
Bertrand du Guesclin to Spain, but returned 
at Black Prince's summons, and fought for 
him at N4jera. 1370-2. Fought on side of 
English in Gascon Wars (Gascon Rolls, 44 
Ed. Ill, m. 9). 1373. Died at Carentan. 
(Freville, Des Grandes Compagnies ; Bibl. de 
I'Ecole des Charles, vol. v; Kervyn de Let- 
tenhove ; Froissart.) 

Audeley, Sir James (Audelee), 139, 573, 677, 
881, 1281, 1283, 1294, 3943. — Eldest son of 
Sir James Audeley of Stratton- Audeley, Oxon. 
Great friend and constant companion of 
Sir J. Chandos. 1346. Present in Crecy Cam- 
paign (French Rolls). 1350. At Battle of 
Espagnols-sur-Mer (Froissart). 1355-6. Cam- 
paigns of Black Prince in Gascony (House- 
hold Book, quoted Beltz, and Gascon Rolls, 
29 Ed. Ill, m. 11), and especially rewarded 
for valour at Poitiers. 1 367. Governor of 
Aquitaine while Black Prince in Spain. 

1369. Fought under Cambridge, and was 
present at Siege of La Roche-sur-Yon. Died 
same year at Fontenay-le-Comte. (Diet, of 
Nat. Biography (a very poor notice) ; Beltz ; 
Kervyn de Lettenhove, who agrees with 
Francisque Michel in giving the date of his 
death in 1386, but that much more likely to 
have been his son, cf. note to lines 3943-5, 
p. 183.) 

Audrehem, Arnoul, Sire d' (Dodrehem, 
Doudenham, Daudenham, Dodenhem), 940, 
1135, II4S, 1689, 2669, 2780, 2841, 3065, 
3403. — 1305-70. 1349. Lieutenant of King 
of France in Angouleme. 135 1. Marshal of 
France after Edouard de Beaujeu (cf. Arch. 
Nat., JJ 84, no. 115). 1356. Captured at 
Poitiers (Froissart) and a prisoner till 1360 
(safe-conduct to his valet 1355, French Rolls, 
31 Ed. Ill, m. 14). 1366. Went with Ber- 
trand du Guesclin to Spain. 1367. Captured 
at Nijera. 1369. Ransomed by Charles V. 

1370. Died. (Molinier, in Mdmoires des Sa- 
vants, 1883 ; Archives du Poitou, vol. xvii, 
376 ; Froissart.) 



Auvirmetrl, Sir Thomas d' (Dauvirmetri) 
2618.— A doubtful name. Froissart speaks of 
a Thos. de Daimery, who fought at Najera 
and was knighted by Lancaster. Francisque 
Michel suggests that this might really be a 
Thomas Daventrie, mentioned as fighting 
abroad with Earl of Stafford, in 1355 (Gascon 
Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. II), and with Lan- 
caster in 1366 (Ibid. 40 Ed. Ill, m. 4) and 
1369 (Ibid., 43 Ed. Ill, m. 15. Printed by 

Auxerre, Jean de Chalon III, Comte d' 
(Dantoire), 751.— Son of Jean II, killed at 
Cr^cy. 1356. Captured with Joigny before 
Battle of Poitiers. Mentioned as a prisoner 
in 1357 (French Rolls, 31 Ed. Ill, m. 12). 
1360. Freed (Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 205) and 
died not long after. (L'Art de verifier les 
dates ; Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 


Baigerant. See Naudon de Bageran. 

Barfleur (Barfiewe), 171. — Dept. Manche, arr. 
Valognes, c. Quettehou. 

Baskerville, Richard de, 4227. — Seneschal 
of Agenais according to Chandos. Mentioned 
as receiving letters of attorney in 1355 
(Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 11) and 1372 
(French Rolls, 46 Ed. Ill, m. 15), but with- 
out the addition of any title. 

Basque (Baskle), 2037. — A Pyrenean country, 
including, in Spain, the Provinces of Alava, 
Guipuzcoa and Biscaye ; in France, the SW. 
comer now part of the Basses-Pyrdndes. 

Basset, Ralph, of Drayton, 568, 1311.— Ac- 
companied the Black Prince to Gascony in 
1355 (Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 11) and 
fought at Poitiers (Froissart). He was again 
ill the Prince's retinue in 1365-6 (Gascon 
Rolls, 39 Ed. Ill, m. 5 ; 40 Ed. Ill, m. 13), 
and fighting in Aquitaine during the cam- 
paigns of 1372 and 1373 (French Rolls, 
46 Ed. Ill, m. 17 ; 47 Ed. Ill, m. 19). He 
died in 1390. (Beltz, 159; Froissart.) 

Bayane, 1528,— doubtful. 

Bayeux (Bayeus), 172.— Dept. Calvados. 

Bayonne (Baione, Bayone), 1932, 1941, 1949, 
3743, 3751. — Dept. Basses-Pyr^n^es. 

Beauchamp, John (Beauchamp, Jehans), 131. 
— Second son of Guy Beauchamp, Earl 
of Warwick and brother of Thomas; he 
carried the royal standard at Crdcy (Patent 
Rolls, 25 Ed. Ill), was made Captain of 
Calais in 1349 (Rymer, iii, pt. i, p. 175 ; of. 
also Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 2 ; French 
Rolls, 31 Ed. Ill, m. 16 dorso) ; Constable of 
the Tower, 1360, and died in 1361. (Beltz, 47 ; 
Dugdale, i. 226.) 

Beauchamp, Thomas, Earl of Warwick. 
See Warwick. 

Beauchamp, William, Lord of Bergavenny, 

2250, 3210. — Youngest son of Thomas, Earl 
of Warwick. 1366. Went with Lancaster to 
Spain, and fought at Ndjera. 1370. Accom- 
panied the Duke to Gascony (Gascon Rolls, 
44 Ed. Ill, m. 3), and fought at Limoges and 
Montpaon (Froissart). 1411. Died. (Beltz, 
227 ; Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Beaufort, Roger de (Rogier de Beauford), 
4043. — 1342-89. Son of Guillaume Roger II, 
Comte de Beaufort and Vicomte de la Motte, 
whose brother was Pope Gregory XI. He 
shared command of Limoges at the time 
when the Black Prince took and sacked it 
(Froissart). (Anselme, vi. 316.) 

Beaujeu, Edouart, Sire de (Biaugiu), 420. — 
1316-51. Son of Guichard de Beaujeu, Cham- 
berlain of France. 1347. Succeeded Charles 
de Montmorency as Marshal of France (Arch. 
Nat., JJ. 78, fol. 258). 1352. Killed at Ardres 
fighting against the English. (Anselme, vi. 
724 ; Ferdinand de la Roche la Carelle, 
Histoire de Beaujolais.) 

Beaumont, Jean de Hainault, Sire de 
(Johan de Baiumont), 199. — Son of Jean II, 
Comte de Hainault. Married Marguerite de 
Nesle, through whom he became Comte de 
Soissons, a title which he resigned, however, in 
1344. Fought for Philip VI at Crecy, and 
forced him to escape, accompanying his 
flight. Died in 1357. (L'Art de verifier les 
dates, under Comte de Soissons.) 

Beguer, Gaillard, or Vighier, 2731, 2804. — 
Did homage to England after the Peace of 
Br^tigny. Became a member of the Com- 
panies ; went to Spain with du Guesclin, and 
then returned to accompany the Prince 

Benesques. See Briviesca. 

Bernard de la Salle (Barnat de la Salle, 
Bernard de la Sale), 1993, 2377.— A native 
of Navarre, and member of Great Company. 
Went with Bertrand du Guesclin to Spain, 
1366, but returned on summons of Black 
Prince, and fought for him in campaign of 
Nijera. Was fighting for English, 1370-2, 
and at Siege of Limoges (Froissart). 

Berry, 720.— An old province; now depart- 
ments of Cher and Indre. 

Berry, Jean Comte de Poitiers, and Due de 
(Barry), lo2l, 401 1.— Third son of John of 
France, 1340-1416. Married Jeanne d'Ar- 
magnac. Was only Comte de Poitiers when 
he fought at Poitiers, wrongly called Berry 
by Chandos. 1359. Became Lieutenant for 
the King in Languedoc (Delisle, Mande- 
mentsdeChas.V,no.495). 1360. CreatedDuke 
of Berry and Auvergne. Successes against 
the English, especially at La Rochelle and 
Thouars (Arch. Nat., K 49 1, no. 59). 
(L'Art de verifier les dates ; Kervyn de 



Bertuls. See Breteuil. 

Bertrand du Guesclin (Bartram de Claykyn, 
Bartrem de Klaykyn, Bertrans), 1661, 1669, 
1685, 1708, 1813, 2673, 2971, 2984, 3068, 
3257, 33i8> 3401, 3975. 39^7, 4001.— 1320. 
Born of a poor though ancient Breton family. 
1338. Distinguished himself at a tournament 
at Rennes. Fought in Brittany for Charles 
of Blois. May 16, 1364. Defeated the Captal 
de Buch at Cocherel, and was made Count 
of Longueville and Marshal of Normandy. 
Sept. 28, 1364. Was defeated by Chandos in 
the Battle of Auray and taken prisoner. 
1365. Ransomed by the Pope, King Charles 
and Henry of Trastamare. 1366. Led the 
Companies into Spain to help Henry. 1367. 
Taken prisoner at the Battle of N4jera, but 
ransomed the same year (Arch. Nat., J 351, 
no. 7). March 14, 1369. Aided Henry in his 
victory over Pedro at Montiel and was created 
Duke of Molinas. 1370. Fought with the 
Duke of Anjou against the English. Oct. 
1370. Was made Constable. 1388. Died at 
Chateau-Neuf, and was buried at St. Denis 

Bertrand, Robert, Baron de Briquebecq. 
(Bertrans), 155. — 1325. Marshal of France 
(Sceaux de Clairembault, ii, Nos. 1572, 1573). 
1342. Fought in Brittany (Froissart). 1345. 
Captain of the sea-coast of Normandy (Sceaux 
de Clairembault, ii, p. 362), and was in de- 
fence of the country in 1346 (La Rondure, 
Hist, de la Marine Frangaise, i. 478. Quotes 
from a chronicle, Bibl. Nat. Fonds Fr., 
20363, fol. 175 verso, which seems to support 
the story of his vain attempt to check landing 
of English). Died in 1348, when Guy de 
Nesle succeeded as Marshal. (Anselme, vi, 
p. 688.) 

B^ziers (Vesier), 648. — Dept. Hdrault. 

Biaugiu. See Beaujeu. 

Bigorre (Pygor), 2344, 4235. — An old Vicomtd ; 
now Department of Hautes- Pyrenees. 

Blanchetache, 259. — Passage of the Somme, 
between Abbeville and Saint-Valery. 

Blois, Charles de, 1657. — 1319-64. Son of 
Guy de Chitillon, Comte de Blois, and 
Marguerite de Valois, sister of Philip VI. 
Married Jeanne de Penthi^vre, daughter of 
Guy, Duke of Brittany. 134 1. Claimed the 
Duchy of Brittany against Jean de Montfort, 
brother of the Duke, Jean III ; a decision was 
given in his favour, and he was supported by 
French King, Edward III helping his rival. 

1345. Jean de Montfort IV died, leaving 
claims to Jean V, who continued the struggle. 

1346. Taken prisoner by English at Battle of 
Roche-Derrien; Jeanne de Penthi^vre con- 
tinued the war. 1356. Given safe-conduct to 
come to France (French Rolls, 30 Ed. Ill, 
m. 10). Sept. 29, 1364. Defeated and slain at 

Auray. (L'Art de verifier les dates ; Kervyn 
de Lettenhove.) 

Blois, Louis de Chatillon, Comte de. Might 
possibly be read instead of Joii, 341. — He 
married Jeanne, daughter of Jean de Hai- 
nault ; and was killed at the Battle of Crdcy 

Bohemia, Jean de Luxemburg, King of 
(Roi de Beaume), 195, 285, 334, 367.— 1295- 
1346. Son of Henry III, Comte de Luxem- 
burg. Married the daughter of Wenceslas I 
of Bohemia. 131 1. Became King of that 
country. His sister married Charles IV of 
France, and he became a firm ally of the 
P'rench. 1338-41. Fought in Gascony. 1346. 
Killed at Crecy. 

Bohun, William de. See Northampton. 

Bond, Nicholas, 2613. — Accompanied the 
Black Prince to Spain, and was knighted 
before Ndjera. 1368-9. Still in the Prince's 
retinue (Gascon Rolls, 42 Ed. Ill, m. 4, and 
43, m. 3). 1370. Fought under the Duke of 
Lancaster (Ibid. 44 Ed. Ill, m. 9). 1372. 
Was rewarded for good services (Ibid. 47 Ed. 
Ill, m. I). 

Bordeaux (Burdeux), 617, 639, 657, 1442, 
1446, 1455, 1484, 1616, 1966, 2025, 2048, 
21 17, 2139, 2150, 3753, 3774, 3789.— Dept. 

BoteUer, WUlecock le, 2273. — Possibly the 
same as Willelmus le Botiller, mentioned 
repeatedly in the French and Gascon Rolls, 
who fought in 1355 (French Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, 
m. 9), went to Spain 1367, and married Joan 
Sudley. (Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Bouciquaut, Jean le Maingre dit (Busci- 
kant, Buscicaunt), 714, 871. — Born in Tou- 
raine. 1337. Fighting against the English in 
Guienne. 1349. Was made prisoner by the 
English, and does not seem to have been 
freed before 1354 (Rymer, iii, pt. i, 93). 
In 1356 he fought with King John in Poitou 
and Languedoc. Aug. 29, 1356. Captured 
at Romorantin. 1357. Signed the truce be- 
tween England and France at Bordeaux, as 
did the other prisoners (French Rolls, 31 Ed. 
Ill, m. 14 dorso). June I, 1357. Was given 
a safe conduct to go to Poitou (Ibid. m. 12), 
and apparently freed the same year. He was 
made Marshal of France, Jean de Clermont 
his predecessor having been killed at Poitiers. 
1 36 1 . Was charged to deliver to wns to Chandos, 
and became eventually a vassal of the English 
(In Bibl. Nat. Fonds Lat. 17041, is spoken 
of as having been Guardian of the Castle of 
Ldsignan, for ' notre Seigneur le roi d'Angle- 
terre'). 1367. Died. (Archives du Poitou, 
vol. xvii. Introduction; Anselme, vi. 753.) 

Bourbon, Jacques de, Comte de Ponthieu 
and La Marche (Jakes de Burbon), 1025, 
1355. — Third son of Louis I, Ducde Bourbon. 



1347. Was Lieutenant for the King of France 
in Saintonge, Poitou, Touraine, Anjou, 
Maine, Berry and Limousin (Arch. Nat., JJ 
76, no. 195). Became Constable of France 
after the murder of Charles d'Espagne (Ry- 
mer, iii, pt. ii, 38) in 1354 but surren- 
dered the office to the Duke of Athens in 
1356. Was taken prisoner at Poitiers by 
the Captal de Buch ; signed truce of 1357 
(French Rolls, 31 Ed. Ill, m. 14 dorso) ; 
was set free in 1360 (Rymer, iii, pt. ii, 27). 
1361. Mortally wounded at Battle of Brignais 
(Archives du Poitou, vol. xiii, 340, note; 
Anselme, vi. 164). 
Bourbon, Jean de, Comte de la Marche, 
1687.— A son of Jacques de Bourbon ; Cap- 
tain of Companies ; accompanied Bertrand 
du Guesclin to Spain to fight against Pedro ; 
died in 1393. 
Bourbon, Louis II, Due de, Comte de Cler- 
mont, 401 1. — A son of Pierre I, whom he 
succeeded in 1356. 1360. Went with King 
John to England, and became his hostage. 
1367. Ransomed himself (French Rolls, 41 
Ed. Ill, m. 2). 1370-3. Fought against 
English under Due de Berry. Present at 
Siege of Thouars, &c. (Chazaud, Chronique 
de Loys de Bourbon ; Froissart.) 
Bourbon, Pierre I, Due de, Comte de Cler- 
mont, 965, 1377. — Son of Louis I. Married 
Isabelle, sister of Philip VI. 1353. Com- 
missioner to treat for peace with England 
(Rymer, iii, pt. i, 86). 1356. Killed at Poitiers. 
(Arch. Nat., JJ 78, no. 91 ; 85, no. 1 12 ; Bibl. 
Nat. Fonds Doat, tome 132, lol. 28.) 
Bourchier, John, Lord (Bourcier), 2335. — 
Evidently John Bourchier, who accompanied 
the Black Prince in 1367 (Gascon Rolls, 41 
Ed. Ill, m. 3). 1370. He served under the 
Earl of Cambridge (Ibid., 44 Ed. Ill, m. 9). 
1373. Was taken prisoner by the French 
(French Rolls, 47 Ed. Ill, m. 19). 
Bourdeilles, 3927.— Dept. Dordogne, arr. 

Pdrigueux, c. Brant6me. 
Breteuil, Bour de (Bourt de Bertuls), 2373.— 
A Captain of the Companies. 1361. Fought 
at the Battle of Brignais. Went with Black 
Prince to Spain and fought at Nijera. 
Fought on the side of the English at Limoges. 
Finally joined the Marquis de Montferrat, 
and was put to death. (Kervyn de Letten- 
hove ; Froissart.) 

Brian, Guy de, 135.— A Knight of Devon- 
shire, who fought at Cr^cy, and died in 1349. 
His son, Guy de Brian, Lord of Laghern, is 
the more celebrated. It was he who dis- 
tinguished himself at the time of the Calais 
plot (see note to lines 429-32), took a leading 
part in wars and treaties with France, became 
Admiral of the Fleet and Knight of the Garter. 
(Beltz, 179 ; Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Brie (Vrie), 1527.— Part of the Dept. of Seine- 

Briquet, Robert (Briket), 1989, 2270, 3205. 
— One of the Captains of Companies, who 
first went to Spain with Bertrand du Guesclin 
(Thalamus de Montpellier, 369), then re- 
turned and accompanied the Black Prince in 
1367 ; was knighted by Chandos, and fought 
at NAjera. He afterwards took part, with 
many other members of the Companies, in 
the war in Lombardy (Froissart). 

Brittany, 1653, 2124. — Includes departments 
of lUe-et-Vilaine, C6tes-du-Nord, Finist^re, 
Morbihan, Loire-Infdrieure. 

Briviesea (Benesques), 3597. — Spain, Pro- 
vince Old Castile. 

Buch, Jean de Grailly III, Captal de, 526, 
679, 1321, 2389, 3311, 3322.— Son of Jean 
de Grailly II and Blanche de Foix, the cousin 
of Gaston Phoebus ; succeeded to the title 
in 1343. An ally of the English, and fought 
under the Black Prince in 1355 and 1356. 
At Poitiers he captured Jacques de Bourbon. 
After that he became Lieutenant to the 
King of Navarre (Arch. Nat., K 49*, no. 32), 
and was captured at Cocherel. In 1367 he 
accompanied the Black Prince to Spain, and 
fought at Nijera. In 1370 Edward gave him 
Bigorre in reward for his services (Gascon 
Rolls, 44 Ed. Ill, m. 8). 1371. He was made 
Constable of Aquitaine. 1373. Was captured 
by the French at the Battle of Soubise. 1377. 
Died in prison. (Beltz ; Froissart ; Kervyn de 

Burghersh, Bartholomew de (Bertreme, Bar- 
tholomeus, Bartrem de Burghees), 133, 563, 
879, 1315.— The son of Bartholomew de 
Burghersh, Lord Chamberlain of England. 
Shared in the French Campaign of 134O; 
fought at Cr^cy (MS. in Bibl. Corpus Christi 
College, Cambridge) ; took part in the Siege 
of Calais, and the Battle of Espagnols-sur- 
Mer (Froissart). 1355. Accompanied the 
Black Prince to Gascony (Household Book, 
quoted Beltz, App. iv). 1356. Fought at 
Poitiers. 1357. Signed truce at Bordeaux 
(French Rolls, 31 Ed. Ill, m. 15). 1366. Still 
abroad(Ibid., 4oEd. Ill, m. 15). 1369. Died. 
(Beltz, 45; Dugdale, ii. 35; Diet, of Nat. 

Burgos (Burhes, Burghes), 3555, 3559, 3565, 
3603, 3620, 3629. Capital of Old Castile. 

Burgundy (Burgonie), 1527. — Old province ; 
now depts. of Yonne, C&te-d'Or, Sa6ne-et- 
Loire, Ain. 

Burhes. See Burgos. 

Burleigh, Simon (Simond de Burelee), 2466, 
2535. — 1336-88. A relative of Walter Bur- 
leigh, tutor of the Black Prince. 1367. He ac- 
companied the Prince to Spain. 1369. Was 
captured by the French, but exchanged. 


I 1 



1370. Fought under Lancaster. 1380. Was 
tutor to King Richard, and took a leading 
part in the government. 1 388. Was impeached 
and beheaded. (Diet, of Nat. Biography ; 
Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Caen (Ken), 172. — Dept. Calvados. 

Cahors (Caours), 686. — Dept. Lot. 

Calais (Caleys,Calois), 374, 385,407,419,1562. 
— Dept. Pas-de- Calais, arr. Boulogne-sur-Mer. 

Calatrava, Master of the Order of, 3109, 
3456. — Pero Moiiiz or Muiiiz, an ally of Henry 
of Trastamare, took the place of Don Diego 
Garcia de Padilla, who held the office under 
Pedro the Cruel. He was taken prisoner at 
Ndjera, and submitted to Pedro, but was again 
on Henry's side at the Battle of Montiel, 
March, 1369. (Catalina Garcia, Castilla y 
Leon, Madrid, 1892.) 

Calverley, Hugh de (Calvelee), 1693, 1739, 
2197, 2202, 2696, 3348. — A son of David de 
Calverley, and possibly a half-brother of Sir 
Robert KnoUes (Diet, of Nat. Biography). 
He fought in the Breton War and was 
present at the Battle of Auray in 1364 ; went 
to Spain first with du Guesclin, afterwards 
with the Black Prince ; he became Seneschal 
of Limousin (Froissart), Deputy of Calais, 
and Governor of Brest; and died in 1393. 
(Diet, of Nat. Biography.) 

Cambridge, £dtnund of Langley, Earl of 
(Esmond, Comte de Cantebrigge), 3918, 3940. 
— 1341-1402. Fifth son of Edward III. 
Married (i) Isabel, second daughter of Pedro 
the Cruel ; (2) Joan, daughter of Thomas 
Holland, second Earl of Kent. 1362. Created 
Earl of Cambridge. 1369. Was sent with the 
Earl of Pembroke to Aquitaine, where he 
fought during the following year (Gascon 
Rolls, 44 Ed. Ill, m. 4) and took Bour- 
deilles and La Roehe-sur-Yon. 1373. Captain 
General in France and Brittany. 1385. 
Created Duke of York. 1402. Died. (Doyle, 
Official Baronage ; Beltz, 136 ; Froissart.) 
Camois, Raotil (Cammois), 2615. — In Lan- 
caster's army at the Battle of Ndjera. (Ayala, 


Campayre. See Caupene. 

Camus, Bour or Batard (Bourt Camus), 
2374. — A member of the Companies, who 
went to Spain, first with du Guesclin, after- 
wards in the Black Prince's army. He was 
either a Navarrais or a Gascon. (Froissart, 
vi, p. xxii ; Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Camyn, Robert (Camyyn), 2269. — A member 
of the Companies, who followed the Black 
Prince to Spain, 1367. 

Cantebrigge. See Cambridge. 

Carcassonne (Carkason), 648.— Dept. Aude. 

Carentan, 171.— Dept. Manche, arr. Saint-L6. 

Castro, Fernandez de (Ffarrantz, Fferant de 
Castres), 1795, 1852, 3625. — A descendant of 
the old Lords of Biscay, and brother of Inez 
de Castro (M^rimde, Hist, de Don Pedro, 
133). He at first joined the rebellion of 
Henry of Trastamare and married his sister ; 
but in 1 1 54 permanently rejoined Pedro, 
Henry having apparently annulled his mar- 
riage. He was Governor of Galicia for Pedro, 
and remained faithful to him (Catalina Garcia, 
354), being taken prisoner at the Battle of 

Caupene, Raymond Guillaume, Sire de 
(Campayne), 1325.— Apowerful Gascon noble, 
who joined the English in 1348; in 1354 he 
signed a truce between England and France 
as representing the former (Gascon Rolls, 
28 Ed. Ill, ni. 13). He fought at Poitiers, 
and there took prisoner the Comte de Ven- 
dome (Issue Rolls, 35 Ed. III). In 1374 he 
was Chatelain of Mauldon (Gascon Rolls, 
48Ed. Ill, m. i). 

Caux, 220.— An old country in present depart- 
ment of Seine-Inferieure. 

Chandos, the Herald, 4187. — The Herald 
of Sir John Chandos from about 1360; 
was employed to treat with the Comte de 
Foix in 1366 ; accompanied his master to 
Spain in 1367; joined the Earl of Bucking- 
ham in 1381 ; and became Ireland King- 
at-Arms in 1382. Kervyn de Lettenhove 
thinks that he was a Breton, and that his 
name was Guyon, but this is by no means 
a certainty. (Anstis, Order of the Garter, 
i. 432 ; Froissart.) 

Chandos, Sir John, 139, 573, 677, 881, 1281, 
1307, 1910, 1971, 2214, 2227, 2257, 2279, 
2720, 3I2I, 3145, 3199, 3235, 3287, 3718, 
3722, 3933, 3950, 3979> 3993, 4I97-— Son 
of Thomas Chandos, Sheriff of Herefordshire, 
and descendant of Robert de Chandos who 
came over with William the Conqueror. 
He fought at Sluys, Crecy and Poitiers, being 
rewarded for his gallanti-y at the latter, where 
he is supposed to have saved the Prince's 
life. 1360. Became Vicomte of Saint-Sauveur- 
le-Vicomte. 1361. Constable of Aquitaine. 
1364. Won the Battle of Auray. 1367. Was 
in the Spanish campaign and captured 
Bertrand du Guesclin at Ndjera. 1369. 
Was Captain of Montauban and Seneschal 
of Poitou (Froissart, vii, pp. Ixxiv and 
Ixxv). Dec. 31, 1369. He was mortally 
wounded in a skirmish at Lussac. Jan. i, 
1370. Died at Chauvigny, and was buried 
at Mortemer. (Diet, of Nat. Biography ; 
Fillon, Life of Chandos.) 
Charles V, King of France, 960, 981, 1220, 
1240, 3857, 3865, 3889, 3973-— 1337-80. 
Charles, Duke of Normandy, eldest son of 
King John ; married Jeanne de Bourbon ; 



fled from the Battle of Poitiers and became 
Regent on the capture of his father. 1360. 
He negotiated the Peace of Br^tigny. April 8, 
1364. Became King of France. 1368. Re- 
ceived appeals of the Gascon Nobles. 1369. 
Summoned the Black Prince to answer for 
his conduct. 1370. Declared Aquitaine con- 
fiscated. 1380. Died. 

Charles IV, Emperor (Roy Dalmanye, Dal- 
meyme), 198, 286.— 1316-78. Son of John, 
King of Bohemia. 1346. Was elected King 
of the Romans. Fled from the Battle of 
Cr^cy. 1347. His election to the Empire 
opposed, but estabhshed later. 1356. He 
published the Golden Bull. 1378. Died. 

Charles II, King of Navarre, 1917, 1920, 
1956, 2192, 2198, 2210, 2319, 2479, 3309, 
3725.-1332-87. Eldest son of Philip III, 
King of Navarre, and Jeanne, daughter of 
Louis X of France. 1350. Succeeded his 
father as King of Navarre. 135 1. Married 
Jeanne, eldest daughter of King John of 
France. 1353. Suspected of share in the 
murder of Charles d'Espagne. He intrigued 
with the English and also with £tienne 
Marcel, was for a time imprisoned by the 
French King, but later came to terms with the 
Regent. 1366. He made treaties both with 
Henry of Trastamare, and with the Black 
Prince and Pedro. 1367. Imprisoned for a time 
by Olivier de Mauny. 1370. Made a treaty 
with Edward III. 1371. Did homage to 
Charles V. 1357. Died at Pampeluna. (Se- 
cousse. Hist, de Charles le Mauvais ; L'Art 
de verifier les dates.) 

Charles de Blois. See Blois. 

Chamy, Geffroi de (Charguy), 421, 871, 890. 
— Seigneur of Pierre-Perthuis, Montfort and 
Savoisy. Served under the Constable d'Eu 
on the frpntiers of Flanders. 1 348. Received 
grants from Philip VI for loyal services 
(Arch. Nat., JJ 77, no. 275). 1349. Was made 
Captain of St. Omer. 1350. Tried to win 
back Calais by a plot. He was captured in 
the fighting at Calais, but ransomed in the fol- 
lowing year. Heborethe oriflamme at Poitiers, 
and was killed in the battle. (Arch, du Poitou, 
xiii. 3.57, note ; Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Chartres, 735, 1537.— Dept. Eure-et-Loir. 

Chauvigny.— Dept. Vienne, arr. Mont-Moril- 

Clermont, Jean de. Marshal of France, 871, 
939, 1 139, "47, 1 199, I379-— 1347- Became 
Seigneur de Chantilly. 1352. Succeeded Guy 
de Nesle as Marshal of France. 1353. Was 
Captain in Picardy and Artois (Arch. Nat., J 
637, no. 7 bis). 1354. Lieutenant in Poitou, 
Saintonge and the Limousin, &c. (Arch. Nat., 
JJ 86, no. 37). 1356. Waskilled at Poitiers. 
(Arch, du Poitou, xvii. 192, note ; Anselme, 
vi. 750.) 

Clisson, Olivier de (Clisceon, Clichon), 2129, 
2327, 3329. — 1364. A Breton ally of the Eng- 
lish ; he fought for them at Auray. Received 
the Duke of Lancaster at Nantes, went to 
fight in Spain, and was at the Battle of Ndjera. 
1370. He swore allegiance to Charles V, 
who had made him grants of land (Froissart, 
vi, p. Ixxvii), and became sworn brother-in- 
arms of du Guesclin. 1371. Lieutenant of 
Charles in Poitou. 1380. Constable. 1397. 

Cobham, Reginald, of Sterburgh, Lord, 132, 
571, 1312. — Son of John Cobham and Joan 
Nevyll. P" ought at Crdcy, Calais and Win- 
chelsea (Froissart). Was Captain of Calais 
in 1356 (Rymer, iii, pt. i, p. 94) ; but was 
fighting with the Black Prince in 1355 and 
1356 (Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 11 ; 30 
Ed. Ill, m. 5). 1356. Fought at Poitiers, 
where he captured Charles d'Artois (Patent 
Rolls, 33 Ed. III). 1357. Signed the truce 
at Bordeaux (French Rolls, 31 Ed. Ill, 
m. 14). 1361. Died of the plague. (Beltz ; 
Kervyn de Lettenhove ; Dugdale, ii. 67.) 

Comminges, Pierre Raymond II, Comte de 
(Corages), 3846.— Son of Pierre Raymond I, 
whom he succeeded in 1342 or 1343. He only 
joined the English very reluctantly after 1360. 
1367. Went with the Black Prince to Spain, 
and fought at NAjera (Froissart). 1370. 
Joined the Duke of Anjou and fought against 
the English until his death in 1376. (L'Art 
de verifier les dates ; Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Constantyn. See Cotentin. 

Corages. See Comminges. 

Cordova (Cordual, Cordeval), 1809, 3611. — 
Spain, capital of Andalusia. 

Corunna (Calonge), 17S6, 1825.— Spain, Pro- 
vince Galicia. 

Cosinton, Stephen de, 2282, 3237, 4200.^ 
1355. Went with the Black Prince toGascony 
(Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 11 ; 30 Ed. Ill, 
m. 6), and fought at the Battle of Poitiers 
(Froissart). Was still abroad in 1365 and 
1366 (Gascon Rolls, 39 Ed. Ill, m. 5 ; 40 
Ed. Ill, m. 12). Went to Spain and fought 
at Ndjera. 1370 and 1 371. Fought under 
various English commanders in the struggle 
for Gascony (Froissart). 

Cotentin (Constantyn), 121, 169, 2119, 2124. 
— A part of Normandy ; now in the depart- 
ment of Manche. 

Couchon, 1324. — A Gascon who fought for 
the Black Prince at Poitiers. 

Courteney, Hugh de (Huon), 261 1.— Eldest 
son of Hugh, Earl of Devon and Baron of 
Okehampton, and of Margaret de Bohun. 
He went with the Black Prince to Spain, and 
fought at NAjera. 

Courteney, Peter de (Peron), 2612.— Brother 
of the above; also in Spain. 1388. Became 



Chamberlain of Richard II. 1399. Captain 
of Calais. 1409. Died. 

Courtenay, Philip de, 2612.— Brother of 
Hugh and Peter; also in Spain. 1372. Was 
made Admiral of the Fleet (French Rolls, 
46 Ed. Ill, m. 46). 1384. Lieutenant of 

Craon, Amaury IV, Sire de, 715. — Son of 
Maurice VII. 1350. Lieutenant of the French 
King in Poitou, Limousin, Saintonge and 
Perigord (Arch. Nat., JJ 84, no. 224). 1356. 
Captured, together with Bouciquaut, at Ko- 
morantin. 1360. Released (Rymer, iii, pt. ii, 
27). 1366-7. Was Lieutenant of Charles V 
in Anjou, Touraine and Maine (Arch. Nat., 
JJ 85, no. 590). May 30, 1371. Died. (Arch, 
du Poitou, xiii. 378 note ; Kervyn de Letten- 

Crecy en Ponthieu (Cressy), 290. — Dept. 
Somme, arr. Abbeville. 

Cressyn. See Quercy. 

Creswell (Cressewell), 1989, 2270. — A Captain 
of the Companies, who went to Spain with 
du Guesclin, but afterwards joined the Black 
Prince, and fought with him at Ndjera. He 
appears also to have served under the Duke 
of Lancaster in 1371 (Gascon Rolls, 45 Ed. Ill, 
m. 3). In the end he went off to fight in 
Italy, where he was taken prisoner, and died 

Curson, 3201.— Fighting in Spain in the 
English army, and knighted by Chandos. 
Identity rather uncertain. There was a 
Gascon family named Curzon ; but this 
man being mentioned with other English, 
he is far more likely to be one of the Cursons 
who occur from time to time in the Gascon 
Rolls ; very probably the ' Rogerus Curson 
Miles', receiving letters of protection in 1373 
(French Rolls, 47 Ed. Ill, m. 26). (Gascon 
Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 8, speak of Hugh Cur- 
soun ; French Rolls, 46 Ed. Ill, m. 14, 
speak of John Curson.) 

Curton, Petiton de (Courton), 627, 1107, 
2328. — A Gascon noble and early ally of the 
English. Went to Spain with the Black 
Prince, was knighted by Chandos, and 
fought at Ndjera. 1370. Was made one of 
the Captains of Montauban ; and fought 
under Lancaster. 1381. Went to serve the 
Comte de Foix. (Froissart.) 


Dabrichecourt. See Aubrechicourt. 
Dambeterre. See Aubeterre. 
Dammartin, Charles de Trie, Comte de 

(Daunmartyn), 1033. 1359. — Son of Jean II, 
Comte de Dammartin. Fought for Charles 
de Blois in Brittany. 1 3 56. Was made 
prisoner by Salisbury at Poitiers (French 
Rolls, 31 Ed. Ill, m. 10). 1364. Ransomed. 

1365. Godfather of Charles VI. 1394. Died. 
(Anselme, vi. 671 ; Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Dangebuguy. See Aubigny. 

Danio, Danioo. See Anjou. 

Dantille. See Tello. 

Dantoire. See Auxerre. 

Darminak. See Armagnac. 

Dataine, Datainnes. See Athenes. 

Dax (Dasc), 2107, 2153, 2178.— Dept. Landes. 

Degori Says, 2729, 2803. — Or, according to 
Froissart, d'Aghorisses ; possibly the same 
as Gregori Seys, Seigneur de Gencey (Frois- 
sart, viii, p. Ix), who was still in France 
in 1375 (Arch. Nat., JJ 106, no. 249). He took 
part in Felton's skirmish before the Battle 
of NAjera, and was one of the prisoners. 
Fought later at Limoges, Moncontour, and 
Rochelle (Froissart). (There was an English 
family of Say mentioned occasionally in the 
Rolls. Letters of protection in 1355 were 
granted to Galfridus de Say. French Rolls, 
29 Ed. Ill, m. 9.) It is very doubtful 
whether Froissart's d'Aghorisses and Gregori 
Seys, Seigneur de Gencey, were really one and 
the same, since the former was said by the 
Chronicler to be an Englishman with lands 
on the Welsh border. (Kervyn de Letten- 

Delawarre. See Warre, de la. 

Denia, Alfonso, Comte de (Dene), 3067, 
3405. Son of Don Pedro, the Infant of 
Aragon, and Jeanne de Foix. An ally of 
Henry of Trastamare. 1366. Made Marquis 
of Villena by Henry. 1367. Taken prisoner 
at Ndjera. 1 383. Became Constable of 
Castile. 1412. Died. (Kervyn de Letten- 

Despenser, Edouard le, 567, 1309. — Grandson 
of Edward IPs favourite, Hugh le Despenser. 
1355. Accompanied the Black Prince to Gas- 
cony (Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 3), fought 
at Romorantin and Poitiers (Froissart). 1360. 
Became a Knight of the Garter. 1372. Ac- 
companied the King on his attempted voyage 
to France. 1374. Prepared again for war 
abroad (Gascon Rolls, 48 Ed. Ill, m. 9). 
1375. Died at Cardiff He was a friend of 
Froissart ; and married a daughter of Bar- 
tholomew de Burghersh. (Beltz, 140; Kervyn 
de Lettenhove ; Dugdale, i. 394.) 

Devereux, John, 1989, 2281, 3238. — 1367. 
Accompanied the Prince to Spain, and fought 
well atNeijera. Remained withthe Prince next 
year (Gascon Rolls, 42 Ed. Ill, m. 4). 1370. 
He was Seneschal of La Rochelle and Limou- 
sin (Froissart, viii, p, xxxii). 1379. Captain of 
Calais. 1387. Constable of Dover. 1393 or 
1394. Died. 

Dipre. See Ypres. 

Dodrehem. See Audrehem. 

Doudenhara. See Audrehem. 




Edward III, King of England, 57, 107, 208, 
292, 361, 399, 409, 413, 428, 445, 1461, 1469, 
1517, 1530, 1579, 4077, 4091, 4139-— 1312- 
1377- Eldest son of Edward II and Isabella 
of France. 1325. Count of Ponthieu and 
Duke of Aquitaine. Did homage for his 
fiefs to Charles IV of France. Jan. 29, 1327. 
Crowned King of England. 1328. Married 
Phihppa of Hainault. Laid claim to French 
throne, which was, however, adjudged to 
Philip VI of Valois. 1329. Did homage to 
Philip with certain reservations. Jan. 26, 
1340. Assumed the title of King of France. 
Feb. 24, 1340. Won the Battle of Sluys and 
besieged Tournay. 1342. Joined Jean de 
Montfort against Charles de Blois. 1346. In 
the Crecy campaign. 1347. Capture of Calais. 
1350. Victory of Espagnols-sur-Mer. Oct. 
1359. Expedition to France, ending in (1360) 
Peace of Br^tigny, ratified at Calais. 1372. 
Abortive expedition to France ; winds hostile. 
June 25, 1377. Died at his Palace at Sheen. 
Edward the Black Prince, 55, 63, 68, 147, 
178, 208, 251, 293, 324, 410, 413, 429, 450, 
489, 532, 551, 576, 595, 621, 636, 658, 703, 
743. 752, 760, 777, 807, 821, 880, 935, 1064, 
1116, 1123, 1165, 1240, 1249, 1260, 1284, 
1296, 1337, 1412, 1426, 1436, 1459, 1478, 
1502, 1519, 1563, 1580, 1585, 1596, 1856, 
1869, 1885, 1947, 1965, 1977, 2023, 2032, 
2048, 2072, 2078, 2099, 2104, 2134, 2185, 
2200, 2215, 2314, 2346, 2353, 2360, 2401, 
2405, 2441, 2457, 2491, 2561, 2584, 2682, 
2687, 2720, 2810, 2822, 2834, 2861, 2S82, 
2907, 2964, 3007, 3033, 3051, 3122, 3133, 
3160, 3172, 3188, 3195, 3328, 3337, 3453, 
3469, 3483, 3496, 3518, 3536, 3543, 3549, 
3558. 3596, 3604, 3619, 3627, 3639, 3645, 
3659. 3677, 3687, 3703, 3713, 3733, 3743, 
3752, 3769, 3776, 3785, 3799, 3813, 3817, 
3832, 3843, 3861, 3908, 3914, 3949, 3995, 
4019, 4032, 4050, 4081, 4091, 4119, 4156, 
4171, 4190, 4241, 4244-— 4330-76. Edward 
of Woodstock, eldest son of Edward III and 
Philippa of Hainault. Duke of Cornwall, Earl 
of Chester, &c. 1338 and 1342. Guardian 
and Lieutenant of England during his father's 
absence. 1343. Created Prince of Wales. 
1346. Accompanied his father to France and 
was knighted. Prowess at Crdcy, Calais 
and Winchelsea. 1355. Lieutenant of Aqui- 
taine; his campaign in Gascony. 1356. Victoi-y 
at Poitiers. 1357. Returned to England with 
King John. 1359. Accompanied his father 
to France. 1360. Took a leading part in 
negotiating the Peace of Bretigny. Oct. 10, 

1361. Married Joan of Kent, daughter of 
Edward I's son, Edmund of Woodstock, and 
widow of Thomas, Lord Holland. July 19, 

1362. Made Prince of Aquitaine and Gascony. 

1363. Established his Court at Bordeaux. 
1366. Arranged treaties with Pedro and 
Charles of Navarre. Was created by Pedro 
Lord of Biscay and Castro de Ordiales. 
April 3, 1367. Victorious at Ndjera or Nava- 
rete. Sept. 1367. Returned to Bordeaux. 
Jan. 1368. Levied a fouage or hearth-tax, 
which roused much discontent. Jan. 1369. 
Summoned by Charles V to appear before 
parlement of Paris ; his refusal. Sept. 19, 
1370. Captured Limoges; massacred inhabi- 
tants. Jan. 1371. Left Aquitaine for England. 
1372, Shared King's unsuccessful attempt to 
come to Gascony to relieve Thouars. Oct. 5, 
1372. Resigned his position as Prince of 
Aquitaine. July 8, 1376. Died at West- 
minster on Trinity Sunday. Sept. 29, 1376. 
Buried in Canterbury Cathedral. (Doyle; 
Diet, of Nat. Biography.) 

Edward of Angoul^me, son of Black 
Prince, 3763, 4062.— Born in 1364 probably 
(the chroniclers vary from 1363 to 1365). 
Died Jan. 1371. (Diet, of Nat. Biography.) 

Eliton, 3201.— Knighted in Spain before the 
battle of Ndjera ; probably the same as 
Cliton (Kervyn de Lettenhove) or Clyton 
(John), who was fighting in 1355 and 1356 
(French Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 9; 30 Ed. HI, 
m. 15). 

Espuke. See Guipuzcoa. 

Eu, Jean d'Artois, Comte d', 1026, 1357. — 
Son of Robert d'Artois and Jeanne de Valois. 
1350. Created Comte d'Eu after execution of 
Raoul de Brienne. 1356. Was captured at 
Poitiers. 1357. Signed Truce at Bordeaux 
(French Rolls, 31 Ed. Ill, m. 14 dorso). 
Remained a prisoner till 1360 (French Rolls, 
31 Ed. Ill, m. 12, 13), when he was freed 
after Bretigny (Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 27). 

Eu, Raoul II de Brienne, Comte d', et de 
Guines, 177. — Son of Raoul I, whom he 
succeeded as Constable in 1344. 1346. Was 
captured at Caen, and remained prisoner in 
England for three years. Nov. 19, 1350. Was 
executed for treason in the H6tel de Nesle. 
(Arch, du Poitou, xiii. 307 note ; Anselme, 
vi. 161.) _ 


Felton, Thomas (Ffelleton), 191 1, 1936,2323, 
2451, 2458, 2547, 2647, 2805, 3330, 4201.— 
Son of John Felton, Governor of Alnwick, 
and descended from Pagan, Lord of Upper 
Felton in Northumberland. He fought at 
Crdcy, Calais and Poitiers (Gascon Rolls, 
30 Ed. Ill, m. 5). 1363. Became Seneschal 
of Aquitaine (Tauzin, in Revue de Gascogne, 
1891), or, as he seems equally often to be 
called. Seneschal of Gascony (Gascon Rolls, 
45 Ed. Ill.m. 5,6; 47 Ed. III,m. 7). 1367. 
Accompanied the Black Prince to Spain and 
was captured in the skirmish before Nijera. 



He was exchanged after the battle for 
Marshal Audrehem. 1370. He fought under 
Pembroke. 1372. Together with Sir R. 
Wykford received special charge of Aqui- 
taine, and became Seneschal of Bordeaux. 

1375. Returned to England, but very shortly 
left again for Gascony (Gascon Rolls, 49 Ed. 
Ill, m. 8). 1377. Captured by the French, 
but ransomed by the King. 1 381. Died. 
(Diet, of Nat. Biography ; Berry and W. 
Suffolk, Arch. Institute, vol. iv, Playford and 
the Feltons.) 

Felton, William, 2272, 2462, 2648, 2727, 
2737) 2756, 2805, 4203. — A kinsman, but not 
a brother of Thomas. He was also de- 
scended from Pagan of Upper Felton : but 
his father was Sir William Felton of 
Northumberland (French Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, 
m. II, especially call him William de Felton 

Junior). He fought at Crecy and Poitiers. 
1362. Was made Seneschal of Poitou (Rymer, 
iii, pt. ii, p. 60), also of Limousin. 1364. He 
accompanied the Black Prince to Spain 
(Gascon Rolls, 41 Ed. Ill, m. 6), and was 
killed in the skirmish before the Battle of 
N4jera in 1367. (Diet, of Nat. Biography ; 
Playford and the Feltons ; Kervyn de Letten- 
hove calls him a brother of Sir Thomas.) 

Ferinton, William de (Ffaryndon), 3202. — 
He accompanied the Prince to Spain, and 
was knighted by Chandos. Fought later at 
Saintesandin theBattleof Soubise(Froissart). 

1376. Was one of the witnesses of the truce 
with France. 1377. Carried the body of 
Sir J. de Misterworth, traitor, to different 
parts of England (Issue Rolls, 51 Ed. III). 
There seem to have been other members of 
the same family taking part in French wars. 
John is mentioned in 1366 (Gascon Rolls, 
40 Ed. Ill, m. 10), and Thomas in 1373 
(French Rolls, 47 Ed. Ill, m. 11). (Kervyn 
de Lettenhove.) 

Fernandez, Martin (Martins Fferantz), 3278. 
— A Castilian who fought with Chandos at 
N4jera, and was killed by him. 

Ferrers (Seigneur de Fferriers), 3421. — The 
one Englishman killed at N^jera, according 
to Chandos. Froissart calls him Raoul, and 
there was a well-known Ralph de Ferrers 
who was Captain of Calais in 1360, and whose 
name appears amongst the signatures to the 
treaty of that date confirming the terms 
made at Br^tigny (Rymer, iii, pt. ii). If this 
is the man here intended, it may have been 
his son who is mentioned in 1370 as Admiral 
of the Fleet (Issue Rolls, 47 Ed. iii). 

Ffarrantz or Fferant de Castres. See 

Ffaryndon. See Ferinton. 

Flanders, Louis de Nevers et de Crecy, 
Comte de, 337.— 1304-46. Son of Louis I. 

1322. Succeeded as Count of Flanders. 
Married Marguerite de France, daughter of 
Philip V, and became a close ally of Philip VI. 
Was involved in struggle with the Flemish 
burghers under Van Artevelde. 1346. Killed 
at the Battle of Crdcy. 

Foix, Gaston Phoebus III, Vicomte de 
Beam and Comte de, 2158, 2183.— Son of 
Gaston II, whom he succeeded in 1343. 
1347. Was made Governor of Languedoc by 
Philip V. 1363. Did homage to Edward III, 
but not for B&rn, which he claimed to hold 
in full sovereignty (French Rolls, 39 Ed. 
Ill, m. 3 : Edward complained of this to the 
French King). 1376. He joined the French, 
and was again made Governor of Languedoc, 
but resigned the office to the Duke of Berry 
in 1381. 1391. Died suddenly at Orthez. 
He was a friend of Froissart, who resided 
some time at his Court. 

Fossard, Amanieu de (Ffaussard, Fforssard), 
628, 1324. — A Gascon noble, Sire de Madeillan, 
allied early with the English. 1354. He signed 
a truce between England and France as 
representative of the English (Gascon Rolls, 

28 Ed. Ill, m. 13). In 1355 he received 
a grant of rents from King Edward (Ibid., 

29 Ed. Ill, m. 15). Fought in the Battle of 
Poitiers and signed the truce of 1357 at Bor- 
deaux (Rymer, iii, pt. i, 135). In 1364 he held 
the office of Seneschal of Rouergue (Gaujal, 
Essais historiques sur le Rouergue, i. 513). 

Freville, Baldwin de (Baudewyn), 4206. — 
1356. He fought in the Battle of Poitiers 
(Froissart). 1364. Was made Seneschal of 
Saintonge. 1365. Was in the Black Prince's 
army, and again in 1368, probably having 
accompanied him to Spain (Gascon Rolls, 
39 Ed. Ill, m. 5 ; 42 Ed. Ill, m. 2). 1367. 
Became Seneschal of Poitou on the death 
of William Felton (Rymer, iii, pt. ii, 133). 
1370-2. Fought under KnoUes, Chandos and 
Pembroke (French Rolls, 46 Ed. Ill, m. 18), 
and surrendered at La Rochelle. (Kervyn de 


Galicia(Galice), 1787. — Old province in north- 
west of Spain. 

Garsis du Castel, 2265. — A member of the 
Companies, who came to Nimes in 1362 
(Comptes du Clavaire des Consuls de Nismes, 
quoted Menard, Histoire de Nismes, Paris, 
1751, ii. 238), and acted as receiver of money 
for the alliance formed between Henry of 
Trastamare and Marshal Audrehem (Frois- 
sart, vi, p. xxiii, note 3). He accompanied 
the Black Prince's army to Spain, in 
Lancaster's force, and did good work at 
Ndjera. His nationality is disputed. Menard 
calls him an Englishman (Hist, de Nismes, 
ii. 23s, 246), but that may merely have been 



a mistaken idea because he fought for the 

English ; Luce and Francisque Michel agree 

from his name that he should be a native of 

the Pyrenees ; while Anselme says that 
Garsiot du Chastel, who fought for the 
English at Nijera, was a Breton, and son of 

Tanneguy du Chastel (viii. 357). 

Gernade. See Granada. 

Godemar du Fay (Godomars, Godemard 
Defait), 246, 274.— Froissart calls him a 
Norman, but Luce thinks he was probably 
a Picard. 1337. He was Governor of Tour- 
nay. 1346. Failed to guard the Passage of 
the Somme, being driven back at Blanche- 
tache. Captain on frontiers of Flanders and 
Hainault (Arch. Nat., J J 76, no 378). 1348- 
50. A ' Godemarde Fayn', possibly the same 
man, was Seneschal of Beaucaire (M&ard, 
Hist, de Nismes, ii. 126). 

Gomez Carillo de Quintana (Gom Garilles, 
Gomes Garille), 3102, 3540, 3553.— Grand 
Chamberlain of Henry of Trastaraare, and 
evidently a special enemy of Pedro. He was 
excepted from the amnesty arranged with 
Aragon in 1361 (Mdrimde, 1302), and was put 
to death after his capture at the Battle of 
Ndjera, 1367. 

Goumay, Matthew de (Maheu de Gournay), 
1695, 1740. — 1310-1406. Son of Thomas 
Gournay, one of the murderers of Edward II. 
Fought at Sluys, Crecy, and Poitiers 
(Froissart). 1357. Was made Governor of 
Brest (French Rolls, 31 Ed. Ill, m. 5). 1360. 
Witness to Peace of Brdtigny. 1364. Fought 
at Auray. 1 366. Went to Spain with 
Bertrand du Guesclin. 1367. Afterwards 
with the Black Prince, and fought at N^jera. 
1369-70. Still in the Prince's army (Gascon 
Rolls, 43 Ed. Ill, m. 4; 44 Ed. HI, ra. 2). 
1379. He became Seneschal of the Landes. 
1388. Constable of army in Portugal. 1406. 
Died at the age of ninety-six. (Diet, of Nat. 

Granada (Gernade), 1 701. — Town and king- 
dom in Andalusia. 

Grendon, John. 26 19.— Knighted by Lancaster 
before the Battle of NAjera. Again fighting 
under Lancaster in 1369 (Gascon RoUs, 
43 Ed. Ill, m. 15. Printed Rymer). 

Groyng. See Logroiao. 

Guesclin, Bertrand du. See Bertrand. 

Guines (p. 198, note to 1546).— Dept. Pas-de- 
Calais, art. Boulogne- sur-Mer. 

Guipuzcoa (Espuke), 25 11.— One of the 
Basque Provinces in north-west of Spain. 


Hainault, Jean de. See Beaumont. 

Harcourt, Jean IV, Comte de, 341.— Son of 
Jean III. Was charged with the defence of 
Rouen in 1346, and killed at Crdcy. 

Harcourt, Louis de (Lowyke),232i. Second 

son of Jean IV, and Vicomte of Chitellerault. 
1367. He accompanied the Black Prince to 
Spain, and fought at Ndjera. 1369-70. Re- 
mained faithful to the English (Arch. Nat., 
J J 102, no. 259, spoken of as ' notre ennemi '), 
and fought at La Roche-sur-Yon and Limoges. 
1388. Died. (Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Harfleur. — Dept. beine-Inf^rieure, arr. Le 
Havre, c. Montvilliers. 

Harpeden, Sir Jolin, 4212. — Seneschal of 
Saintonge in 1369, and still holding the office 
in 1371 (Fillon, Vie de Chandos, 30, 31 ; 
Froissart, vii, p. Ixxiv, note l) ; Froissart 
also gives him the title of Seneschal of La 
Rochelle, and later of Bordeaux. He fought 
under Pembroke 1369-70 (Gascon Rolls, 
43 Ed. Ill, m. 13). 

Hastings, Hugh de, 2249, 3232. — There was 
a ' Hugo de Hastyngs' fighting abroad in the 
campaigns of 1355 and 1356 (French Rolls, 
29 Ed. Ill, m. 8 ; 30 Ed. Ill, m. 15). He 
went out to Spain, in Lancaster's force 
(Gascon Rolls, 40 Ed. Ill, m. 3), and fought 
at the Battle of Ndjera. Later he fought 
under Knolles and Lancaster in the Gascon 
wars (Froissart). 

Hastings, John de. See Pembroke. 

Hastings, Ralph de (Raoul de Hastynges), 
2729, 2803. — Son of Ralph Hastings, who 
died of his wounds after Neville's Cross. He 
accompanied Lancaster from England to 
join in the Spanish campaign (Gascon Rolls, 
40 Ed. Ill, m. 4). He took part in the skir- 
mish before Ndjera, and was taken prisoner. 
1370. He was again setting out under Lan- 
caster to fight in France (Ibid., 44 Ed. 1 1 1, m. 4). 
1397. Died. (Dugdale, i. 579.) 

Hauley, Robert (Haulde), 2277. — Was given 
letters of protection when setting but in 
1366 (Gascon Rolls, 40 Ed. Ill, m. 4). He 
served in Spain ; together with Shakell cap- 
tured the Count de Denia at Ndjera, who 
was freed on leaving his son as hostage. 
Hawley was still in the Prince's service in 
1365 and 1369 (Gascon Rolls, 42 Ed. HI, m. 4; 
43, m. 3), and serving also in 1374 (French 
Rolls, 48 Ed. Ill, m. 21). He was killed in 
1379, by followers of Lancaster, having re- 
fused to give up Denia's son as the Duke 
had desired (Collins, Life of John of Gaunt). 

Haumousque. See Amusco. 

Hay, Henry de la, 4213.— Chandos calls him 
Seneschal of Angoumois, Froissart says of 
Angoulgme ; the latter was certainly true 
in 1372 (Gascon Rolls, 46 Ed. Ill, m. 10: 
' Henry Haye d'Engoulesme Seneschal '). He 
was taken prisoner at the Battle of Soubise. 

Henry of Trastamare (almost always called 
le Bastard), 1771, 1788, 1804, 1979, 2193, 
2395. 2543, 2654, 2828, 291 1, 2962, 2985, 



3045, 3060, 3083, 3368, 3387, 3484, 3564, 
3708. — An illegitimate son of Alfonso XI ; 
after whose death in 1350 he claimed the 
throne against his half-brother Pedro the 
Cruel, and was supported by the Kings of 
Aragon and the Kings of France. 1365-6. 
The Companies under duGuesclin were sent to 
his aid, and, on the flight of Pedro, he was 
crowned King of Castile and Leon, &c. 1367. 
He was defeated at Najera. 1369. Victorious 
at Montiel, killed Pedro after battle, and 
mounted the throne. Married Donna Juana 
de la Cerda, and died in 1379. 

Hewet, Walter (Gautier Hewet), 3331. — One 
of the Captains of Companies. He fought at 
the Battle of Auray. 1366. Joined the Prince's 
army (French Rolls, 40 Ed. HI, ni. 17) about 
to set out for the Spanish expedition, 
and distinguished himself at Ndjera (Frois- 
sart). 1369-70. He took part in the Gascon 
wars (Gascon Rolls, 43 Ed. HI, m. 12; 
44 Ed. Ill, m. 7). 1372. Surrendered at La 
Rochelle (Froissart). 

Holland, Thomas de, Earl of Kent, 141.— 
1320-60. Second son of Robert Lord Holland. 
1346. Went with the King to Normandy, and 
captured the Constable, Comte d'Eu, at Caen 
(Rymer, iii, pt. i, p. 13). He fought at Crdcy, 
Calais and Winchelsea (Froissart). 1355. 
He was Lieutenant in Brittany and Poitou 
(French Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 14). 1359. 
Warden of Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte. 1360. 
Captain in Normandy, and died the same 
year. He married Joan, Countess of Kent, 
daughter of Edmund of Woodstock (son of 
Edward I), who was afterwards wife of the 
Black Prince, and so became Earl of Kent. 
(Doyle, Official Baronage; Beltz, 55.) 

Holland, Thomas de, 2609. — 1350-97. Son 
of the above, whom he succeeded as Baron 
de Holland in 1360. 1366. He was given 
a troop to lead to Spain. 1367. Was knighted 
by the Black Prince, and fought at Najera. 
1385. Became Earl of Kent. (Doyle ; Kervyn 
de Lettenhove.) 


Jean de Beaumont. See Beaumont. 

Joan, Countess of Kent, 1587, 1597, 1599, 
2051, 2093, 2141, 4156, 5761.— 1328-85. 
Daughter of Edmund of Woodstock, Earl of 
Kent, son of Edward I. Married (l) Thomas 
de Holland ; (2) Earl of Salisbury, from whom 
she was divorced ; (3) the Black Prince. 
1385. Died. 

John, King of France, 725, 759, 771, 791, 
860, 931, 945, 997, 1016, 1347, 1416, I544-— 
1319-64. Son of Philip VI and Jeanne de 
Bourgogne. Married (i) Bona of Luxem- 
burg, daughter of John of Bohemia ; (2) 
Jeanne d'Auvergne. 1331. Duke of Nor- 
mandy. Aug. 22, 1350. King of France. 1356. 

Captured at Poitiers and taken to England. 
1360. Went back to France after the Peace of 
Brdtigny, but returned in 1363, because unable 
to raise ransom. 1364. Died in England. 

John, Duke of Lancaster, 499, 2109, 2136, 
2140, 2163, 2213, 2243, 2708, 3140, 3196, 
3209, 3229, 3296, 4026, 4140.— 1340-99. 
Fourth son of Edward III. 1342. Earl of 
Richmond. 1350. Took part in the Battle 
of Espagnols - sur - Mer. He was either 
knighted after this (Chandos), or when on 
an expedition with Henry of Lancaster in 
1355 (Froissart). 1359. Married Blanche, 
daughter of Henry of Lancaster. 1360. Took 
part in French Expedition and Peace of 
Brdtigny. 1361. Became Earl of Lancaster 
in right of his wife. 1362. Created Duke of 
Lancaster. 1366. Present at the negotiations 
between the Black Prince and Pedro. 1367. 
Led the vanguard into Spain ; fought at 
NAjera, and returned to England. 1369. Was 
made Captain in Guines and Calais. 1370. 
Fighting in Aquitaine. 1371. Left by Black 
Prince as Lieutenant during his absence, 
but resigned command same year. Married 
Constance of Castile, daughter of Pedro. 
1372. Returned to England, and took title of 
King of Castile. 1373. Captain-General in 
France and Aquitaine. Marched through 
country doing nothing. 1386. Vain attempt 
to obtain throne of Castile. 1388. Lieutenant 
in Duchy of Guienne. 1390. Duke of Aqui- 
taine. 1397. Married Catherine Swynford. 
1399. Died. (Diet, of Nat. Biography ; Doyle.) 

John de Montfort. See Montfort. 

Joigny, Jean de Noyers, Comte de (Jogny), 
750, 1361.— Became Count in 1337. 1356. 
Captured just before the Battle of Poitiers 
(French Rolls, 31 Ed. Ill, m. 12). 1360. 
Freed after Peace of Br^tigny (Rymer, iii, pt. 
ii, p. 27). 1 361 . Killed at the Battle of Brignais. 

Joii, 341.— Killed at the Battle of Crdcy. 
Identity doubtful (see Blois, Charles de). 
Might be Joigny : but Jean de Noyers was 
Comte at this time, and certainly not killed. 
There was a Charles de Valois, Comte 
d'Alengon, killed at Cr^cy, who had married 
Jeanne, Comtesse de Joigny, and taken 
the title at her death in 1336, but he had 
exchanged it with Jean de Noyers in the 
following year. He, however, has been 
already mentioned in the list of killed. 

Juana del a Cerda, 3565 (see note).— Wife of 
Henry of Trastamare. 

Ken. See Caen. 
Kent, Earl of. See Holland. 
Kersin. See Quercy. 

KnoUes, Robert (Cauolle), 2129, 2331, 2463. 
^A native of Cheshire and possibly a half- 



brother of Hugh de Calverley, on whose tomb 
the arms of Knolles are engraved. 1346. 
Served in Brittany with Calverley and Hewet. 
1357. Fought under Henry of Lancaster. 
Joined the Great Companies. 1367. Went to 
Spain with the Black Prince and was present 
with Felton at the successful skirmish, but 
not at the defeat (Froissart, vii, p. vii). 
Fought at Ndjera (Wright, Pol. Songs). 
1369. He again came to Aquitaine, and was 
made Master of the Prince's household. 
1373. Lieutenant of Jean de Montfort in 
Brittany. 1407. Died in Norfolk, and buried 
in Whitefriars at London. (Diet, of Nat. 
Biography ; Froissart.) 

La Bret, Berard de. See Albret, B6rard d'. 

La Bret, Prince de. See Albret, Arnaud 
Amanieu, Sire d'. 

La Carra, Martin Enriquez de (Martyn de 
la Carre), 2203, 2484, 2504, 3310, 3724.— 
Councillor or ' Alferez ' of the King of Navarre 
(Yanquas y Miranda, Diccionario, iii. 89). 
Went with the Black Prince into Spain; fought 
at NAjera, and arranged the return of the Eng- 
lish to Aquitaine later (Froissart). 

Lagoulam. See Langoiran, 

La Guardia (Pas de la Garde), 2889. — Spain, 
Province Alava. 

La Hogge. See Saint- Vaast de la Hougue. 

Lami (Lamy), 2377. — A Breton 'routier'. 
Captain of Longwy in 1365-6. Went with 
the Companies to Spain to help Henry. 

Lancaster, Henry, Duke of, 1520. — 1299- 
1361. Son of Henry, Earl of Lancaster, 
grandson of King Henry 111, father of 
Blanche who married John of Gaunt. Earl 
of Lancaster, Leicester, Derby, and Lincoln, 
Lord of Bergerac and Beaufort in France ; 
created Duke in 1352. 1344-55. Lord Lieu- 
tenant of Aquitaine '(Gascon Rolls, 27 Ed. Ill, 
m. 6; Rymer, ii). 1349. Captain and Lieu- 
tenant in Poitou. 1355. Lieutenant in Brittany 
(French Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 6). 1360. 
Shared in expedition to France and Peace of 
Brdtigny. 1361. Died on March 13. (Doyle; 
Diet, of Nat. Biography.) 

Lancaster, John, Duke of. See John. 

Landas, Jean de Mortagne, Sire de, 1380. — 
Fought on the side of the French ; was an 
especial ally of Charles Duke of Normandy 
(Arch. Nat., JJ 84, no. 432) ; was killed at the 
Battle of Poitiers (Froissart). 

Landes, 4238. — Country south-west of Bor- 
deaux, now a department. 

Langoiran, Amanieu d' Albret, Sire de 
(Lagoulam), 1323.— Amanieu, a member of 
the House of Albret, held this title in 1354 
(Gascon Rolls, 28 Ed. Ill, m. 10 ; 29 Ed. Ill, 
m. 5), and still in 1360 (Rymer, iii, pt. i. 

214), having married the daughter of the 
Sire de Logoyran or Langoiran. He joined 
the Black Prince and fought for him at 
Poitiers, and later at Limoges. (Froissart.) 

La R6ole (Roil), 669.— Dept. Gironde. 

La Rochelle, 4074.— Dept. Charente-In- 

Lemoine, William. See Moigne. 

Leon (Lions), 1809, 361 1. — An old province 
and kingdom in Spain. Now includes Leon, 
Salamanca and Zamora. 

Lesparre, C^n6brun IV, Sire de, 63 1 , 1323. — 
Held the Seigneurie from 1324-62 ; married 
Jeanne de Pdrigord, daughter of Archambaud. 
An ally of the English ; in 1345 made Guar- 
dian of castles of Lavardac, FeugueroUes and 
Cauderoue. Praised for his fidelity in 1347 
(Rymer, iii, pt. i, p. 12). 1355. Joined the 
Black Prince, and fought at the Battle of 
Poitiers (1356). 1362. Died, and was suc- 
ceeded by his better-known son, Florimont 
Sire de Lesparre. (Rabanis, Notice sur Flori- 
mont de Lesparre, Bordeaux, 1843.) 

Liboume (Leyboume), 674. — Dept. Gironde. 

Limoges, 4014, 4037.— Dept. Haute-Vienne. 

Lions. See Leon. 

Lisle, Comte de, 700, 3845. — Probably Jean 
Comte de L'Isle-en-Jourdain, Captain of 
Moissac. He fought for the Prince in the 
Gascon wars, and against him after 1367. 

Logrono (Groyng), 2473, 2893, 2897, 2901, 
3009. — Spain, Province Old Castile. 

Longueville, Charles d'Artois, Comte de, 
1027, 1357. — Son of Robert d'Artois and 
Jeanne de Valois. 1356. Was taken prisoner 
at Poitiers. 1357. Signed truce at Bordeaux 
(French Rolls, 31 Ed. Ill, m. 4 dorso). 1360. 
Set free (Rymer, iii, pt. ii, p. 27), but left as 
hostage for King John. 1372. Allowed to go 
to France on parole (French Rolls, 46 Ed. Ill, 
m. 42), but broke oath, and never returned. 

Lorraine, Raoul, Due de (Lorayne), 335. — 
Son of John I, whom he succeeded in 1328. 
An ally and friend of Philip VI. 1346. Killed 
at the Battle of Crecy. 

Lussac-les-Ch§,teaux (Lusak), 3951. — Dept. 
Vienne, arr. Montmorillon. 


Madrigal (Mandregay), 3714. — Spain, Pro- 
vince Avala. 

Magnelais, Tristan de (Maguelers), 969. — 
'Jean de Magnelais dit Tristan.' He carried 
the Dauphin's banner at the Battle of Poitiers ; 
was taken prisoner by Walkfare, and served 
King John in England as Cup-bearer. He 
was grandfather of Agnes Sorel. 1378. Died. 
(Kervyn de Lettenhove ; Anselme, viii. 540.) 

Maguelers. See Magnelais. 

Maiole or Maiogre. See Majorca. 

Majorca, James II, King of (Maiole), 285. — 
Son of Ferdinand, Infant of Majorca, and 





succeeded to the throne in 1324. Fought for 
the French at the Battle of Cr^cy. 1349. 
Killed fighting against Pedro of Aragon, who 
had turned him out of his kingdom. 

Majorca, James III, King of (Maiogre), 2363, 
3345. — Son of James II, who had been de- 
throned by Pedro of Aragon. He spent his 
life trying in vain to regain his throne, so 
that he was never king de facto. Sometimes 
known as King of Naples, from his marriage 
with granddaughter of King Robert. 1367. 
Accompanied the Black Prince to Spain. 
1368. Was captured by Henry of Trastamare. 
1376. Died. (Froissart, vi, p. xcv ; vii, p.xx; 
Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Mandregay. See Madrigal. 

March, Roger Mortimer I, Earl of, 149.— 
1327-60. Son of Edmund. Married Philippa 
Montagu, daughter of William of Salisbury. 
1346. Took part in Cr^cy campaign, being 
knighted on landing. 1355-6. Fighting in 
France (French Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 11; 
30 Ed. Ill, m. 11). 1359. Was made Consta- 
ble of English army. 1360. Died on Feb. 26. 
(Doyle, Official Baronage.) 

Martin Enriquez de la Carra. See La 

Martin Fernandez (Martins Fferantz). See 

Matas, 1380. — Uncertain, but possibly Robert 
de Matas, son of Foulques de Matas and 
Yolande de Pons (Arch, du Poitou, xvii, no. 
381), who was given Bergerac by King John 
in 1355 (Arch. Nat., JJ 84, no. 16). He had 
a son, Foulques de Matas, Seigneur de 
Royan (Arch. Nat., JJ 86, no. 37), who fought 
constantly in Poitou and Saintonge; but as 
he is said to have died in 1359, it cannot be 
he, since this man, according to Chandos, 
was killed at Poitiers. 

Maunee, 569. — See Mohun, John of Dun- 
ster. Lord (Mawne). 

Mawne, 131 1.— See Mohun, John of Dun- 
star, Lord. 

Medina del Campo (Medisnes de Camp), 
3665. — Spain, Province Leon. 

Melun, Guillaume de. See Sens. 

Miranda-de-Arga (Mirand), 2196. — Kingdom 
of Navarre. 

Mitton, 2807. — Captured in Felton's skirmish 
before N4jera. There was a Thomas de 
Mytton, who was made contrarotulator of 
the Castle of Bordeaux in 1376 (Gascon 
Rolls, 50 Ed. Ill, m. 5). 

Mohun, John of Dunster, Lord (Mawne, 
Maunee), 569, 1311. — 1320-76. Fought at 
Crdcy and Winchelsea. 1356. Was with the 
Prince in Gascony (Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, 
m. 3), and fought at Poitiers. 1370. Fought 
under Lancaster (Froissart), and was still 
abroad in 1373 (French Rolls, 47 Ed. Ill, 

m. 26). 1376, Sept. 14. Died. (Diet, of Nat. 
Biography ; Beltz, 48.) 

Moigne, William la, 4229. — Seneschal of 
Agenais (Froissart). Was fighting abroad in 
1355 (Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 11) ; went 
to Spain with the Black Prince (Froissart), 
and shared in Ndjera campaign (Gascon 
Rolls, 41 Ed. Ill, m. 2). 

Moniz, Pero. See Calatrava. 

Montagu, John de, 1 5 1 , 565, 1 3 10.— Brother of 
William, Earl of Salisbury ; married Margaret 
de Monthermer. Took part in the Crecy cam- 
paign, and was knighted on landing. 1355-6. 
Fought in the Gascon campaigns (Gascon 
Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. I ; 30 Ed. Ill, m. 6), 
and distinguished himself at Poitiers. Fight- 
ing abroad in 1372 (French Rolls, 46 Ed. Ill, 
m. 15). Must have died before 1397, since it 
was his son John who succeeded to the title 
on the death of his uncle William of Salisbury. 

Montagu, William de. See Salisbury. 

Montaubon (Mont Auben), 3933.— Dept. 

Montferant, Amaury de Biron III, Sire 
de (Moutferantz), 625, 1326. — Did homage 
to the Black Prince in 1355, took part in 
the Battle of Poitiers, and signed the truce 
at Bordeaux 1357 (French Rolls, 31 Ed. 
Ill, m. 14 dorso). Remained faithful to 
England during the last campaigns of 
Edward's reign, being rewarded for his 
good services in 1376 (Gascon Rolls, 50 Ed. 
Ill, m. 5. (Anselme, vii. 357.) 

Montfort, Jean da, Due de Bretagne, 2125, 
2136. — 1339-99. Son of Jean IV of Brittany, 
the first opponent of Charles de Blois, who died 
at Hennebon in 1345. He succeeded to his 
father's claims, and was also supported by 
England. 1364. Won the Battle of Auray, at 
which Charles de Blois was slain, and be- 
came Duka de facto. 1373. He was created 
Earl of Richmond. 1375. A Knight of the 
Garter. 1399. Died. He married (i) Mar- 
garet, fourth daughter of Edward III; (2) 
Joan of Holland, half-sister of Richard II ; 
(3) Jeanne of Navarre, daughter of Charles II. 
(Doyle ; Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Montpellier. Note to lines 645-9. — Dept. 

Motte, Gaillard da la (in one place called 
Gilbard),2267,3204. — Anoble of the Bordelais, 
co-Seigneur with Amanieu and Pierre de la 
Motte of the Castle of Rochetaillde, 1 328. He 
went to Spain, and fought at Ndjera ; re- 
mained faithful to the English (Froissart). 
1377-8. Joined the Comte de Foix; and died 
before 1405. (Duchesne, Hist, des Cardinaux, 
vol. i, p. 410 ; Froissart.) 

Mussidan, Augar de Montaut, Sire de 
(Mussinden), 627, 1325. — A Gascon noble, 
who favoured the English. He was given 



Rnlu^1^pi'^TT^^^"'l"^(°'' ^" '354 (Gascon 
Koas, 28 td. Ill, m. 14) ; was amongst those 
who welcomed the Black Prince in 1355 • 
fought at Poitiers ; was killed before Rheims 
in 1359 or 1360. (Froissart ; Anselme, vii. 352 ) 
Mussidan, Raymond de Montaut, Sire de 
(Muscyden), 2367.— Also an ally of the 
English. Fought at Cocherel ; went to Spain 
m 1367, and fought at NAjera. Remained 
taithful to the English during the last cam- 
paign of Edward's reign (Gascon Rolls, 
50 Ed. Ill, m. 6: grant of land in reward) 
and fought at Bourdeilles and Limoges 
(Anselme, vii. 603.) 

Naddres. See NAjera. 
NAjera (Naddres, Nazars, Nazareth), 2905, 

3028, 343S, 3480, 3559.— Spain, Province 

Nandous de Baigerant. See Naudon. 
Narbonne, 649.— Dept. Aude. 
Nandon de Bageran (Nandous de Baige- 

rant), 2376.— A Gascon Captain of Companies. 

1366. Went to Spain with du Guesclin. 

1367. Returned and joined the Prince's army 
instead. Fought for the English during later 
campaigns in Gascony. Was captain for them 
at Segur in the Limousin. Went to Lombardy 
to fight for the Marquis de Montferrat. 1394. 
Died. (Froissart, vi, p. xxii.) 

Navarete (Navaret), 2475, 2526, 2539, 2549. 
— Spain, Province Old Castile. There is 
another in Province Alava ; probably not in- 
tended in poem (see note to line 2475). 

Nazareth or Nazars. See N^jera. 

Neufville, Jean de (Noefvillel, 2781, 3071, 
3409. — Nephew of Audrehem, whose place as 
Marshal he supplied for a short time after 
his capture at Poitiers. 1367. Went to Spain 
with his uncle to fight against Pedro. Was 
in skirmish of Sir Thomas Felton before 
Ndjera. Captured at N4jera, and imprisoned 
in England (Issue Rolls, 45 and 47 Ed. Ill, 
make an allowance for his keep in the Tower). 
1375. Allowed to go to France to arrange 
about his ransom (French Rolls, 48 Ed. Ill, 
m. 16). (Froissart ; Anselme, vi. 755.) 

Neville, John (Neofuyll), Lord of Raby, 
2253. — Son of Ralph Neville of Raby. 1355. 
Went to France in the Earl of Northampton's 
following (French Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 5). 
1360. Knighted at Paris (Froissart). 1367. 
Went with Black Prince to Spain (Gascon 
Rolls, 40 Ed. Ill, m. 4 : about to set out in 
1366). 1372. Was sent to Brittany (French 
Rolls, 46 Ed. Ill, m. 30). 1375. Seneschal 
of Bordeaux (Rymer, iii, pt. iii, p. 34). 1388. 
Died. (Kervyn de Lettenhove.) 

Northampton, William de Bohun, Earl of 
125. — 1314-60. Fifth son of Humphrey, Earl 

of Hereford. 1346. Took part in Crecy cam- 
paign. 1347. Commanded fleet off Calais. 
1350. Fought at Winchelsea (Froissart). 
1356. Granted letters of protection (French 
Rolls, 30 Ed. Ill, m. 11). 1358-60. Was in 
command in Guienne. 1360. Died. (Beltz, 
loi ; Doyle.) 


Orleans, Philippe, Duo d', Comle de Valois 
and de Beaumont, 1000. — 1336-75. Fifth 
son of Philip VI. 1356. Fought at Poitiers 
(Froissart). 1360. One of the hostages for 
Peace of Br^tigny. 1365. Was set free 'on 
account of the love shown to our dear son 
Thomas ' (French Rolls, 39 Ed. Ill, m. 8). 

Oxford, John de Vere I, Earl of (Oxenford), 
I3°> 561, 1318.— 1313-60. Fought in the 
Crdcy campaign, 1346 ; also at Calais and 
Winchelsea (Froissart). 1355-6. Was in 
Gascony (Gascon Rolls, 29 Ed. Ill, m. 11 ; 
30 Ed. Ill, m. 5), and distinguished himself 
at Poitiers (Baker of Swynebroke). 1360. 
Died on January 24. (Dugdale, i. 192 ; Doyle.) 

Pampeluna (Pampilon), 2383.— Capital of 

Parthenay, Guillaume, L'Archevlque Sei- 
gneur de (Pauteney le iJaron),